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=?  ^ 

■^  ,  ^ 


THE  fflSTORY  OF  INDIA. 


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THE 


HISTORY    OF    INDIA, 


▲8  TOLD 


BY  ITS  OWlf  HISTORIANS. 


THE    MUHAMMADAN    PERIOD. 


THE  POSTHUMOUS  PAPEBS 

or  THE  I.4TB 

SIR  H.   M.  ELLIOT,   K.C.B., 

EDITED  AND  CONTINUED 

BY 

PROFESSOR   JOHN   DOWSON,    M.R.A.S., 

nXTW  COLUtOS,  SAVDHUB0T. 


VOL  V. 


•   LONDON: 

TEUBNER    AND    CO.,    57    and    59,    LUDGATE    HILL. 

1878. 
[All  rightt  rntrved.'] 


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snPHUf   AU8TIM  Ain>  80X8, 


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PREFACE. 


In  this  Yolume  the  history  of  the  Afghan  dynasty  is 
completed.  The  reign  of  Humaytin  is  also  finished, 
and  the  annals  of  Akbar's  reign  are  carried  on  to  the 
thirty-eighth  year. 

The  Afghan  Tdrikha  are  of  no  great  literary  yalue, 
but  they  are  the  best  authorities  for  the  period  of  which 
they  treat.  The  first  of  them,  the  Tdrikh-i  SaUtinri 
Afdghana^  has  never  before  been  translated;  but  the 
other,  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  or  Tdrlkh-i  Khdn-Jahdn 
Zodi,  is  the  book  translated  by  Dom  in  his  work  entitled 
"  The  History  of  the  Afghdns:' 

Some  notices  of  the  first  reign  of  Humayun  are  given 
by  the  Afghan  historians,  and  his  overthrow  and  ex- 
pulsion are  described  by  them  from  the  Afghan  side  of 
the  question  in  this  and  the  preceding  volume.  The 
Humdyunrndmd  of  the  veteran  historian  Khondamir 
gives  some  curious  accounts  of  the  regulations  estab- 
lished by  Humayun  in  the  early  part  of  his  reign.  This 
is  followed  by  a  few  extracts  from  the  valuable  Tdrikh4 
Bashidi  of  Mirza  Haidar,  the  brave  and  adventurous 
cousin  of  the  Emperor  Babar.  The  work  is  a  general 
history  of  the  Mughal  Khans,  and  does  not  contain 

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Tl  PREFACE. 

much  about  India ;  but  the  Mirza  was  a  vigorous  writer, 
and  what  he  has  recorded  of  his  Indian  experience 
is  very  vivid  and  interesting.  Some  few  passages  have 
been  extiiacted  from  the  Memoirs  of  Humaytin,  written 
by  his  personal  attendant  Jauhar,  and  translated  into 
English  by  Major  Stewart.  But  the  general  history  of 
this  reign  has  been  drawn  from  the  Tabakat-i  Ahbari  of 
Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad.  Sir  H.  Elliot's  intention  has 
thus  been  carried  out ;  for  he  had  fixed  upon  the  narra- 
tive given  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Saldtin-i  Afdffhana^  which 
proves  to  have  been  copied  verbatim  from  the  Tabakdt. 

Sir  Henry.  Elliot  had  made  no  provision  for  the  im- 
portant reign  of  Akbar,  nor  did  he  leave  any  notes 
indicating  the  MSS.  he  intended  to  employ.  *  So  it  has 
fallen  to  the  Editor  to  select  and  translate  some  history 
in  illustration  of  this  period.  The  rule  of  this  work 
has  been  to  prefer  original  contemporary  writers,  or,  in 
the  absence  of  actual  contemporaries,  those  nearest  in 
point  of  time.  This  rule  reduced  the  choice  to  two 
works — the  Tahakdt-i  Akbari  of  Nizam  Ahmad,  and 
the  Aklar-nama  of  Abti-1  Fazl;  for  the  Muntakhabu-t 
Taw&rikh  of  Badd6ni  is  avowedly  founded  on  the 
Tahakdt^  and  the  Akhar-namd  of  Shaikh  lUahdad  Faizl 
Sirhindi  contains  very  little  that  has  not  been  borrowed 
either  from  the  Tabakdt  or  the  greater  Akbar-ndma  of 
Abu-1  Fazl.  The  latter  work  is  of  considerable  length, 
and  is  written  in  a  very  ornate  style ;  so  the  Tabakdt 
seemed  best  suited  to  the  requirements  of  this  work. 

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PREFACE.  TU 


It  has  aocordingly  been  translated  in  full,  and  only  such 
passages  as  are  trivial  and  irrelevant  have  been  passed 
over.  The  reputation  of  the  TabafcdUi  AkhaH  stands 
very  high  in  India,  and  European  writers  also  have 
joined  in  its  praisea  As  a  oontemporary  history,  it  is 
certainly  of  very  high  authority,  though  it  does  not 
exhibit  much  literary  ability.  The  narrative  is  often 
disjointed  and  fragmentary,  but  the  language  is  manly 
and  simple,  and  in  striking  contrast  to  the  polished 
phrases  of  Abiik-1  Fazl.  The  To^akdt  extends  only  to 
the  thirty-eighth  year  of  Akbar's  reign ;  the  history  of 
the  latter  end  of  the  reign  will  be  drawn  from  the 
works  of  Abii-1  Fazl,  Shaikh  IlHhddd,  and  other  writers, 
and  will  appear  in  the  next  volume. 

In  addition  to  the  Tabakat-i  Akbari^  some  extracts 
have  been  made  from  the  Tdrikh4  Alfi^  a  general 
history  compiled  under  the  direction  of  the  Emperor 
Akbar,  and  more  copious  selections  have  been  taken 
from  the  Muntakhahu-t  Tawdrikh  of  'Abdu-1  Kadir 
Bada^ni.  The  latter  writer  introduces  into  his  work 
much  original  matter;  and  all  that  he  says  about 
the  personal  aflfairs  of  the  Emperor  and  his  religious 
opinions  is  of  great  interest.  Extracts  from  the  two 
Akhar-namas  relating  to  the  earlier  part  of  the  reign 
will  appear  in  the  next  volume;  so  that  although  the 
history  of  the  first  thirty-eight  years  of  the  reign  is 
comprised  in  the  present  volume,  it  will  not  be  quite 
complete  until  those  passages  are  printed.    The  Ain-i 

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Vlll  PREFACE, 

Akbari  is  the  greatest  monument  of  the  reign  of  Akbar, 
and  a  new  translation  by  Mr.  Blochmann  is  now  in 
course  of  publication  in  the  Bibliotheca  Indica,  enriched 
with  copious  notes.  That  work  supplies  many  of  the 
deficiencies  of  the  historians,  and  Mr.  Blochmann's 
labours  have  happily  made  it  quite  unnecessary  to  do 
more  here  with  \bB  Ain-i  Akbari  than  to  refer  to  his 
yaluable  production. 

The  notes  in  the  Aj^ndix  are  entirely  the  work  of 
Sir  H.  Elliot,  and  are  printed  exactly  as  he  left  them. 

The  following  is  a  list  of  the  articles  in  this  volume 
with  the  names  of  the  respective  writers : — 

XXXIV.— Tarikh-i  Salatin-i  Afaghana—"  Ensign '*  C.  P.  Mac- 
kenzie, and  a  little  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 
XXXV.— Tarikh-i  Khan-Jahan  Lodl— "Ensign"  C.  F.  Mac- 
kenzie and  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 
XXXVL— Humayun-nama— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot's  mwMhi. 
XXXVn.— Tarikh-i  Rashidi— Editor. 
XXXVm.— Tazkiratu-1  Waki'at— Major  Stewart. 
XXXIX.— Tarikh-i  Alfi— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  and  the  Editor. 
XL.— Tabakat-i  Akbari— Editor. 
XU.— Tarikh-i  Badauni— Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  and  the  Editor. 

Appendix,— The  whole  by  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot 


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CONTENTS  OF  VOL.  V. 


PAGK 


XKXIV.—Tdrikh't8aldHn4Afdghana,o{AhmsAYkdgiT    -       1 

'XXKV.—Mahhzan'iAfghdni  and  Tdrikh-i  Khdn^ahdn  Lodi, 

of  Ni'amatu-lla 67 

XXXYL — Humdy^n-ndma,  of  Ehondamir 116 

XKKYJJ^—TdHJch'i  Baahidi,  of  Haidar  Mirz&  Doghlat     -     -  127 

XXKYm.—TazhiraithlWdkrdt,o{Je^uhax 136 

IIXSIX.— Tdrikh-i  Alfi,  of  Manlana  Ahmad  and  others  -    -  160 

XL.— 7a2»a]bi^»ilJb&aW,ofNiz4ma-ddinAhmad,6akh8hi  177 

:KIA.—MwUahhabU't  Tawdrikh;  or,  Tdrikh4  Badd&ni,  of 

MuUa  'Abdu-1  K&dir  Badauni 477 

APPENDIX. 
A. — On  the  Capture  of  Nasibin  by  means  of  Scorpions  -    -    -  550 

B.--On  Knsddr 567 

C. — On  Fire-worship  in  Upper  India 569 

D. — On  the  Knowledge  of  Sanskrit  by  Muhammadans    -    -    -  570 


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CORRIGENDUM. 

Vol.  v.  p.  116,  lines  4  and  6,  dele  the  wonb  '* in  all  probability." 

ADDENDUM. 

Yol.  IT.  p.  289.  **  Shaikh  Zain  was  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  the  time,  and 
translated  in  an  elegant  style  the  memoirs  written  by  the  late  Emperor  B&bar.*' — 
Bad&tinl,  Text,  vol.  i.  p.  341. 


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HISTORIAIfS  OF  ITOIA. 


XXXIV. 
TARtKK'I   SALATtN-I   AFAGHANA, 

OF 

AHMAD    YKDGtXR. 

[Ahmad  Yadoar,  the  author  of  this  work,  describes  himself 
in  his  Preface  as  an  old  servant  of  the  8&r  kings,  and  says  that 
D&dd  Sh&h  gave  him  orders  to  write  a  History  of  the  Afghan 
Sult&ns,  and  thus  do  the  same  for  them  as  the  Tabakdt-i  Ndairi 
and  Zi&-i  Bami  had  done  for  the  kings  of  their  times.  The 
book  commences  with  the  reign  of  Bahlol  LodI,  and  the  last 
chapter  narrates  the  defeat,  capture,  and  execution  of  Himd. 
The  author  mentions  incidentally  that  his  father  was  tcazir  to 
Mirza  ^Askari,  when  the  latter  was  in  command  of  Hum&ydn's 
adranced  guard  in  his  campaign  in  6ujar&t ;  and  he  also  several 
times  names  the  Tdrikh-i  Nizdmi  and  the  McCdanU'l  Akhbdr'i 
Ahmadi  as  the  works  from  which  he  copied.^ 

The  date  of  the  composition  of  this  work  has  not  been  ascer- 
tained, but  as  it  was  written  by  command  of  D&ud  Sh&h,  who 
died  in  984  h.,  and  as  it  quotes  from  the  TdHkh-i  Nizdmi 
(Tahakdi'i  AkbaH),  which  was  written  seventeen  or  eighteen 

^  [I  am  indebted  for  these  partieiilan  to  Mr.  Blochmann,  who  has  kindly  supplied 
them  from  the  MS.  in  the  Library  of  the  Asiatio  Society  of  Bengal.— £i>.] 


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2  AHMAD  YADGAE. 

years  afterwards  in  1001-2  H.,  the  probability  is,  that  it  was 
completed  soon  after  the  latter  date  and  before  the  Makkzan-i 
Afghdniy  which  was  written  in  1020  H,  Like  the  other  Afgh&n 
historians,  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  shows  a  great  liking  for  marvellous 
and  ridiculous  stories,  but  pays  little  regard  to  dates.  He  gives 
but  very  few,  and  he  is  incorrect  in  that  of  so  well-recorded  an 
event  as  the  death  of  Hum&ytin.  The  deficiency  of  dates  may, 
however,  be  the  fitult  of  the  copyist,  as  blanks  are  left  in  the 
MS.  for  dates  and  headings.  Sir  H.  Elliot  found  the  work  to 
"  differ  much  from  Ni^amatu-Ua,*'  but  to  "  give  the  idea  of  being 
subsequent  to  the  Tdrikh-i  Dditdi.**  Still,  though  it  "  generally 
follows  the  Tdrikh'i  DdUdi  closely,"  there  are  occasionally  "great 
differences;  details  being  omitted,  and  novelties  introduced." 
The  history  of  the  reign'  of  Hum&yun  is  copied  verbatim 
from  the  Tabakdt-i  Akhari;  only  one  short  variation  has  been 
discovered. 

The  MS.  in  the  Library  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal 
contains  224  pages,  of  11  lines  to  the  page. 

By  far  the  greater  part  of  the  following  Extracts  were  trans- 
lated by  '^  Ensign  "  0.  F.  Mackenzie,  but  a  few,  noted  where  they 
occur,  are  from  the  pen  of  Sir  H.  EUiot.] 

EXTEACTS. 

******* 

The  siege  of  Dehli  by  Mahmiid  Shdh  Sharki} 
Mahmtid  Sharki  was  instigated  to  attack  Sult4n  Bahlol  by 
his  wife,  who  was  the  daughter  of  Sultdn  'A14u-d  din.  She 
represented  to  her  husband  that  the  kingdom  of  Dehli  had 
belonged  to  her  &ther  and  grandfather,  and  who  was  BahloU 
that  he  should  usurp  their  dominion  P  If  her  husband  would 
not  advance,  she  herself  would  bind  on  her  quiver,  and  oppose 
his  pretensions. 

Being  galled  by  these  taunts,  Sult&u  Mahmud  came  to  Dehli 
in  the  year  856  H.  (1452  a.d.),  with  a  powerful  army,  and  1000 
1  [Translated  by  Sir  H.  EUiot.] 

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TAEIKH-I  SALATIK-I  APAGHANA.  3 

mountain-like  elephants.  At  that  time,  Salt&n  Bahlol  was  near 
Siihind,  but  Khw&ja  B&jazid,  and  Sh&h  Sikandar  Sarw&ni,  and 
Bibi  Matu,  the  wife  of  Isl&m  Kh&n,  with  all  the  Afgh&n  families, 
had  taken  refuge  at  Dehli.  There  being  bat  few  men,  Bibi 
Matu  dressed  the  women  in  male  clothes,  and  placed  them  on 
the  battlements  to  make  a  show  of  numbers.  One  day,  Sh&h 
Sikandar  Sarw&ni  was  seated  on  the  wall,  when  one  of  Sult&n 
Mahmud's  water-carriers  was  taking  away  some  water  from  a 
wdl  nader  the  bastion.  Sh&h  Sikandar  drew  his  bow,  and  sent 
an  arrow  ^  right  through  the  bullock  that  was  carrying  the  water- 
bags,  and  from  that  time  no  one  dare  come  near  the  fort. 

But  as  Sult&n  Bahlol  delayed  to  relieve  the  garrison,  they  began 
to  despair  of  succour ;  and  as  the  enemy  advanced  their  redoubts 
and  trenches,  and  discharged  their  sheUs  with  such  precision 
that  no  one  could  venture  out  of  his  house,  they  were  reduced  to 
propose  terms  of  surrender,  offering  to  give  up  the  keys  of  the 
fort  to  any  of  Mahmdd's  officers,  on  condition  of  their  being 
allowed  to  leave  the  fort  unmolested.  Accordingly,  Saiyid 
Shamsu-d  din  took  the  keys  to  Daryd  'Kh&a  Lodi,  who  had 
invested  the  fort,  and  asked  to  say  a  few  words  to  him  first  in 
private.  When  Dary&  Kh&n  had  sent  away  his  attendants, 
the  Saiyid  inquired,  ^'  What  is  your  relationship  to  Sult&n 
Mahmud  P*'  Daryd  Kh&n  replied,  "  There  is  no  relationship. 
I  am  his  servant."  The  Saiyid  then  asked,  ^^  How  are  you 
related  to  Sult&n  Bahlol?"  Daryd  Eh&n  replied,  ''  I  am  a  Lodi, 
and  he  also  is  a  Lodi.**'  The  Saiyid  then  placed  the  keys  of  the 
fort  before  him,  saying,  "Have  regard  to  the  honour  of  your 
mother  and  sister  (who  are  now  in  the  fort),  and  save  the  ladies 
from  disgrace."  Dary&  Eh&n  said,  "  What  can  I  do  P  Actuated 
by  fraternal  motives,  I  have  intentionally  delayed  capturing  the 

1  The  TdHkh^  Dd&di  sajB  it  was  eleyen  palms  long,  and  the  distance  to  which  it 
reached  was  800  feet ;  and  that  though  it  penetrated  the  water-bags  as  well  as  the 
hullock,  jet  the  entire  arrow  was  buried  on  the  other  side  in  the  earth. 

s  The  Tdrikh-i  DdM  is  fuller :—*' We  are  brothers:  he  is  a  Lodi,  and  I  am  a 
Lodi ;  his  mother  is  my  mother,  and  his  sbter  is  mj  sister.*'  This  explains  the 
allusion  to  "  mother  and  sister  "  which  occurs  below. 


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4  AHMAD  YABGAR. 

fort,  but  SqU&ii  Bahlol  delays  to  make  his  appearance.  For 
the  present  do  you  retain  the  keys,  and  wait  to  see  what  I  shall 
be  able  to  effect  in  your  behalf." 

Dary&  Kh&n  then  went  to  Solt&n  Mahmud,  and  explained  to 
him  about  the  surrender  of  the  keys  and  their  restoration,  ob- 
serving that  Bahlol,  according  to  common  report,  was  advancing 
with  a  large  army,  and  that  it  would  be  better  first  to  pay 
attention  to  him ;  for  should  he  be  conquered,  DehU  would  of 
itself  &11  into  their  hands.  The  Sult&n  inquired  what  had 
better  be  done  under  the  circumstances.  Daryi  Eh&n  suggested 
that  he  and  Fath  Eh&n  should  be  despatched  against  Bahlol,  so 
as  to  prevent  his  passing  P&n{pat.  This  counsel  being  approved 
of,  they  were  sent  with  30,000  horse  and  forty  war  elephants 
against  Bahlol,  who  by  this  time  had  advanced  as  far  as  Narela. 
Mahmud's  army  encamped  two  ko9  on  the  side  of  Narela,  and 
on  the  very  night  of  their  arrival  the  enemy  twice  carried  off 
their  bullocks,  camels,  and  horses.  Next  day,  both  armies  were 
drawn  up  in  battle  array.  The  army  of  Bahlol  amounted  to 
14,000  cavalry. 

*♦««*** 

Suttdn  BahloVs  expedition  against  the  Mdnd,  and  against  Ahmad 
Khdn  Bhatti} 

Some  time  after,  Sult&n  Bahlol  marched  out  against  the 
£&n&,  and  pitched  his  camp  at  Ajmir,  where  he  collected  a 
powerful  force.'  Ghattar  S&l,  son  of  the  B&n&'s  sister,  was  at 
Udipur  with  10,000  cavalry.  Kutb  Khdn  advanced  towards 
that  place,  and  fought  an  action  with  the  rascally  infidel.  At 
first,  the  Sult&n^s  army  was  repulsed  by  the  impetuous  onset  of 

1  [Translated  by  Sir  H.  EUiot] 

'  This  transaction  is  not  mentioned  by  any  other  historian,  nor  do  we  find  it  in  the 
Bfijptit  Annals.  One  engagement  between  the  Imperialists  and  Mew&ils  is  recorded 
in  the  time  of  R&i  Mai,  who  ascended  the  gaddi  in  a.d.  1474,  but  the  particnlars  differ 
in  every  respect.  We  are  also  told  in  general  terms,  that  Mew&r  had  to  contest  her 
northern  boundary  with  the  dynasty  of  Lod£.— Tod,  AsmaU  of  Mqfoithan,  toL  i., 
p.  292. 


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TAETKH-I  SALATrN-I  APAGHANA.  g 

the  infideld,  and  seyeral  Afgh&ns  obtained  martyrdom  in  that 
contest ;  but,  in  the  end,  Eutb  Kh^  and  Kh&n-kh&n&n  FarrauH, 
determining  to  sell  their  lives  dearly,  advanced  to  close  combat 
with  swords  and  daggers,  and  so  completely  routed  their  black- 
fiiced  foes,  that  Ohattar  S&l  was  slain  in  the  fidd ;  and  so  many 
infidels  fell,  that  a  pillar  was  raised  of  their  heads,  and  streams 
of  their  blood  began  to  flow.  Five  or  six  elephants,  forty  horses, 
and  much  plunder  fell  into  the  hands  oi  the  Sult&n's  soldiers, 
while  those  of  the  Bdnd  took  to  flight.  Subsequently,  the  E&n& 
made  peace,  and  in  l/dlpdr  prayers  were  offered  and  the  coin 
was  struck  in  the  name  of  the  Sult&n. 

After  that,  the  Sult&n  carried  his  victorious  army  into  Mdn- 
khir.^  He  plundered  and  depopulated  that  entire  country,  and 
the  army  acquired  great  booty.  Thence  he  returned  to  Sirhind, 
and  after  two  or  three  months,  advanced  with  his  troops  towards 
Lahore,  where  he  passed  some  days  in  festivities. 

At  that  time,  Ahmad  Kh&n  Bhatti,'  who  had  acquired  great 
power  in  the  country  of  Sind,  and  had  20,000  cavalry  under  him, 
had  revolted  against  the  Governor  of  Mult&n ;  whose  petition 
arrived^  representing  that  Ahmad  Kh&n  was  plundering  the 
villages  of  Multin,  and  that  if  the  Lord  of  the  World  would 
not  come  to  the  rescue,  he  himself  would  not  be  able  to  hold  .his 
own  in  Mult&n ;  and  that  after  the  loss  of  Mult&n,  the  Panj&b 
would  be  exposed  to  ravage.  The  Sult&n,  vexed  at  this  intelli- 
gence, appointed  'Umar  Kh&n,  one  of  his  chief  nobles,  and 
Prince  B&yazid,  to  command  an  expedition  against  Ahmad  Eh&n, 
at  the  head  of  30,000  valiant  horsemen.  After  taking  leave  of 
the  Sult&n  in  all  honour,  they  moved  by  continued  marches  from 
Lahore  till  they  reached  Mult&n,  where  they  were  joined  by 
the  Governor,  who  acted  as  their  guide  till  they  reached  the 
enemy's  country. 

Ahmad  Eh&n,  proud  in  the  strength   and  courage  of  his 

^  One  of  the  anecdotes  related  bj  this  author  mentioiu  the  entire  destraction  of 
M6nkh&r,  and  the  deportation  of  its  inhabitants.  The  Tdrlkh-i  DdUdi  g^ves  the 
same  facts,  bat  speaks  only  of  *'  a  Tillage  in  i\i%  pargana  of  M6nkh&r." — ^MS.,  p.  34. 

*  These  transactions  with  Ahmad  Kh&n  are  not  related  by  any  other  historian. 


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6  AHMAD  TADGAB. 

army,  disregarded  the  Imperialists,  and,  not  thinking  it  worth  his 
while  to  move,  sent  his  nephew,  at  the  head  of  15,000  cavalry, 
to  oppose  them.  That  youth  was  desperately  enamoured  of  a 
strumpet,  who  was  indeed  surpassingly  beautiful,  and  he  never 
moved  out  on  any  excursion  of  pleasure  or  hunting  without 
being  accompanied  by  her ;  and,  even  on  the  day  of  battle,  he 
seated  her  in  an  *amdri,  mounted  on  an  elephant,  and  carried  her 
with  him.  Naurang  Elh&n,  for  that  was  his  name,  detached 
D&ud  Kh&n  with  10,000  cavalry  against  the  Imperialists,  and 
the  two  parties  charged  each  other  with  such  impetuosity  that 
rivers  of  blood  began  to  flow.  In  the  end,  D&ud  Kh&n  was 
slain,  and  his  troops  defeated.  When  those  who  had  fled  from 
the  field  informed  Naurang  Khfin  of  the  disaster,  he  took  leave 
in  sorrow  of  his  mistress,  and  arrived  on  the  field  of  battle, 
where  he  displayed  such  valour  and  desperation  that  he  clove 
several  men  of  the  Sult&n^s  army  in  twain,  and  felled  them  firom 
their  horses.  At  last,  a  ball  from  a  camel-gun  cut  him  also  in 
half,  and  killed  him. 

When  the  news  of  Naurang  Kh&n's  &te  reached  his  mistress, 
she,  being  endowed  with  a  masculine  mind,  put  on  a  suit  of 
armour,  bound  round  her  waist  a  gilt  quiver,  and  placing  a 
helmet  on  her  head,  joined  the  army  of  Naurang  Kh&n.  Upon 
consultation  with  his  brother,  she  recommended  that  he  should 
send  all  the  troops  to  pay  their  respects  to  her,  and  should  give 
out  that  the  prince,  the  son  of  Ahmad  Eh&n,  had  arrived,  in 
order  that  the  enemy  might  be  distracted,  and  not  entertain  the 
persuasion  that  they  had  really  killed  the  commander  of  their 
enemy^s  troops.  Accordingly,  all  the  cavalry  dismounted,  and 
made  their  obeisances,  while  the  kettle-drums  resounded  with 
loud  notes  of  joy.  The  Imperialists,  notwithstanding  their 
victory,  were  perplexed,  and  in  the  midst  of  their  doubts,  were 
suddenly  attacked  so  iuriously  by  Ahmad  Kh&n's  army,  that 
they  were  put  to  flight.  Ahmad  Khan,  when  he  heard  of  the 
victory  of  his  army  and  the  salutary  aid  afforded  by  that  woman, 
was  astounded  with  joy ;  and  when  he  saw  her  arrive,  decked  in 

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TAEfKH-I  SALATtN-I  APAGHANA,  7 

martial  array,  he  praised  her  yaloor  and  conduct,  and  bestowed 
jewels  upon  her  to  the  valne  of  10,000  rupees. 

On  the  other  hand,  Prince  Bayazfd,  after  punishing  the  men 
who  fled  from  the  field  of  battle,  sent  for  another  army,  and  two 
or  three  great  nobles  were  despatched  to  his  assistance  with  large 
reinforcements.  When  these  had  all  joined,  they  made  an  inroad 
upon  Ahmad  Eh&n's  territory,  and  he,  after  many  battles,  was 
at  last  taken  prisoner  and  put  to  death,  while  his  country  was 
sequestered  and  included  in  the  Imperial  domain.  B&yazid 
returned  yictorious  to  the  court  of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  by  whom  he 
was  received  with  royal  benignity. 


The  reign  of  Sultdn  IbrdMm  LodL 

Some  historians  relate  that  when  Sikandar  died,  he  left  two 
sons  by  one  wife :  the  first,  Snlt&n  Ibr&him ;  the  second,  Jal&l 
Eh&n.  When  Ibr&him  grew  up,  and  became  celebrated  for  his 
personal  beauty  and  excellent  disposition,  the  nobles  determined 
to  place  him  on  the  throne,  to  which  they  accordingly  raised  him 
on  Thursday,  the  7th  of  Zi-l  hijja,  a.h.  923  ^  (Nov.  1617).  On 
that  day,  all  thosef  who  were  attached  to  the  royal  person  prepared 
the  tents,  embroidered  with  gold  and  adorned  with  jewels,  and 
.spread  carpets  of  various  colours,  worked  with  gold  thread.  They 
placed  the  throne  of  Sikandar,  covered  with  gems  of  price  and 
jewels  of  great  value,  on  a  coloured  carpet.  The  tributary  kings 
and  nobles  wore  beautiful  dresses  and  embroidered  garments,  and 
resembled  the  flowers  blooming  in  a  garden.  The  horses  and 
elephants  were  decked  with  the  most  magnificent  trappings.  So 
splendid  a  coronation  had  never  been  witnessed,  and  the  people 
consequently  long  remembered  the  day  on  which  this  fortunate 
and  youthful  monarch  obtained  the  crown. 

The  nobles  and  pillars  of  the  State  then  gave  Ibr&him's 

1  The  Makhimt^  A/if hdnimdiTdrikh'iKhdn-JahdnLodiaa.ji]ie  Sth  of  Zi-lka'da, 
which  is  doubtten  correct,  for  our  author  concurs  with  the  other  historians  in  repre- 
senting that  his  predeeessor  died  on  the  7th  of  Zi-l  ka*da. 


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g  AHMAD  YADGAR. 

brother  by  the  same  mother,  the  title  of  Sult&n  Jal&lu-d  din 
(he  had  been  previously  called  Jaldl  Eh&n),  and  seat  him  with 
many  officers  and  a  large  army  to  take  charge  of  the  kingdom 
of  Jaunptir.  Four  months  afterwards,  ^Azam  Ham&yun  Lodi  ^ 
and  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n  Farmuli  came  from  their  estates  to 
congratulate  the  King,  and  took  that  opportunity  of  accusing 
the  nobles  attending  on  His  Majesty,  saying,  that  it  was  a  great 
error  for  two  persons  to  share  a  kingdom,  and  that  two  sovereigns 
could  never  rule  together.    As  the  poet  says : 

*'  One  body  cannot  cover  two  souls, 
Nor  one  kingdom  own  two  monarohs." 

Accordingly,  Sult&n  Ibr&him  cast  the  agreement  which  he  had 
made  with  his  brother  into  the  recess  of  oblivion ;  and  after 
taking  advice,  came  to  the  conclusion  that  as  the  Sh&hz&da  was 
not  thoroughly  established,  and  had  not  as  yet  arrived  at  the 
seat  of  his  government,  it  would  be  best  to  vmte  and  tell  him 
that  the  Sult&n  required  his  presence  to  aid  him  in  transacting 
certain  momentous  affairs ;  that  he  should  come  unattended ;  and 
that  after  they  had  consulted  together,  he  might  return  to  the 
seat  of  his  government,* 

Haibat  Kh&n,  the  wolf-slayer,  who  was  noted  for  his  extreme 
cunning,  was  despatched  on  this  errand,  and  directed  to  cajole 
the  Sh&hz&da  to  return  with  him.  It  is  said,  that  walls  have 
ears,  and  an  account  of  this  arrangement  had,  before  this,  come 
to  the  ears  of  Jal&lu-d  din,  so  that  he  was  not  entrapped  by  the 
flattering  speeches  and  attempts  at  deception  which  Haibat  Kh&n 
used  profusely,  and  therefore  he  would  not  consent  to  come. 

^  There  was  also  an  'Azam  Hum&ytin  Sarw&ni,  whom  we  shall  find  afterwards  men- 
tioned under  this  reign.  It  was  a  title,  not  a  name ;  and  we  find  B&bar  thus  speaking 
of  it:  <*One  of  these  titles  in  Hinddst&n  is  *'Azam  Hnm&ytfn,'  another  is  'Kh&u 
Jah&n/  another  <  Eh&n-kh&n&n/  The  title  of  Fath  Eh&n's  father  was  <'Azam 
Ham&y6n.'  As  I  saw  no  propriety  in  any  one's  bearing  this  title  except  Hnm&ydn 
himself,  I  abolished  it,  and  bestowed  that  of  <  £h&n  Jah&n '  on  Fath  Eh&n  Sarw6ni." 
— Memoir8j  p.  844. 

'  The  Tdrikh»i  Khdn-Jahdn  adds,  that  the  nobles  were  determined  to  keep  np 
this  agitation  for  their  own  sakes,  *'as  they  neyer  considered  it  oonyenient  that  publio 
affairs  should  be  under  the  restraint  of  one  absolute  monarch." 


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TARrXH-I  SALATIN-I  AFAGHANA.  9 

Haibat  Elh&n  reported  his  unsuccessftil  mission,  and  the  King 
then  sent  divers  other  courtiers  ;  these  were  also  unsuccessful,  as 
the  Sh&hz&da  steadily  refused  to  go  with  them.^  After  this,  the 
Sultdn  wrote  /artndns  containing  expressions  of  kindness  and 
goodwill  to  all  the  nobles  Skudjdgirddra  of  the  sdba  of  Jaunp6r, 
and  promised  them  munificent  rewards  if  they  would  forsake 
their  allegiance  to  Jal&l  Eh&n,  and  refuse  to  treat  him  as  their 
ruler.  He  sent  secretly  a  confidential  servant  to  certain  of  the 
nobles,  bearing  dresses  of  honour,  horses,  etc.,  and  commanded 
them,  on  the  receipt  of  this  farmdn^  to  renounce  allegiance  to 
Jal&l  Eh&n. 

As  it  was  decreed  by  &te,  that  Jal&la-d  dm  should  not  reign, 
many  of  the  grandees  deserted  him,  and  became  his  enemies.  At 
this  period  Sh&hz&da  Jal&l  Eh&n,  having  set  up  a  jewelled  throne, 
and  covered  the  doors  and  walls  of  his  palace  with  brocade,  sat 
there  in  state  on  the  15th  of  Zi-1  hijja,  923  a.h.  (Dec.  1517).  He 
gave  audience  to  the  servants  of  the  State,  the  courtiers  and  the 
soldiers,  to  all  of  whom  he  presented  dresses  of  honour,  swords, 

^  These  Gircmnstanoes  will  be  found  differently  related  by  Firishta.  See  Briggs, 
Tol.  L,  p.  690.  Sikandar  Lodi  dying  at  Agra,  his  son  Ibr&hlm  succeeded  to  the 
throne.  At  a  yery  early  period,  contrary  to  the  custom  of  his  father  and  grand* 
Iklher,  he  made  no  distinction  among  his  officers,  whether  of  his  own  tribe  or  other- 
wise, and  said  publicly,  that  Irings  should  hare  no  relations  or  clansmen,  but  that  aU 
should  be  considered  as  subjects  and  serrants  of  the  State ;  and  the  Afgh&n  chiefs, 
who  had  hitherto  been  allowed  to  sit  in  the  presence,  were  constrained  to  stand  in  front 
of  the  throne,  with  their  hands  crossed  before  them.  Shortly  after  his  accession  a 
conspiracy  was  formed  by  the  Lodf  chiefe,  by  whom  it  was  agreed  to  leaye  Ibr&hlm 
in  quiet  possession  of  Dehll  and  a  few  dependent  provinces,  and  to  raise  the  Prince 
Jal&l  Kh&n,  his  brother,  to  the  throne  at  Jaunptir.  The  Prince,  accordingly,  march- 
ing from  K&lpl  in  conjunction  with  the  disaffected  chieft,  ascended  the  throne  of 
Jaunp6r.  He  appointed  his  cousin,  Fath  Eh&n,  his  wagir,  who  gained  oyer  all  the 
officers  of  the  eastern  proYinces  to  his  interest  Kh&n  Jah&n  Loh&nT  was  at  this 
time  proceeding  from  Baprl  to  congratulate  Ibr&him  on  his  accession ;  when,  falling 
in  with  the  disaffected  nobles,  he  blamed  them  severely  for  causing  divisions  in  the 
kingdom,  which,  he  said,  would  be  attended  with  fatal  consequences  to  the  family  of 
Lodi.  The  chiefs,  admitting  the  impropriety  of  their  conduct,  determined,  as  the 
Prince  Jal&l  Kh6n  could  not  be  yet  well  established,  to  divest  him  of  his  newly- 
assumed  dignity ;  and  accordingly  they  sent  Haibat  £h6n  Jalw&nf,  with  letters,  to  recsdl 
him  before  he  reached  JaonptSr.  Haibat  Eh&n,  however,  having  overacted  his  part, 
the  Prince  Jal&l  Khftn  suspected  some  plot,  and  excused  himself  from  coming.  The 
ehieft,  unaware  tiiat  he  suspected  thom,  deputed  Shaikh  Muhammad  Farmull  and 
odiera  to  enforce  their  request ;  but  the  Prince  proceeded  to  Jaunpfir. 


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10  AHMAD  YADGAE. 

girdles,  daggers,  horses,  elephants,  titles,  and  honours,  according 
to  their  respective  ranks.  Having  thus  gained  the  good  opinion 
of  the  people,  he  opened  the  gates  of  charity  to  the  poor  and 
needy,  and  increased  their  allowances;  and  having  thus  established 
his  authority,  he  ceased  to  obey  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  and  caused  the 
khutba  to  be  read  and  coin  to  be  struck  in  his  own  name. 
When  he  felt  himself  sufficiently  powerful,  he  sent  confidential 
agents  to  'Azam  Hum&ylin,  who  was  at  that  time  besieging 
the  fort  of  E&linjar,^  and  wrote  to  him,  saying,  ''You  are 
in  the  place  of  my  father  and  uncle,  and  are  well  aware  that 
the  compact  has  not  been  broken  by  me.  Sult&n  Ibr&him, 
of  his  own  accord,  gave  me  a  portion  of  the  inheritance 
which  our  &ther  left,  because  I  was  his  own  brother,  the  son 
of  the  same  mother.  He  has  broken  the  phial  of  the  con- 
nexion which  we  derived  from  our  parent's  womb  with  the 
stone  of  unkindness.  You  ought  to  protect  and  help  me  because 
I  am  oppressed.**^  Previous  to  this  ^Azam  Hum&yun  had  been 
ill-disposed  towards  Sult&n  Ibr&him.  He  was  moved  by  the 
supplications  of  Jal&l  Eh&n,  and  raised  the  siege  of  the  fort. 
He  entered  into  a  treaty  and  compact  with  Jal&lu-d  din,  and 
told  him  that  he  ought  first  to  obtain  possession  of  Jaunpdr,  and 
then  see  what  was  best  to  be  done.  He  then  advanced  towards 
Oudh  by  an  uninterrupted  succession  of  marches.  The  governor 
of  that  place,  finding  himself  unable  to  contend  with  him,  fled 
towards  Karra,  and  sent  information  of  what  was  passing  to 
Sult&n  Ibrahim,  who  wished  to  start  immediately  with  some 
picked  men  for  the  purpose  of  repressing  the  disturbance.  By 
the  advice  of  certain  of  the  nobles,  he  confined  four  of  his 
brothers  in  the  fort  of  Hansi,  and  entrusted  them  to  the  charge 
of  Muhammad  Kh&n  with  500  horse.     He,  moreover,  summoned 

1  So  says  the  Tdrihh^  Lditdl  (MS.  p.  144) ;  but  the  Makhum-i  Afghdni  (MS.  p. 
126)  and  the  Tirikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi  (MS.  p.  140)  say  <<Gwftli&r."  Bom  (p.  71) 
erroneously  translateB  **  held  the  fort  of  Gualyar,"  instead  of  **  besieged."  The  two 
last  authorities  also  mention  that  Jalidu-d  din  was  advancing  in  foroe  against  'Ajtam 
Hum&yiin,  when  he  sent  his  conciliatory  message ;  that  he  despised  the  mere  kingdom 
of  Jaunpfir;  and,  aspiring  to  a  higher  dominion,  had  proclaimed  himself  at  K6lpi  as 
he  rival  of  hisbrotheri  and  the  claimant  of  the  whole  empire. 


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TAETKH-I  SALATrN-I  AFAGHANA.  11 

all  the  nobles  into  hia  private  apartment,  and  gained  them  to  bis 
side  bj  making  them  presents  in  gold,  and  giving  them  titles 
and  dignities;  after  which  he  ordered  the  bakhshia  to  issue 
arrears  of  pay  to  the  army,  and  give  them  one  month^s  gratuity. 
On  Thursday,  the  24th  of  Zf-1  hijja,  he  proceeded  in  the  direc- 
tion of  Jaunp6r  by  nninterrupted  marches,  and  on  arrival  at 
Bhuig&nw  received  intelligence  that  'Azam  Hum&ynn  and  his 
son  Fath  Kh&n  had  forsaken  Sult£n  Jal&lu-d  din,  and  were 
on  their  way  to  pay  their  respects.  The  Sult&n  was  delighted 
at  this  news,  and  caused  his  army  to  halt,  in  order  that 
he  might  make  due  preparations  for  their  reception.  On  the 
day  fixed  for  ^Azam  Hum&yun's  coming,  Ibr&him  sent  a  large 
concourse  of  his  principal  chieftains  to  meet  him ;  and  when  he 
made  his  obeisance,  his  head  was  exalted  by  the  many  marks 
which  he  received  of  the  royal  fevour.  The  Sult4n  also  pre- 
sented khiVaU  of  cloth  of  gold,  girdles,  jewelled  daggers,  and 
some  of  his  most  valuable  elephants  to  'Azam  Hum&yiln,  whom 
he  rendered  grateful  by  these  attentions.  Meanwhile  he  ap- 
pointed some  of  the  principal  nobles  to  conduct  the  war  against 
Jal&lu-d  din,  and  furnished  them  with  a  large  army,  war 
elephants,  and  all  other  needful  equipments.  Jal&lu-d  din  had 
marched  towards  Agra  with  a  large  army,  consisting  of  30,000 
horsemen,  besides  many  elephants  ;  leaving  some  of  his  partisans 
in  E&lp{,  to  which  place  Sult&n  Ibr&him  laid  siege,  and  took  it 
after  a  short  resistance,  and  gave  it  over  to  plunder.^  After  this, 
when  he  heard  that  his  brother  had  gone  towards  Agra  with  a 
strong  force,  he  sent  Malik  Adam  Ghakkar  ^  to  protect  that  place, 
which  he  ae<K)rdingly  reached  with  all  expedition.  Jal&lu-d  din 
wished  to  treat  Agra  as  the  Sult&n  had  done  E&Ipi ;  but  Malik 
Adam  contrived  to  deceive  and  amuse  him  until  he  had  sent 
for  further  assistance,  and  given  Sult&n  Ibr&him  notice  of 
what  was  passing.  The  Sult&n  despatched  18,000  horsemen  and 
50  elephants  to  the  assistance  of  the  Malik,  whose  heart  was  so 

1  See  the  Extracts  f^m  tlie  Tdrikh^i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi. 
»  [Here  written  "Kfekar."    See  Vol.  IV.,  p.  493  ] 

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12  AHMAD  TADGAE. 

strengthened  that,  he  sent  to  Jalalu-d  din,  to  say,  that  if  hd 
woald  relinquish  all  claim  to  the  empire,  and  would  put  aside 
the  umbrella,  the  djtdbgir,  the  naubaty  the  kettle-drum,  and  other 
insignia  of  royalty,  and  would  promise  to  conduct  himself  as 
one  of  the  umard^  he  (Malik  Adam)  would  use  his  interest 
in  his  behalf,  and  would  obtain  for  him  the  aiiba  of  K&IpI  on 
the  same  terms  as  he  formerly  held  it. 

Sultdn  Jal&lu-d  din,  led  by  his  evil  destiny,  which  had  unfitted 
him  for  the  charge  of  a  kingdom,  although  he  possessed  30,000 
brave  horsemen  and  160  war  elephants,  acted  like  a  coward,  and 
agreed  to  these  conditions.  All  his  chiefs  said  to  him,  ^*  Why 
are  you  so  weak-hearted  P  The  Sult&n  will  on  no  account  suffer 
you  to  live.  We  have  eaten  your  salt  for  ten  years;  be  firm 
and  resolute,  and  give  your  &ithful  servants  an  opportunity  of 
showing  their  devotedness  to  you.  God  is  the  Supreme  Disposer 
of  all  things.  The  Sult&n  is  of  a  bad  disposition.  In  the  end 
the  nobles  and  troops  will  side  with  you.^'  Notwithstanding 
their  advice,  as  Providence  had  decreed  his  ruin,  Jal&lu-d  din 
was  satisfied  with  the  terms,  and  left  off  using  the  insignia  of 
royalty.  He  sent  Malik  Adam  Ghakkar  to  the  King,  to  beg  him 
to  grant  him  other  jdgirs;  but  the  Sult&n  (who  was  then  at 
Et&wa)  would  not  agree  to  do  so,  and  sought  means  to  get  rid 
of  him.  When  Jal&lu-d  din  heard  of  his  intentions,  he  took 
refuge  with  the  B&j&  of  Gw&lior,  and  his  old  soldiers  dispersed^ 
Sult&n  Ibr&him  took  up  his  abode  at  Agra,  and  many  nobles 
who  had  been  hostile  to  him  came  and  tendered  their  submission. 
Karimd&d  Kh&n  T&gh,  with  others  of  the  umardy  were  sent 
to  take  charge  of  Dehli.  Meanwhile,  the  army  of  the  Sult&n 
besieged  Gw&lior,  and  ^Azam  Hum&ydn  was  sent  to  take  the 
command.  Sult&n  Jal&lu-d  din  accordingly  left  that  place, 
and  retired  to  M&lwd;  where,  not  being  well  received  by  the 
Sult&n  Mahmdd,  he  fled  to  Garra-Kantak,  where  he  fell  into 
the  hands  of  the  Gonds,  who  seized  him,  and  with  a  view  to 
gain  the  good- will  of  the  Sult&n,  sent  their  captive  to  him. 
The  Sult&n  rejoiced  at  this  intelligence,  and  caused  all  his 

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TARrXH-I  SALAXrN.I  AFAGHANA.  13 

court  to  assemble.  Salt&n  Jal&Iu-d  din  was  brought  hand-bound 
into  this  assembly,  after  which  he  was  sent  to  the  fort  of  H&nsi. 
Whilst  he  was  en  route  to  that  place,  Ahmad  Kh&n  was  sent 
after  him,  and  administered  the  draught  of  martyrdom. 

After  these  eyents,  the  Sult&n  ruled  the  country  without  fear, 
and  without  admitting  a  partner  to  share  his  empire.  The 
Biji  of  Gwfilior,  who  had  been  his  enemy  for  years,  having 
departed  to  the  infernal  regions,^  was  succeeded  by  his  son, 
Bikram&jit,  The  Sult&n,  after  a  long  war,  wrested  the  fort 
from  him ;  and  taking  down  the  copper  bull,'  out  of  whose 
mouth  a  voice  issued,  from  its  place  over  the  gate,  brought  it 
to  the  fort  of  Agra,  where  it  remained  until  the  time  of  the 
Emperor  Akbar,  who  caused  it  to  be  melted  down  for  the  pur- 
pose of  making  cannon. 

When  the  Sult&n  had  conquered  Gw&lior,'  he  went  to  Dehli, 
and  waxed  very  proud,  so  that  he  began  to  maltreat  and  punish 
the  nobles  of  his  fitther,  many  of  whom  held  him  in  great  awe. 
He  imprisoned  some  of  them,  and  throwing  Mi&n  Bhua  into 
chains,  who  had  been  the  most  powerful  and  independent  grandee 

^  This  mode  of  ezprenion,  howerer  oommon,  Boonds  more  than  usually  migraciouB 
and  intolerant  in  this  particular  instance,  as  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  (MS.,  p.  130), 
and  Tdrikk-i  Khdn^ahdn  Zodi  (MS.,  p.  144),  represent  B&j&  M&n  as  only  ex- 
temaUy  a  Hind(i,  and  in  heart  inclined  towards  Isl&m. 

*  AU  the  other  authorities  represent  that  it  was  a  hrazen  hull,  and  though  they 
pronounce  it  to  have  heen  worshipped  hy  the  Hindds,  mention  nothing  ahout  the 
Toioe.  They  say  also  that  it  was  transferred  to  the  Baghd&d  gate  of  Dehli,  where 
Nufimu-d  d(n  Ahmad  tells  us  he  himself  saw  it  in  Akhar's  time.  *Abdu-l  K&dir, 
howerer,  says  that  it  was  remored  from  Dehlf  to  Fathp<)r,  where  he  saw  it. — See 
Extracts  from  the  TdHkh-i  Baddimi,  We  can  perhaps  reconcile  this  hy  the 
Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  Zodi,  whose  author  (MS.,  p.  144)  says  he  saw  it  at  DehU 
hefore  099,  when  it  was  melted  down  for  bell-metal.  It  was  taken  from  an  out- 
work of  Gw&lior,  constructed  by  R&j&  M&n,  called  B&dalgarh,  which  exists  to  the 
present  day  under  the  same  name.  According  to  the  TdrikK^i  Ddudi  (MS.,  p.  160), 
fifcdalgarh  was  captured  by  the  application  of  gunpowder,  similar  to  the  mode  in 
which  we  took  GhaznL 

>  This  boasted  capture  of  Gw&lior  appears  to  haye  extended  to  nothing  more  than 
its  lower  outwork,  B&dalgarh ;  but  Firishta  adds :  ^  The  King  now  receiving  advices  of 
the  reduction  of  Gw&lior,  which  had  been  for  a  hundred  years  in  the  hands  of  the 
Hindiis,  he  had  Idsure  to  turn  his  thoughts  to  the  insurrection  at  Earra.  *Azam 
Hum&y6n  and  Sa'id  Eh&n,  after  the  fiiU  of  Gw&lior,  were  permitted  to  go  to  their 
Jdgin,  from  whence,  uniting  with  Isl&m  £h&n,  they  added  strength  to  his  power." — 
BriggB,  ToL  L,  p.  695. 

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14  AHMAD  TADGAB. 

of  the  empire,  and  the  absolute  minister  of  Sult&n  Sikandar,  his 
&ther,  during  a  period  of  twenty-eight  years,  gave  him  over  to 
the  charge  of  Malik  Adam  Gbakkar.^  Certain  nobles,  who  were 
envious  of  the  Mi&n,  counselled  the  King  to  erect  a  building 
with  a  subterranean  chamber  beneath  it.  When  two  months  had 
elapsed,  and  the  chamber  was  thoroughly  dry,  they  filled  it  with 
bags  of  gunpowder.  They  then  procured  the  release  of  Mi&n 
Bhtia  and  certain  other  nobles  against  whom  they  were  plotting, 
gave  them  dresses  of  honour,  and  money,  and  treated  them  with 
such  kindness  that  they  banished  all  apprehension  from  their 
minds.  One  day  the  King  said  to  them,  ^'  IsUm  Eh&n  was  raised 
from  the  dust,  and  kindly  treated  by  Sult&n  Sikandar ;  but  he 
has  since  become  apprehensive,  and  has  rebelled  and  proclaimed 
open  enmity.  I  pray  you  now  to  retire  to  the  new  house  which 
I  have  built,  sit  there  and  deliberate  amongst  yourselves  what 
course  I  ought  to  follow.  I  have  such  confidence  in  you  that  I 
am  certain  the  conclusion  you  come  to  will  be  of  benefit  to  me.'' 
They  went  unsuspiciously  to  the  place,  and  commenced  their 
consultation.  Suddenly  the  whole  place  was  blown  up,  and 
Mi&n  Bhtia  and  all  who  were  there  present  were  scattered  as 
leaves  of  trees  by  a  gale  of  wind.* 

Many  nobles  became  aware  of  the  Ejng's  fickle  disposition, 
and  raised  the  standard  of  opposition.     Isl&m  Kh&n^  threw  off 

^  The  reason  of  this  estrangement  and  degradation  is  said  in  the  Tdrtkh-i  Khdn- 
Jahdn  Lodi  (MS.,  p.  142),  to  have  been,  that  the  accession  of  old  age,  and  consequent 
infirmity  of  Umbs  and  sight,  rendered  him  unfit  for  the  daties  of  his  judicial  office ; 
besides  which  he  showed  an  indifference  about  pleasing  the  Sult&n, — ample  grounds, 
with  such  a  tyrant,  for  imprisonment  and  assassination. — Dieax  idem,  et  Tiberium 
aeerbis  facetiU  irridere  tolitut^  quarun  apud  prapotentes  in  Ionium  memoria  est, — 
Tacitus,  Ann.  v.  2.  In  these  better  times,  the  first  offence  is  visited  with  a  handsome 
pension,  and  the  second  with  exclusion  from  a  crowded  ball  or  dull  dinner-party. 

'  This  barbarous  gunpowder  plot  is  not  mentioned  by  the  other  historians;  but  they 
mention  that  the  Ml&n  was  imprisoned  and  deprived  of  his  offices  and  estates,  which 
were,  nevertheless,  bestowed  upon  his  son,  and  that,  in  the  end,  he  was  privately 
assassinated  or  poisoned  along  with  some  other  nobles.  The  Tdrikh-i  Ddudi,  which 
is  generally  in  accordance  with  our  author,  contradicts  itself;  in  one  place  remarking 
that  he  died  in  prison  (MS.,  p.  151)  in  another,  that  he  was  murdered  (p.  171). 

*  The  I^rikh'i  Ldkdl  (MS.,  p.  152),  says  that  he  possessed  himself  of  his  father 
'Azam  Hum&ydn*s  army  and  camp-equipage.    The  Tdrikh-i  Khdn^Jahdn  Zodi  adda 

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TAEfKH-I  SALATIN-I  APAGHANA.  15 

the  mask  of  obedience  in  ^ra,  and  began  to  assemble  an  army. 
When  the  Sult&n  heard  this,  he  wished  to  send  troops  against 
him ;  bat,  saddenly,  several  grandees  left  Dehli,  and  went  over 
to  Islim  E3i&n,  and  the  insurrection  was  thus  rendered  more 
formidable.  The  Sult&n  appointed  others  of  the  umardy  who 
proceeded  towards  Lucknow,  near  which  place  they  were  at- 
tacked by  Ikbfil  Kh&n,  of  the  tribe  of  'Azam  Hum&ytin,  with 
5000  horsemen.^  Many  men  were  slain,  and  the  Kings's  army 
defeated. 

When  this  news  reached  him,  he  despatched  another  army, 
and  directed  that  the  insurgent  nobles  should  first  be  subdued, 
and  that  afterwards  steps  should  be  taken  to  overcome  Ikb&l 
Eh&n.  The  army  of  Isl&m  Kh&n  amounted  to  nearly  40,000 
horsemen,'  ready  for  action.  Shaikh  B&jd  tried  to  induce  the 
rebels  to  submit.  They  replied  that  they  would  do  so  if  'Azam 
Hum&ydn  were  released  from  prison.  The  Sult&n,  on  a  reference 
made  to  him^  would  not  consent  to  this,'  and  when  all  was  ready 
for  war  such  fighting  took  place  as  had  never  been  witnessed. 
Three  or  four  thousand  soldiers  fell  on  both  sides,^  and  streams 
of  blood  flowed.  At  last,  a  soldier  of  the  Sult&n's,  who  was  an 
inhabitant  of  K&bul,  facing  Isl&m  Kh&n,  discharged  his  match- 

(MS.,  p.  146),  that  he  vas  jdgirddr  of  Karra  Maoikpiir,  and  that  when  he  heard  of 
hif  father's  imprisonment,  he  not  only  seized  all  his  property,  hut  defeated  Ahmad 
Kh&n,  who  had  been  sent  to  supersede  him. 

^  From  an  ambuscade,  say  all  the  other  historians.  This  occurred  at  B&ngarmau, 
near  Eanaaj. 

>  This  is  doubtless  an  error.  The  Tdrikh-i  Ddudi  (MS.,  p.  153)  says  40,000 
honemen  and  500  elephants,  and  so  does  the  Makhxan-i  Afghdni  (MS.,  p.  133) ;  but 
Dom,  in  hii  translation  (p.  75),  has  the  same  reading  as  Ahmad  Y&dg&r.  The 
two  latter  represent  the  Sultin's  horse  as  numbering  50,000. 

s  The  Tdrikh'i  Dditdi  (MS.,  p.  153)  says  he  summoned  the  royal  army  from  the 
Ma  of  Bih&r,  and  that  the  action  took  place  after  their  junction.  This  is  confirmed 
by  Ni£&mn*d  din  Ahmad.  The  rebels  must  have  been  guilty  of  extraordinary  supine* 
neis  to  have  admitted  this. 

*  The  Makksan-i  Afghdni  (MS.,  p.  135)  says,  **¥ot  many  years  such  a  san- 
gninary  action  had  not  occurred  in  Hinddst&n,  and  old  men  used  to  say  that  no  such 
fight  had  taken  place  in  their  time.  Brother  against  brother,  and  father  against 
son,  urged  by  mutual  rivalry  and  inborn  bravery,  mixed  in  the  conflict ;  and  restrain- 
ing their  hands  from  long  arrow  and  spear,  they  contended  only  with  dagger,  sword, 
and  knife.    In  that  battle  10,000  gallant  Afgh&ns  fell  on  both  sides." 


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16  AHMAD  YADGAB. 

lock  at  him,  and  struck  him  in  the  forehead,  when  he  fell  to  the 
earth.  This  caused  the  rebels  to  disperse,  and  the  King's  army, 
taking  advantage  of  the  panic,  attacked  them.  Thus  the  only 
reward  which  Isl&m  fih&n  met  with  for  his  rebellion  and  in- 
gratitude was  death,  while  Sa^fd  Kh&n  and  others  were  made 
prisoners.  The  rebel  forces  were  utterly  routed,  and  the  insur- 
rection suppressed.  When  the  King  learnt  this,  he  was  much 
pleased,  and  behaved  towards  the  army,  which  had  fought  so  well 
and  loyally  for  him,  with  the  greatest  kindness ;  but  he  did  not 
forget  the  malice  of  the  nobles. 

At  this  period  an  army  was  prepared  for  the  purpose  of  at- 
tacking B&n&  Sankd.^  Mf&n  Husain  Kh&n  Zarbakhsh,  Mi&n 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  Farmuli,  and  Mi&n  MaVuf,'  who  were  the  chief 
commanders  in  the  army  of  Sult&n  Sikandar,  and  whom  he  had 
distinguished  beyond  all  others  by  associating  ¥ri[th  them,  and 
increasing  their  rank  and  preferments, — who  were  the  bravest  mdn 
of  the  age,  and  could  have  instructed  even  Bustam  in  the  art  of 
war, — and  who  during  the  reign  of  the  deceased  Sult&n  had 
fought  many  battles  and  taken  many  castles ; — these  generals 
the  Sult&n  placed  under  Mi&n  M&khan,  the  commander-in-chief 
of  this  expedition.'  When  they  arrived  in  the  R&na's  country, 
the  Sult&n  wrote,  ordering  Mi&n  M&khan  to  seize  Mi&n  Husain 
Kh&n  and  Mi&n  Ma'ruf  Kh&n  in  the  best  way  he  could,  and 
send  them  prisoners  to  him.  M&khan  Kh&n  went  to  the  tent 
of  Ma'rtif  Kh&n,  under  the  pretence  of  condoling  with  him  for 
the  loss  of  his  son,  notwithstanding  he  had  died  two  months 
previously.  Mi&n  Husain  Kh&n  was  informed  of  this,  and  went 
speedily  thither,  and  told  Mi&n  M&khan  that  he  had  better 
forego  his  intention  of  imprisoning  Mi&n  MaVuf,  and  that  he  had 
better  rise  and  depart  in  safety,  remarking  that  the  King  had 

^  This  expedition  is  not  mentioned  in  the  other  histories  except  the  WdhCdt^i 
'Muahtdki  (MS.,  p.  117),  and  the  Tdrikh-i  JMUi  (MS.,  p.  166). 

'  A  few  particulars  will  he  found  respecting  this  officer  in  an  extract  from  the 
WdkCdt'i  Mushtdki,  showing  him  to  he  a  sanctimonious  and  ohstinate  old  Pharisee. 
(See  Vol.  IV.,  p.  648.) 

3  The  Tdrikh-i  Ddidi  represents  that  this  was  of  itself  subjecting  them  to  great 
indignity. 


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TAEfKH-I  SALiKTra-I  AFAGHANA.  17 

gone  mad.  M&khan  upon  this  remonstrance  departed,  and  sent 
intelligence  of  the  circumstances  to  the  Salt&n,  who  replied  by 
inquiring  why  he  went  to  people^s  tents,  and  ordering  him  to  raise 
a  large  tent  in  the  plain,  and  send  information  to  the  chiefs  that 
a  Tojdl/armdn  had  arrived,  and  that  they  must  come  and  hear 
its  contents.  Mi&n  M&khan  was  commanded  to  seize  Husain 
Kh4n  first,  and  he  obeyed  these  orders.  When  the  chiefs  were 
assembled,  Mi£n  Husain  came,  bringing  with  him  a  thousand 
men  clothed  in  chain  armour,  which  was  concealed  by  white 
clothing.  He  directed  them  to  keep  strict  watch  outside  when 
he  entered  the  tent.  Mian  M&khan  had  caused  another  tent 
to  be  erected  near  the  first,  in  which  he  had  placed  a  thousand 
soldiers,  with  orders,  when  Ma'ruf  Kh&n  approached,  to  lay  hands 
first  on  Husain  £h&n.  When  Husain  Kh&n  arrived  near  the 
tent,  he  was  told  that  soldiers  were  concealed  in  it  for  the 
parpose  of  seizing  him  and  MaVuf  Kh&n.  When  Mian 
Husain  Khan  reached  it,  he  ordered  his  men  to  undo  the 
ropes  of  the  tent  in  which  Mi&n  M&khan's  soldiers  were 
placed  in  ambush,  and  consequently  the  tent  fell  on  them.^ 
He  then  went  into  the  other  tent,  and  requested  Mi&n  M&khan 
to  read  the  farmdn.  Mi&n  M&khan  said,  '*  It  is  contrary  to 
orders  to  read  it  after  this  fashion.''  Mi&n  Husain  Kh&n 
replied,  *'  I  am  fully  aware  that  the  object  of  these  troops  and 
this  farmdn  is  to  take  away  my  life,  and  I  am  not  going  to 
yield  it  to  any  such  worthless  contrivance."  He  then  took  the 
hand  of  Mian  Ma'rdf  and  went  out. 

When  Mi&n  Husain  saw  that  there  was  no  escape  from  the 
King'^s  injustice,  he  determined  to  send  his  vakil  to  the  B&n& 
to  inform  him  of  his  coming.  The  B&n&  was  at  first  fearful  and 
suspicious  of  Husain  Kh&n,  of  whose  renown  he  had  heard.  He 
¥ras  afraid  that  he  meditated  some  stratagem.  After  entering 
into  a  compact,  Mi&n  Husain  went  to  the  B&n&  with  a  thousand 

1  The  TUHkh'i  Ddiidi  sajrs,  <<  When  the  ropes  were  cut,  the  tent  fell  down  and 
exposed  them  to  riew." 

VOL.  T.  2 

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18  AHMAD  TAD6AE. 

horsemen,  and  the  Il&n&  sent  his  own  nephew  to  meet  him. 
After  which  they  had  an  interview. 

On  account  of  the  departure  of  Husain  Eh&n,  Mi&n  M&khan, 
notwithstanding  that  he  had  with  him  30,000  horsemen  and 
800  gigantic  elephants,  was  much  discouraged.  The  day  after 
he  put  his  army  in  battle  array,  for  the  purpose  of  attacking  the 
B&n&.  The  B&n&,  together  with  Mi&n  Husain  Kh&n,  advanced 
against  him  with  an  innumerable  army,  and  the  elephants  of 
Husain  Eh&n  were  recognized  amongst  them.  Mf&n  Makhan 
sent  a  message  to  Mi&n  Ma'ruf,  saying,  '^You  and  Husain 
Khan  are  great  friends.  He  is  now  in  rebellion,  and  has  joined 
the  Sult&n's  enemies ;  what  is  the  good  of  your  remaining  with 
usp''  Ma'ruf  replied,  ''  I  have  eaten  the  salt  of  Sult&n  Bahlol 
and  his  offspring  for  thirty  years ;  and  I  was  chief  commander 
of  the  array  during  the  reign  of  Sult&n  Sikaudar.  The  fort  of 
Jiind  was  captured  through  my  skill.  I  slew  the  Il&j&  of 
Nagarkot;  and  that  stone,  which  the  Hindus  had  worshipped 
for  3000  years,  I  exposed  to  be  trodden  under  foot  by  all  the 
people.  From  the  period  of  the  revelation  of  Isl&m  to  the 
present  day,  many  noble  monarchs,  who  fancied  that  they  re- 
sembled Faridun  and  Sikandar,  and  who  vanquished  the  world, 
were  unable  even  so  much  as  to  besiege  that  fort ;  yet  it  yielded 
to  my  prowess.  I  brought  seven  mans  of  gold  from  the  R&j& 
of  Bih&r.  Since  King  Ibr&him's  accession  to  the  throne  all 
sorts  of  upstarts  have  arisen,  who  accuse  me  of  being  faith- 
less and  rebellious.  Even  now  I  am  ready  to  undertake  any 
duty  that  may  be  assigned,  and  will  not  flinch  from  its 
performance.'*' 

Whilst  this  was  going  on,  information  was  brought  of  the 
arrival  of  the  R&n&'s  troops,  whereupon  M&khan  arranged  his 
army.  He  placed  Sa'id  Kh&n  Furat  and  H&ji  Khin  with  7000 
horsemen  on  the  right ;  and  Daulat  Khan,  AU&h-d&d  Kh&n,  and 
Yusuf  Kh&n  on  the  left;  whilst  Mi&n  M&khan  himself  com- 
manded the  advance.  Mi&n  Husain,  although  much  vexed  with 
Midn  Mikhan,  did  not  present  himself,  on  account  of  his  having 

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TAETKH-I  SAUCXrN-I  AFXQHANA.  19 

eaten  the  salt  of  the  Sult&n.'  When  hoth  parties  were  prepared 
for  action,  the  Hindus  advaoeed  most  valiantly,  and  succeeded 
in  defeating  the  armj  of  the  Sult&n.  Many  brave  and  worthy 
men  were  made  martyrs,  and  the  others  were  scattered ;  whilst 
Mian  M&khan  returned  to  the  place  from  which  he  had  set 
forth.  During  the  evening,  Mi&n  Husain  Khin  sent  a  message 
to  M(&n  M&khan,  saying,  *'  Now  you  have  learnt  what  men  of 
one  heart  are.  It  is  a  hundred  pities  that  30,000  horsemen 
should  have  been  defeated  by  so  few  Hindtis.  Now  yon  may 
learn  what  deeds  the  remembrance  of  past  favours  will  induce 
vassals  to  perform  when  they  are  united  heart  and  soul.  Send 
Mi&n  Ma^rtif  duly  prepared  for  action  to  me  at  midnight.^' 
He  also  wrote  to  Mi&n  Ma'ruf,  to  tell  him  that  '^  they  had  both 
seen  how  fit  Mi&n  M&khan  was  to  command,  and  that  now  it 
was  proper  that  they  should  recollect  what  they  owed  the 
Snlt&n,  although  he  did  not  treat  his  good  servants  as  he  ought ; 
otherwise  people  would  say,  '  You  ate  the  salt  of  Sultdn  Sikandar 
for  thirty  years,  and  were  numbered  amongst  his  chiefs,  never- 
theless you  were  ungrateful  enough  to  side  with  his  foes.'" 

Accordingly  Mi&n  Ma'ruf,  accompanied  by  6000  horsemen, 
left  his  camp,  and  halted  at  the  distance  of  two  koa  from  Mi&n 
Husain,  which  chief,  on  receiving  intelligence  of  his  arrival,  came 
and  joined  him.  The  army  of  the  B&n&,  flushed  with  their 
success,  were  rejoicing  and  amusing  themselves,  and  the  angel 
of  death  was  smiling  at  their  heedlessness,  when  suddenly  the 
sound  of  horns  and  kettle-drums  withdrew  the  cotton  from  the 
ears  of  their  senses,  and  tfie  B&jput  chieftains  were  dismayed. 
The  Afgh&ns  rushed  on  them  sword  in  hand,  and  commenced  a 
promiscuous  slaughter;  the  R&n&  was  wounded,  but  contrived 
to  escape  with  some  of  his  men, — the  rest  were  put  to  the  sword. 
In  the  morning  this  news  was  brought  to  Mi&n  M&khan,  and 
he  was  ashamed. 

1  This  is  not  confirmed  by  the  Tdrikh'i  Ddiidi,  whicli,  on  the  contrary,  sayB  that 
he  led  the  R6n&*8  troops,  and  partaed  Mi&n  M&khan  as  far  as  Bay&na,  and  so  alarmed 
the  Snlt&n  hinuelf,  that  he  adyanced  from  Agra  to  the  river. 

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20  AHMAD  TAD6AR. 

Mian  B&yazfd,  tUe  son  of  ^At&  Lodi,  who  was  the  bakhshi  of 
the  army,  and  a  connexion  of  Mi&n  Husain  Eh&n,  wrote  to  the 
King  announcing  the  victory  which  Mi&n  Husain  Eh&n  and 
Mi&n  Ma'rdf  had  gained,  after  which  Miin  Husain  Kh&n  sent 
fifteen  of  the  elephants  and  300  of  the  horses  of  the  B&n&  to 
Dehli.  The  Sult&n  was  much  pleased  at  this  success ;  he  cansed 
the  kettlo-drums  to  be  beaten  loudly,  and  sent  khiVata^  girdles, 
daggers,  two  yaluable  elephants,  and  four  horses,  to  Mi&n  Husain 
and  Mi&n  MaVuf.  He  also  caused  a  farmdn  to  be  written,  in 
which  he  loaded  both  of  them  with  a  hundred  expressions  of 
favour  and  good-will.^ 

About  this  time  'Aeam  Hum&ydn,  one  of  the  chief  nobles, 
who,  together  with  his  sons,  held  a  manscA  of  12,000,  was  sent 
to  reduce  the  fort  of  Gw&lior.  When  he  reached  that  district, 
his  skill  and  activity  soon  made  him  master  of  several  |>ar^ana«. 
He  besieged  the  fort  of  Qw&lior,  and  dug  trenches  in  which  he 
sheltered  his  men  whilst  he  made  his  approaches,  and  distributed 
the  several  batteries  amongst  his  officers.  He  projected  fiery 
missiles,  or  shells,  into  the  fort,  and  the  Hindds  filled  bags 
with  cotton  steeped  in  oil,  which  they  ignited  and  threw  down 
upon  the  enemy.  Many  men  were  consamed  on  both  sides. 
The  Sult&n's  troops  brought  forward  their  artillery,  and  fired 
their  balls  with  such  effect  that  the  defenders  of  the  fort  were 
unable  to  move  to  and  fro  in  its  interior,  and  were  at  last  so 
much  distressed  that  they  were  near  surrendering.  The  B&j& 
had  already  determined  to  send  seven  mans  of  gold,  several  pair 
of  elephants,  and  his  daughter  to  the  Sult&n,  when,  unexpec- 

^  As  the  other  historiau  lay  not  a  word  of  the  expedition  against  the  B&n&,  we 
learn  nothing  from  them  of  the  hoasted  perfidy  of  the  honoured  scoundrel  Hosain 
Xh&n ;  and  in  the  WdkCdt-i  Mushtdkl  and  the  Tdrikh-i  DdiuU  there  is  quite  a 
different  condnsion  of  this  aff'air,  oomprised  in  a  rambling  unconnected  8tatemeiit» 
which  is  not  worth  translation  or  abstract  Suffice  it  to  say  that,  according  to  both 
these  works,  he  was,  in  the  end,  murdered  at  Chanderi  by  order  of  this  Yindictire 
8ult4n,  who  rewarded  the  assassin  with  700  gold  pieces,  and  ten  Tillages  in  tVdm, 
which  is  calculated  to  give  us  a  high  idea  of  the  origin  of  rent-free  holdings.  AU 
the  authorities  agree  in  the  statement  of  the  murder,  and  of  the  disgust  and  alann 
it  inspired. 

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TAfirKH-I  SALAXrN.I  AFAGHANA.  21 

'tedlj^  a  farmin  aniyed,  ordering  'Azam  Ham&ydn  as  soon  as 
he  received  it  to  proceed  to  Oonrt. 

When  ^Azam  Hum&yun  learned  its  contents,  he  raised  the 
siege  and  prepared  to  depart.  His  sons  and  friends  expressed 
to  him  their  suspicions  that  the  Solt&n  intended  to  take  away 
his  life,  as  he  had  already  done  that  of  other  noblemen;  and 
several  grandees  who  were  attached  to  him  also  advised  him 
not  to  go.  ''Azam  Hnm&ydn  replied  that  he  had  eaten  the  salt 
of  that  &mily  for  forty  years,  and  had  been  one  of  their 
staonchest  adherents,  and  that  if  he  now  forsook  them  he  would 
be  considered  ungrateful,  and  he  could  not  suffer  the  disgrace 
of  that  imputation.  Mahmiid  Kh&n  Lodi  and  D&fid  Eh&n 
Sarw&n(,  who  were  among  the  chief  grandees,  said,  '*  The  Sult&n 
has  lost  his  senses,  he  cannot  distinguish  between  those  who 
serve  him  well  and  those  who  serve  him  ill.  You  have  now 
30,000  horse  with  you.  Go  to  your  son's  residence,  and  take 
measures  for  the  protection  of  your  life,  because  we  are  fully 
convinced  that  he  has  sent  for  you  for  the  purpose  of  treating 
you  as  he  did  Mi&n  Bhua  and  H&ji  Kh&n.^  'Azam  Hum&yun 
replied,  **  I  cannot  act  thns^  I  cannot  turn  aside  and  blacken 
my  fiioe,  let  what  may  happen.^ 

After  this  discussion  he  marched  towards  BehTi.  On  the  road 
news  reached  him  that  the  Sult&n  had  put  to  death  Mahmud 
Sarp&ni  and  Hish&m  Kh&n  S4h6-khail,  two  of  the  principal 
nobles.  D&ud  Eh&n  and  All&h-d&d  Kh&n  said,  "No  evil  has 
yet  be&llen  you;  return  from  this  and  go  to  your  son  at 
Jaunpur/'  '*Azam  Hum&y6n  said,  "You  speak  truth;  his 
actions  are  indeed  bad:  but  I  cannot  act  as  you  suggest/^ 

As  "^Azam  Hum&y6n's  doom  was  sealed,  he  did  not  pay  atten- 
tion to  the  warnings  of  his  friends  and  well-wishers,  but  continued 
his  march  to  Dehli.  When  he  approached  it,  the  Sult&n's  order 
arrived,  directing  him  to  give  up  all  his  horses  and  elephants. 
This  he  had  no  sooner  done,  than  his  whole  army  became  dis- 
oi^nized.  When  he  was  within  two  ho%  of  the  city,  the  King'^s 
cup-bearer,   by  name  Mukhlis,  was   sent   for  the   purpose  of 

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22  AHMAD  TAD6AB. 

depriving  him  of  the  command  of  the  armj,  treasury,  and  their 
appurtenances.  Mukhlis  was  likewise  ordered  to  mount  him  on 
a  small  pony,  and  bring  him  into  the  city,  and  cast  him  into  a 
dungeon ;  all  of  which  he  did,  and  depriyed  him  of  ^everything. 
'Azam  Hum&ydn  sent  to  the  Sultin  to  say,  ^^  Yon  of  course  will 
do  what  pleases  you,  but  I  have  two  things  of  importance  to 
represent  to  you :  the  first  is  that  my  son  ^  is  very  turbulently 
disposed,  and  that  measures  should  be  taken  speedily  to  repress 
him ;  the  second,  that  I  may  not  be  prevent^  from  obtaining 
water  for  my  ablutions,  and  the  necessaries  for  purifying  myself 
after  performing  the  offices  of  nature.'^'  After  this  he  made  no 
further  petition^  and  at  last  the  Sultin  caused  this  single-minded 
man  to  be  slain  in  his  prison,  and  thus  destroyed  the  root  of  his 
empire  with  his  own  hands.  The  murder  of  'Azam  Hum&yun 
was  the  first  cause  of  the  decline  of  the  kingdom,'  for  Fath 
Kh&n,  his  son,  who  commanded  10,000  borse^  and  was  Governor 
of  Bih&r,  joined  himself,  in  Bih^,  with  the  son  of  Dary&  Kh&n 
Loh&nf,  Sh&hb&z  Eh&n  by  name.  They  theiii  openly  rebelled 
against  the  Sultdn,  and  collected  70,000  horse.  Sh&hb&z  Eh&n^ 
assumed  the  title  of  Sultdn  Muhammad.  This  insurrection  was  of 
a  very  serious  nature,  as  all  Bih&r  ceased  to  obey  the  Sult&n. 
At  this  period,  Daulat  £h&n  Lod(,  son  of  T&tir  Kh&a,  who 

1  That  is  IsI6m  Eh&n. 

'  The  I'drlkh'i  Ddvdi  (MS.,  p.  169)  transfers  the  scene  of  this  disgncefnl  treat- 
ment  of  an  old  and  attached  adherent  to  the  more  probable  locality  of  Jifgn^  instead 
of  Dehli. 

>  The  Tabahdt'%  Akbari  and  the  IHrikh-i  Khdn-Jdkdn  (MS.,  p.  148}  seem  to 
ascribe  an  equal  effect  to  the  deliberate  murder  of  Husain  Eh&n  Farmuli. 

«  The  Wdktdt-%  MtuhtdJn,  the  Akbar-ndma,  the  8her  Shdhl,  Ahmad  Yltdgftr, 
and  the  Memoirs  of  Bdbar,  Btfle  him  Bih&r  Kh&n;  bat  he  is  more  generally 
called  Bah&dur  Eh&n,  as  in  Firishta,  the  Makhgan-i  Afghdni,  and  in  the 
Tdrikh'%  Khdn-Jahdn  Zodi,  where  there  is  a  fuller  account  of  his  rebellion.  The 
WdkCdt-i  Mushtdki  says  the  khutha  was  read  in  hii  name  for  two  years  and  some 
months  (MS.  p.  82).  In  that  work  will  be  found  still  ampler  details  respecting  this 
insurrection  and  the  subsequent  proceedings,  which,  howeyer,  are  not  of  sufficient 
importance  to  be  translated.  There  is  also  a  difference  about  whether  the  fiither  or 
son  first  assumed  the  title  -of  *^  Sult&n  Mi^ammad  Sh&h."  The  Makhtan-i  Afghdni, 
the  Tdrikh'i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi,  and  Tdrikh-%  Ddudi,  say  the  father,  Dary&  Kh&n; 
Firishta,  Ahmad  T&dg&r,  the  Tabakdi-i  Akbari,  the  WdkCdUi  Muihtdki,  and  the 
Mefnoirs,  say  the  son,  fiah&dur  Eh&n. 


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TAEIKH-I  SAUCTTN-I  AFAGHAKA.  23 

had  long  goyerned  ihe  Panj&b,  was  sent  for  from  Lahore.  He 
delayed  to  come,  and  sent  his  yonngest  son,  Dil&war  Eh&n, 
instead.  The  latter  was  asked  why  his  father  had  not  come  in 
person.  He  replied  that  he  wonld  come  hereafter  and  bring 
treasure  with  him.  He  was  told  that  if  his  &ther  did  not  come, 
he  would  be  seized  like  the  other  nobles.  The  Sult&n  then 
ordered  him  to  be  taken  to  the  dungeons,  in  order  that  he  might 
see  several  nobles  who  were  suspended  from  the  waUs.  When 
Dil&war  Kh&n  witnessed  this  sight,  he  was  seized  with  a  fit  of 
trembling,  and  was  much  alarmed.  On  his  return  to  the  presence, 
the  Snlt&n  said,  **  You  have  seen  the  condition  of  those  who  have 
disobeyed  me."  Dil&war  £h&n  prostrated  himself.  It  is  said 
that  the  Sultan  intended  to  blind  him  with  a  red-hot  bodkin, 
and  suspend  him  abo  against  the  wall ;  but  when  Dilawar  Eh&n 
perceived  that  there  was  no  other  means  of  escaping  the  Sult&n's 
severity,  he  fled  from  Dehli,  and  came  to  his  father  in  six  days, 
and  told  him  that  if  he  did  not  look  to  himself^  the  Sult&n  would 
put  him  to  death  in  some  cruel  manner. 

Daulat  Eh&n  was  thrown  into  a  deep  meditation.  He  reflected 
that  if  he  rebelled  he  would  be  accused  of  ingratitude ;  and  that 
if  he  fell  into  the  clutches  of  the  Sult&n's  wrath,  he  would 
not  escape  alive.  At  last  he  determined  to  place  himself  under 
allegiance  to  some  other  sovereign.  He  accordingly  sent  Dil&- 
war  Eh&n  to  B&bar  Sh&h,  in  order  that  he  might  make  known 
to  him,  in  detail,  the  evil  disposition  of  the  Sult&n,  the  discord 
which  existed  amongst  the  nobles,  and  the  disgust  of  the  army, 
and  beg  him  to  invade  Hindust&n.^ 

Dil&war  Kh&n  went  with  all  expedition,  and  reached  E&bul 
In  ten  days.  He  intimated  to  those  who  stood  at  the  foot  of  the 
throne  that  an  Afgh&n,  who  had  been  oppressed  by  his  sovereign, 
had  come  fi:x)m  Hindust&n,  and  wished  to  speak  to  the  King. 
The  order  was  given  for  his  admission.  He  went  as  a  suppli- 
cant, and  explained,  in  detail,  the  distressed  state  of  Hindustan. 

1  Thfise  and  the  Babseqneiii  eyenis  will  be  found  differentlj  recounted  in  the 
extiBctB  from  the  Tdrikh^i  Khdn-Jahdn  LodL 

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24  AHMAD  YKDQKR. 

Babar  said,  '^  Yon  have  eaten  the  salt  of  Solt&n  Ibr&him  and  of 
his  father  and  grandfather  for  thirty  years,  and  your  grandfather 
and  father  have  held  high  posts  for  the  last  twenty  years ;  how  is 
it  that  you  have  thus  all  at  once  forsaken  him  and  sought  this 
court  P  "  Dil&war  Kh&n  replied,  "  For  forty  years  my  grand- 
father and  father  have  risked  their  lives  in  his  service,  and 
strengthened  his  throne.  But  Sultin  Ibr&him  maltreats  his 
&ther''s  nobles,  and  has  put  twenty-three  of  them,  the  supporters 
of  his  kingdom,  to  dei^th,  without  any  cause,  and  ruined  their 
families.  He  has  suspended  some  from  walls,  and  has  caused 
others  to  be  burned  alive.  When  many  of  the  nobles  saw  that 
they  could  hope  for  no  safety  from  him,  they  sent  me  to  your 
presence.  They  are  all  ready  to  obey  you,  and  they  look  with 
anxiety  for  your  coming.^ 

At  that  period  the  marriage  of  Mirz&  K&mr&n  was  celebrated 
with  princely  magnificence  in  the  King's  garden.  •  •  ♦  When 
the  bridal  ceremonies  had  been  completed  in  a  manner  satis- 
factory to  his  benevolent  intentions,  the  King  passed  the  whole 
of  that  night  in  the  garden.  When  day  dawned,  he  repeated 
his  prayers  to  the  Great  Disposer  of  all  things,  and  stretching 
forth  the  hand  of  supplication,  said,  *^  O  God  1  if  the  govern- 
ment of  Hindust&n  is  destined  to  be  given  to  me  and  mine, 
let  these  productions  of  Hind  be  brought  presently  before  me, 
betel-leaves  and  mangoes,  and  I  shall  accept  them  as  an  omen.'' 

It  so  happened  that  when  the  mango  season  was  approaching, 
Daulat  Kh&n  had  sent  half-ripe  mangoes  preserved  in  pots  of 
honey,  and  betel-leaves,  by  the  hand  of  Ahmad  Kh&n.  The 
King  was  told  that  Ahmad  Kh&n,  the  ambassador  of  Daulat 
Kh&n,  desired  an  audience.  Dil&war  took  the  offerings  into  the 
royal  presence,  and  displayed  them.  When  B&bar's  eyes  fell  on  the 
fruit,  he  arose  from  his  throne,  and  prostrated  himself  before  the 
Almighty,  who,  he  was  persuaded,  of  His  boundless  generosity, 
had  granted  him  the  sovereignty  of  Hind.  He  gave  a  horse  and 
khil'at  to  both  Dil&war  Kb&n  and  Ahmad  Kh&n,  and  entrusted 
to  them  ten  'Ir&ki  horses,  and  some  pieces  of  fine  linen  for 

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TARrSH.I  SAUCrXN'I  AFAGHANA.  25 

Danlat  Kh&n ;  and  then  directed  Ahmad  Elh&n  to  precede  him 
with  these  articles.^ 

From  that  day  he  prepared  for  the  invasion  of  Hinduat&n,  and 
despatched  Jahingir  Euli  Eh&n,  with  2000  Mughal  horsemen^ 
to  take  precautions  for  securing  the  roads  and  ferries,  and  for 
the  collection  of  timber  for  the  purpose  of  making  boats. 

On  Wednesday,  2nd  Shaww&l,  a.h.  932  (July,  1626  a.d.)i  he 
set  forth  as  a  mighty  monarch  should,  and  marched  to  Pesh'&war, 
which  city  he  plundered.  When  the  royal  army  advanced  from 
thence,  Daulat  Elh&n  came  to  pay  his  respects  to  the  King,  and 
presented  10,000  gold  ashrafU  and  twenty  elephants.  When 
B&bar  left  E&bul,  he  had  only  2000  Mughals  with  him.'  But 
after  his  agreement  with  Daulat  Kh&n,  he  ordered  fresh  troops 
to  be  enlisted ;  and  by  the  time  he  reached  Lahore  he  was  sur* 
rounded  by  a  numerous  army,  and  the  Panj&b  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Ghaghat&i  nobles. 

When  news  reached  Sultan  Ibr&him,  in  ^gra,  that  the 
Mughals  had  conquered  the  Panj&b  as  far  as  Lahore,  he  was 
thunderstruck,  and  repented  him  of  having  put  his  faithful 
servants  to  death.  But  what  benefit  can  be  derived  from  water 
which  has  fallen  down  from  the  head  and  been  spent  P  B&bar, 
like  a  roaring  lion,  advanced  into  the  field ;  while  Ibr&him  came 
to  Dehli  from  ^ra,  and  wrote  to  Daulat  Kh&n,  saying,  ^*  You 
attained  your  present  rank  through  my  father's  kindness ;  why 
have  you  brought  the  Mughals  into  my  paternal  inheritance^  and 
made  it  over  to  them  P  I  will  now  make  peace  with  you,  and 
will  never  molest  you  or  your  children.  I  swear  this  on  the 
Kur&n.  Beflect,  and  abandon  your  present  absurd  project.**^ 
Daulat  Kh&n  replied,  "  It  is  true  that  I  was  reared  and  raised 
from  the  dust,  and  brought  up  by  Sult&n  Sikandar.    I  passed  my 

1  The  Tdrfkk-i  IHUdi  (MS.  p.  171)  Bays  that  ahont  this  time  Ml&n  Bhila  was  pot 
to  death;  that  Daulat  Kh&n  Lodl  died;  that  Sidt&n  Muhammad,  the  Bih6r  rehel, 
■leo  died ;  and  that '  Alam  Kh&n,  son  of  Bahlol,  was  proclaimed  king  imder  the  title  of 
'Al&n-d  din,  hy  some  of  the  diraffeoted  nohles,  who  soUoited  the  support  of  B&har  to 
maintain  him  in  opposition  to  8ult&n  Ihr&hSm. 

'  Other  anthorities  gire  the  morp  probable  amount  of  10,000. 


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26  AHMAD  YADGAK. 

life  in  endeayouring  to  serve  him.  That  monarch  (who  has  found 
mercy)  endured  much  from  his  nobles ;  he  was  studious  of  pleas- 
ing :  and  he  never  endeavoured  to  put  me  to  death.  Whereas, 
whilst  you  were  yet  young,  you  listened  to  what  two  or  three 
insidious  advisers  said  to  you,  and  thus  shook  your  empire  to  its 
foundation.  You  also  destroyed  several  of  your  Other's  servants, 
the  pillars  of  the  kingdom,  and  put  an  end  to  the  confidence 
which  others  reposed  in  you.  I  have  not  brought  the  Mughals ; 
but  your  own  bad  actions  have.'' 

When  the  whole  Panj&b,  and  the  country  extending  as  far  as 
Sirhind  and  His&r  Firozah,  had  fallen  into  the  hands  of  the 
Ghaghat&i  nobles,  they  marched  towards  Dehli. 

Sult&n  Ibrihtm  was  in  Sonpath,  when  news  arrived  that  cer- 
tain grandees,  thinking  the  opportunity  a  good  one,  and  having 
heard  of  the  coming  of  B&bar  Sh&h,  had  besieged  Dehli  with 
nearly  40,000  men.  On  hearing  this,  the  Sult&n  again  turned  his 
steps  towards  Dehli,  to  defeat  the  rebels,  who  came  to  the  conclu- 
sion that  it  would  be  improper  to  fight  with  the  Sult&n  during 
the  day,  because  they  would  be  put  to  shame  on  account  of  the 
benefits  which  he  had  conferred  on  them ;  and  that  it  would  be 
preferable  to  attack  him  by  night.^ 

When  the  night  was  far  spent,  they  reached  the  Sultan's  army, 
and  in  the  mean  time  several  chiefs  managed  to  escape  from  the 
Sult&n'^s  camp  and  join  them.  After  putting  the  Sult&n's  troops 
to  flight,  and  compelling  the  Sult&n  to  conceal  himself^  a  portion 
of  the  rebel  force  was  scattered  tumultuously  in  search  of  plun- 
der. After  sunrise,  when  the  Sult&n  looked  out  in  the  direction 
of  the  rebel  army,  on  observing  'Alam  Kh&n '  and  a  few  atten- 

^  This  is  ascribing  to  these  slippery  and  perjured  knares  finer  feelings  than  they 
were  capable  of  entertaining.  Bfcbar  gi^es  a  mnch  more  probable  reason  for  the 
selection  of  the  night: — ^^'The  confederates  concurred  in  opinion  that  if  the  battle  vaa 
fought  in  the  daytime,  the  Afgh&ns,  from  regard  to  their  reputation  with  their 
countrymen,  would  not  flee ;  but  that  if  the  attack  was  made  by  night  each  chief  would 
shift  for  himself.'' — Memoirsj  p.  295.  We  hare  another  amusing  instance  of  this 
facial  modesty  and  timidity  ascribed  to  the  townsmen  of  Agra,  at  the  beginning  of 
Isl&m  Sh&h*s  reign. 

'  This  was  the  Sult&n's  uncle,  who  had  been  proclaimed  King  under  the  title  of 


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TABrKH-I  SALAXrN.I  AFAGHANA.  27 

dants  standing  near,  he  ordered  his  men  to  attack  them ;  upon 
which  they  all  fled  away.  Thus  the  rebels  derived  no  benefit 
from  their  disloyalty,  in  spite  of  their  having  assembled  a  force 
of  40,000  men« 

After  this,  when  B&bar  heard  of  the  confusion  prevailing  in 
the  Salt&n's  army,  he  IcA  Eam&l,  and  Snlt&n  Ibr&him  arrived  in 
pargana  Ganaor,  and  there  inquired  of  the  astrologers  in  order 
that  he  might  learn  from  the  celestial  bodies  what  was  to  happen. 
He  inquired  on  whose  side  the  victory  should  be.  The  as- 
trologers cautiously  replied,  '*It  appears  from  the  motion  of 
the  stars  that  the  whole  of  our  horses  and  elephants  have 
gone  over  to  the  Mughal  army/'  The  Sult&n  said,  ^^  This  is 
a  proof  that  I  shall  vanquish  the  Mughals/'  They  replied,  **'  So 
let  it  be/' 

The  astrologers,  being  aware  that  B&bar  would  be  victorious, 
deserted  th«  camp.  Amin  Eh4n  also  fled  from  the  same  place, 
and  presented  himself  before  B&bar.  Whilst  these  events  were 
going  on,  Hamid  Eh&n,  of  the  Sult&n''s  own  tribe,  was  coming  to 
the  assistance  of  the  Sult&n  with  4000  sawdrsy  when  he  encoun- 
tered the  advance-guard  under  Prince  Muhammad  Hum&yun, 
and  a  battle  began,  in  which  Hamid  Eh4n's  troops  being  defeated, 
many  were  killed,  and  the  rest  dispersed. 

On  Thursday  the  Sult&n  summoned  all  his  nobles  and  soldiers, 
and  ordered  them  to  dress  themselves  in  the  best  clothes  they 
had  with  them.  He  caused  his  embroidered  tents  and  satin 
canopies  to  be  erected,  and  all  the  preparations  for  a  festival  to 
be  made.  He  threw  amongst  them  all  the  gold,  jewels,  pearls, 
and  ashra/is -which  he  possessed,  and  said,  ^'0  friends,  to-morrow 
we  shall  do  battle  with  the  Mughal  army.  If  I  gain  the  victory, 
I  will  endeavour  to  please  you ;  if  I  do  not,  be  at  least  content 

'Al&u-d  din.  The  Ahbar-ndma  tells  us  that  this  action  occurred  near  Hodal,  a  few 
miles  8.  from  Behli ;  and  that  B&bar,  after  his  conquest  of  Upper  India,  sent  'Alam 
£h&n  to  be  confined  in  a  fortress  in  Badakhshlin,  whence  he  effected  his  escape ;  and 
after  finding  refuge  amongst  the  Afgh&ns,  fied  at  last  to  Gujar&t.  His  son,  T&t&r 
Kh&n,  made  himself  conspicuous  during  the  reign  of  Hum&ytin,  and  was  slain  at 
Mandr&il,  in  941  h.  (1534  A.D.),  in  an  action  with  the  Mughals. 

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28  AHMAD  YADGAB. 

with  these  presents  and  my  declared  intentions/'^  The  whole  of 
that  day  was  spent  in  feasting  and  rejoicing.  On  the  morrow 
they  made  ready  for  war.  Sultdn  Ibr&him,  on  the  one  side, 
marched  two  koa  to  the  west  of  Pdnipat ;  whilst  Bdbar,  on  the 
other,  mounting  his  horse  at  the  aardi  of  Garaunda,  chose  his 
position  two  koB  in  the  direction  of  the  east. 

The  Mughal  army  was  24,000  strong,  and  that  of  Sult&n 
Ibr&him  numbered  50,000  men^  and  2000  war  elephants.  Bat 
the  entire  force  of  Sult&n  Ibr&him  was  disgusted  and  yexed 
with  his  evil  deeds.  On  Friday,  the  4th  ^  of  Bajab,  a.h.  932, 
Ibr&him  being  destined  to  die,  the  armies  were  ranged  in  battle 
array,  facing  each  other.  B&bar  advanced,  and  both  parties  made 
ready  for  action.  B&bar  ordered  the  Mughals  to  be  separated 
into  three  divisions  ;  the  advanced  guard  to  remain  in  its  place, 
and  the  other  two  to  advance  and  attack  the  enemy .^  Although 
the  Afgh&n  army  greatly  outnumbered  its  opponents,  yet  the 
soldiers  were  dispirited  and  disheartened  from  the  Sultan's  ill- 
treatment,  and  the  nobles  were  offended.  A  fierce  conflict,  never- 
theless, took  place  in  the  plain  to  the  east  of  P&nipat:  so  desperate 

^  B&bar,  however,  represents  that  he  was  so  penurious  that  lie  could  not  be  in- 
duced to  giTe  away  anything,  and  was  *' beyond  measure,  avaricious  in  accumulating 
pelf."— Jfcwotr*  ofBdbar,  p.  804.    [See  VoL  IV.  of  this  work,  p.  262.] 

>  Abd-1  Fazl,  following  fi&bar  himself,  says  100,000,  and  elephants  1000.  His 
own  army  did  not  amount  to  more  than  12,000  men ;  but  his  artillery  seems  to  have  , 
been  very  effectively  served.  The  Tdrikh-i  Bdiidl  (MS.  p.  176)  says  100,000  cavalry 
and  1000  elephants ;  B&bar*s  army  being  15,000  horse  and  foot  and  a  few  elephants. 
The  Makhzan-i  Jfghdnl  (MS.  p.  140)  rates  Ibr&him's  army  at  100,000  cavalry,  a 
strong  force  of  infantry,  and  5000  elephants.  The  Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  £odi  (MS. 
p.  150)  gives  the  same,  adding,  however,  the  important  element  of  "much  artillery  " — 

jLmJ  u4;UmJ  t  —omitted  even  by  Kiz&mu-d  dtn  Ahmad  and  Firishta,  and  noticed 
in  detail  only  by  B&bar  himself, 

3  This  is  an  error.  The  TdHkh-i  Ldiidi  says  the  8th ;  though  in  its  version  of  a 
Hindf  quatrain  it  has  the  7th.  The  Makhtan^i  Afghdni  and  Tdrikh-%  Khdn^JoMoH 
Lodi  say  the  7th,  Firishta  the  10th.  B&bar  is.  not  quite  precise,  but  signifies  that 
it  was  either  the  7th  or  8th,  corresponding  with  April  20th  or  2lBt,  1526. 

*  The  original  and  the  Tdrikh-i  IktMi  (MS.  p.  176)  say,  "The  other  two  divirions 
to  advance  from  behind  the  army  of  the  Sult&n  aud  commence  the  attack.*'  The 
Tdrikh^i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi  and  the  Makhgan'i  Afghdni  are  equally  inoomprehenstUe, 
as  will  be  seen  from  Dom's  translation,  p.  78.  fi&bar  is,  as  usual,  dear  and  expIioiL 
-[See  Vol.  IV.,  p.  254.] 


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MRrXH-I  SALAXrN-I  AFAGHANA.  29 

a  battle,  indeed,  had  neyer  been  seen.  Manj  of  the  Sult&n's 
soldiers  were  killed.  He  himself  was  standing  with  some  of  his 
men  near  him,  when  Mahmiid  Kh&n  came  forward,  and  said, 
'*  Onr  affairs  are  in  a  yerj  desperate  condition ;  you  had  better 
leave  the  field  of  battle.  If  the  King  is  saved,  it  will  be  easj  to 
find  another  army,  and  again  make  war  against  the  Mughals. 
We  shall  soon  be  able  to  find  an  opportunity  of  accomplishing 
oar  wishes.  This  is  my  opinion;  but  whatever  His  Majesty 
thinks  is  best."  The  Sult&n  replied,  ''O  Mahmud  Kh&n,  it  is 
a  disgrace  for  kings  to  fly  from  the  field  of  battle.  Look  here, 
my  nobles,  my  companions,  my  well-wishers  and  friends  have 
partaken  of  the  cup  of  martyrdom.  One  has  fallen  here,  another 
there;  where  then  can  I  now  goP  My  horse^s  legs  are  dyed 
with  blood  up  to  his  chest.  Whilst  I  was  King,  I  governed  the 
empire  as  I  pleased ;  now,  perfidious  Fortune  has  sided  with  the 
Mughals,  what  pleasure  is  there  in  lifeP  It  is  better  that  I 
should  be  like  my  friends,  in  the  dust  and  in  blood."  On  saying 
this,  he  rushed  into  the  thickest  of  the  fight,  with  5000  brave 
horsemen,  who  were  all  that  remained  to  him  of  his  best  troops, 
and  slew  many  of  the  Mughals.  After  which,  towards  the  close 
of  the  day,  he  obtained  martyrdom.^  He  fell  on  the  spot  where 
his  tomb  now  is.  When  B&bar  was  informed  of  his  death,  he  was 
standing  in  the  rear.  He  sent  Dil&war  Kh&n  to  make  inquiries 
as  to  the  truth  of  the  intelligence.  He  accordingly  went  out  to 
the  plain  where  the  slain  were  lying,  and  beheld  that  powerful 

^  The  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  (MS.  142)  adds  tlie  fbUowing  eulogy  upon  this  execrable 
tyrant : — ^  On  erery  Friday  night  an  extraordinary  number  of  people  are  coUected  at 
Idi  tomb,  and  pilgrima  present  their  oblations  and  prayers  in  behalf  of  tiiat  falcon  of 
the  Empyrean  of  martyrdom — ^no  King  before  him  having  attained  that  dignity, 
than  which  none  can  be  more  exalted.  May  God  enlighten  and  grant  him  rest  in 
FtoadiGe!"    Instead  of  <<  oblations  and  prayers,"  Br.  Born  (p.  79}  translates  **the 

pOgrims  of  Narwar  and  Kanoj,"  aeading  --•ii  •  ifJ   instead  of  •.•uijjtJj 

There  could  not  be  a  better  illustration  of  the  amazing  difficulties  we  haye  to  contend 
with  in  deciphering  Oriental  manuscripts ;  for  the  words,  when  deprived  of  their 
diacritical  points,  are  almost  identical.  This  should  induce  a  spirit  of  caution  and 
forbearance  in  commenting  on  the  errors  and  lapses  of  our  feUow-labourers  in  this  un- 
inriting  field  of  literature. 


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30  jlHMAD  YXDGAE, 

Sult&n  prostrate  in  the  dust  and  weltering  in  bloody  the  royal 
crown  fallen  from  his  head,  the  state  oanopy  also  on  the 
ground.' 

Dilawar  Kh&n  returned  and  related  what  he  had  seen.  The 
tender  heart  of  B4bar  prompted  him  to  visit  the  spot.  He  raised 
his  head  from  the  earth  and  said,  "  Honour  to  your  bravery ! " 
He  then  commanded  brocade  to  be  brought,  and  sweetmeats  to 
be  prepared;  and  ordered  Dil&war  Eh&n  and  Amir  £hali&  to 
bathe  him  and  bury  him  where  he  had  &llen.  He  also  directed 
that  care  should  be  taken  of  the  property  of  Ibr&him.  On  the 
same  day  2700  horses,  and  1500  elephants,  and  the  royal  treasure 
were  brought  into  B&bar's  camp. 

The  next  day  he  marched  thence,  and  encamped  on  the 
western  side  of  the  city,  from  whence  he  despatched  Amir 
Khalifa,  AlUh-d&d  Khdn,  and  Tursam  Bah&dur,  with  10,000 
of  the  bravest  Mughal  horsemen,  for  the  purpose  of  protecting 
the  valuable  property  and  riches  which  were  in  the  cities  of 
Dehli  and  Agra. 

The  Afghdns,  after  being  absolute  rulers  for  seventy  years, 
left  their  habitations,  their  goods,  and  their  wealth,  and  proceeded 
to  Bengal,  and  a  complete  dispersion  of  them  ensued. 

After  making  arrangements  with  regard  to  the  spoil  of  the 
Sult&n's  camp,  B&bar  departed  for  Dehli,  where,  on  his  arrival, 
he  took  possession  of  the  vacant  throne. 

1  The  author  of  the  I^rikk-i  Bdvdl  (MS.  p.  178)  tells  ub  that  he  had  heard  firom  a 
man  120  years  old,  who  had  been  present  in  this  action,  that  Sult&n  Ibr&hlm,  moanted 
on  a  black  'Ir&ki  horse,  and  dressed  in  his  royal  habiliments,  had  fled  firom  the  field  of 
battle,  and  endearoured  to  cross  into  the  Dofcb  at  the  ferry  at  Bur&na;  bat  not  being 
able,  after  a  long  search,  to  procure  a  boat,  he  plunged  his  horse  into  the  liter, 
followed  by  some  of  his  horsemen,  of  whom  some  few  escaped  safe  to  the  other  side. 
The  Sult&n  himself  was  drowned  in  the  attempt.  All  this  was  witnessed  by  the 
narrator*  8  own  eyes,  for  he  was  standing  on  the  bank  of  the  Jumna  looking  on.  The 
old  narrator  may  have  witnessed  this  scene,  but  who — as  the  sarcastic  historLan  of 
the  Decline  and  FaU  remarks  in  a  similar  instance— who  will  be  witness  for  the  old 
narrator? 


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TAEfKH-I  SALATIN-I  AFAGHANA.  81 

AcdBBNTS    AND    OcCUBBENCES   IN    StTLTAN   IbBAHIm's    BeION.^ 

Anecdote  of  a  woman  who  committed  three  murders  in  one  house. 

There  was  a  man  in  S&mana  who  gained  his  livelihood  by 
trading.  He  was  called  away  from  home  on  business,  and  en- 
tmsted  the  care  of  his  house  to  a  trustworthy  individual,  between 
whose  habitation  and  his  own  there  was  only  a  wall.  This 
neighbour,  therefore,  used  frequently  to  go  into  the  merchant''s 
house,  and  assist  and  advise  in  all  its  concerns,  and  see  that 
matters  went  on  smoothly  during  the  owner's  absence.  When- 
eyer  he  went  there,  he  saw  a  young  man  frequently  entering. 
He  &ncied  at  first  that  the  young  man  must  be  some  connexion 
of  the  owner  of  the  dwelling ;  but  he  afterwards  reflected  that  if 
he  were,  the  house  would  not  have  been  given  into  his  own  charge. 
He  therefore  determined  to  find  out  all  about  the  youth.  He  then 
made  a  hole  in  the  partition  wall,  and  from  time  to  time  looked 
through  it  into  the  next  house.  One  night  he  saw  the  young 
man,  dressed  in  white  and  scented  with  perAime,  enter  the  mer* 
chant's  dwelling,  place  a  handsome  carpet  near  the  merchant's 
wife,  and  spread  out  upon  it  sweetmeats,  wine,  and  pan ;  after 
partaking  of  which,  shortly  afterwards,  they  lay  down  together 
and  indulged  in  improper  familiarities.  The  woman  had  a  child, 
which  slept  in  another  room,  and  when  it  cried  she  gave  it  some 
milk,  and  then  returned  to  her  lover ;  but  as  the  child  persisted 
in  worrying  her  with  its  cries,  the  woman  went  and  squeezed  its 
throat  so  that  it  died,  and  slept  the  sleep  which  knows  no  waking. 
After  which  she  again  sought  the  youth's  embraces.  When  a 
short  period  had  passed,  the  young  man  said,  '^  Why  has  not  the 
child  cried  again  for  such  a  long  time?"  The  woman  replied, 
"I  have  taken  steps  to  prevent  it  from  crying  altogether.*'  The 
young  man  was  greatly  disturbed,  and  inquired  what  she  meant. 
She  answered;  "I  have  killed  the  boy  on  your  account."     The 

'  It  is  strange  that  no  mention  occurs  here,  or  in  any  other  Afgh&n  history  except 
the  Tdrikh'i  BdMi^  of  the  extraordinary  ahundance  which  prevailed  during  this 
irign.— See  VoL  IV.,  p.  475. 

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32  AHMAD  YADGAR. 

youth  said,  ^*  0  creature,  who  fearest  not  God,  for  the  sake  of  » 
moment's  pleasure  you  have  slain  the  fruit  of  your  own  womb  ; 
what  confidence  can  I  place  in  you  P  ^^  He  immediately  put  on 
his  clothes,  with  the  intention  of  quitting  the  place.  The  woman 
seized  his  skirt,  saying,  ^*  It  is  through  you  that  I  hare  acted 
thus,  and  you  cease  to  lore  me ;  for  Ood's  sake  do  one  thing  to 
sare  me  from  shame.  Make  a  hole  in  the  comer  of  this  room 
in  order  that  I  may  bury  him/^  The  youth  at  last  reluctantly 
consented.  She  accordingly  brought  a  mattock,  and  gave  it  to 
him,  and  he  dug  the  hole ;  when  the  woiAan  brought  the  child, 
and  gave  it  to  him  to  conceal  it  in  the  ground.  The  young  man, 
taken  in  by  the  woman's  artifice,  bent  down  towards  the  hole  for 
the  purpose  of  placing  the  child  in  it ;  and  that  deceitful  woman 
then  raised  the  mattock  with  both  hands,  and  struck  him  so 
violently  on  the  head,  that  she  split  it  in  two^  and  he  fell  dead 
into  the  hole.  She  covered  him  over  and  smoothed  down  the 
earth.  The  neighbour  had  witnessed  all  that  had  happened,  and 
was  thunderstruck  at  the  woman^s  atrocity.  Nevertheless,  the 
woman,  feigning  the  deepest  grief,  went  about,  weeping  and  ex- 
claiming, "A  wolf  has  eaten  my  child." 

When,  after  a  lapse  of  some  time,  Iier  husband  returned,  people 
came  to  condole  with  him ;  and  they  repeated  the  usual  prayers. 
When  they  went  away,  the  friendly  neighbour  said  to  him,  "Come 
for  a  short  time  to  my  house  to  dissipate  your  melancholy.'^  The 
merchant  accordingly  accompanied  him,  and  after  they  had  par- 
taken of  food,  he  related  to  him  the  whole  history  of  the  deaths  of 
both  the  child  and  the  young  man,  and  said,  "  Pretend  that  you 
have  hidden  some  gold,  and  that  you  want  a  mattock  for  the 
purpose  of  digging  it  up.'"  He  consented  to  do  this,  and  the 
woman,  much  pleased  when  she  heard  about  the  treasure,  readily 
brought  the  mattock,  upon  which  he  immediately  began  to  dig 
up  in  the  spot  which  had  been  indicated.  When  the  woman 
perceived  that  her  secret  would  become  known,  she  &stened  the 
door  of  the  room  in  which  the  digging  was  going  on  with  a 
chain,  and  set  fire  to  the  roof.    When  the  flames  burst  forth,  she 


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MEfKH-I  SALATrN-I  AFAGHANA.  33 

began  to  cry  out  for  her  neighbours  to  come,  as  her  house  had 
caught  fire  and  her  husband  was  burning.  By  the  time  they 
arriyed,  the  unfortunate  man  was  roasted.  The  friend  had  even 
seen  aU  this  likewise,  and  haying  collected  all  the  inhabitants  of 
the  neighbourhood,  went  with  them  to  the  A*o^trd/,  and  explained 
what  had  occurred.  On  the  receipt  of  this  information,  they 
opened  the  hole,  and  found  the  bodies  of  the  youth  and  child. 
They  then  buried  this  bloody-minded  woman  up  to  the  middle,  in 
the  centre  of  the  bdzdr^  and  goaded  her  with  arrows  till  she  died. 

Haibat  Khdn  Cfurg-anddz. 

Haibat  'Kh&a  was  called  the  wolf-slayer,  and  had  thus  obtained 
the  name.  One  day  he  went  out  hunting  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Bay&na,  and  made  a  pleasant  party  in  the  Sikandari  garden, 
with  Daryd  £h&n  Sarw&ni,  Mahmud  Khdn  Lodi,  and  Daulat 
Kh&n  Urmar.  While  they  were  seated  there,  two  large  wolves 
carried  away  some  sheep,  and  the  shepherds  began  to  lament 
loudly.  It  happened  that  Haibat  Kh&n  had  gone  to  perform  the 
offices  of  nature.  The  wolves  approached  him ;  he  took  his  bow 
from  a  servant,  who  was  in  attendance,  and  as  he  was  a  powerful 
shot,  the  arrow  left  the  bow,  passed  through  the  bodies  of  both 
wolves,  and  stuck  in  the  ground  beyond.  From  that  day  he 
received  his  honorary  surname. 

At  drinking  parties  he  was  so  liberal  that  every  one  wondered. 
One  day  Jal&l  Eh&n,  the  brother  of  Sult&u  Ibr&him,  said,  ''  O 
Haibat  Xh&n,  I  have  heard  that  you  are  generous  when  intoxi- 
cated; if  you  were  so  when  you  are  in  your  senses,  I  should 
consider  you  worthy  of  praise.''  Haibat  Kh&n  from  that  day 
left  off  drinking  wine,  and  gave  away  so  much,  even  with  his  wits 
about  him,  that  people  were  still  more  astounded ;  for  he  broke 
up  all  his  gold  and  silver  drinking  vessels,  and  gave  even  them 
away. 

One  day,  an  inhabitant  of  Bay&na,  by  name  Mumin,  repeated 
some  lines  in  praise  of  the  Kh&n,  and  gave  them  to  the  minstrels 

VOL.  T.  3 

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84  AHMAD  TADGAR. 

to  recite  in  the  presence  of  the  exalted  Kh&n,  on  the  daj  when 
the  nobles  assembled  at  his  fSte.  Upon  the  minstrels'  recitation 
of  this  panegyric,  the  Kh&n  presented  the  carpet,  on  which  he 
was  that  day  sitting,  to  the  poet,  and  2000  tankas  to  the  min- 
strels. This  will  serve,  in  some  degree,  to  show  to  what  an 
extent  he  carried  his  generosity. 

Reign  of  Sultan  Babar. 

Historians  relate  that  in  the  year  932  (15*26  A.D.),  Sh&h  B&bar, 
the  Conqueror  of  the  World,  remained  encamped  for  a  week  on 
the  battle-field  on  which  he  had  gained  his  victory,  and  made 
himself  master  of  all  the  property,  elephants,  equipages,  war- 
like implements,  etc.,  of  Sult&n  Ibr&him.  He  considered  that 
that  spot  had  been  a  fortunate  one  to  him.  He  summoned 
the  elders  of  the  city,  and  gained  the  goodwill  of  all  by  his 
liberality;  and  made  Sult&n  Muhammad  Aughuli,  who  had 
come  to  his  assistance  during  that  action  with  great  diligence 
and  bravery  accompanied  by  10,000  horse,  governor  of  P&nipat, 
and  granted  him  as  a  gift  the  revenues  due  upon  one  harvest. 
After  which  he  directed  his  course  towards  Dehli,  the  inhabitants 
of  which  city,  from  dread  of  the  pride  and  power  of  the  Mughals, 
had  deserted  it.  He  accordingly  despatched  worthy  men  of 
Hindust&n  for  the  purpose  of  calming  the  fears  of  the  elders 
and  gentry  of  the  city  and  its  environs,  and  induce  them  by 
promises  of  the  royal  favour  and  liberality  to  come  to  the  Court 
of  the  Protector  of  the  World. 

When  His  Majesty  arrived  at  Sonpath,  the  chiefs  and  chaudJiaris 
of  the  city,  together  with  the  soldiers  and  bankers  and  other 
classes,  went  to  visit  him,  and  were  treated  with  honour  and 
kindness.  During  the  first  two  months  of  His  Majesty's  reign, 
he  behaved  to  every  one  with  such  kindness  and  generosity,  that 
dread  and  terror  were  banished  from  the  hearts  of  all  men,  so 
that  they  were  well  disposed  towards  his  government.  He 
remained  a  month  and  some  days  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the 
fort  of  Indrapat,  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Jumna,  and  reposed 

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TABrEH-I  SALATfH-I  AFA6HANA.  35 

himself  ihere,  as  it  was  a  pleasant  and  agreeable  spot,^  In  the 
same  year,  he  sent  Amir  Ehalf&  and  Amir  Euli  Beg  to  ^gra, 
where  the  mother  and  family  of  Sult&n  Ibr&him  were;  and 
they  went  thither  by  uninterrupted  marches.  Sult4n  Ibr&him's 
mother  sent  them  a  Est  of  the  property,  valuaUes,  treasures, 
money,  gold  and  jewelled  plate,  horses,  elephants,  camels,  tents, 
male  and  female  slayes  of  the  late  king,  and  entreated  him  to 
spare  her.  Mahmud  £h&n,  a  slave  of  Sultan  Ibr&him,  took 
this  list,  and  read  it  in  the  presence  of  Amir  £hali&,  who 
forwarded  it  to  B&bar,  and  remained  himself  with  his  troops  to 
protect  the  fort  and  those  who  were  inside  it,  and  at  the  same 
time  prevent  them  from  quitting  it,  and  taking  any  of  the 
property  away  with  them. 

At  this  time,  news  came  that  some  of  Ibr&him's  nobles  had 
assembled  at  Jaunpdr,  and  begun  plundering  the  country.  The. 
Conqueror  of  the  World  sent  Amir  Euli  Beg,  together  with 
Prince  Mirzd  K&mr&n,  in  that  direction.  When  the  Afgh&ns 
received  intelligence  of  the  advent  of  the  fortunate  prince,  they 
fled  towards  Patna,  and  Jaunpur  fell  into  his  hands.  Mirz& 
K&mr&n  left  Amir  Euli  Beg  there  with  a  large  army,  and  then 
returned  to  Court ;  after  which  he  was  ordered  into  the  Panj&b, 
and  Mirzi  ^Askari  was  appointed  to  the  charge  of  E&bul,  and 
directed  to  make  himself  speedily  master  of  Thatta.  Muhammad 
Huro&yun  Mirz&,  the  eldest  son  of  the  Eing  and  heir-apparent, 
remained  with  His  Majesty. 

When  the  fortunate  princes  and  valiant  nobles  had  thus  been 
established  in  different  places,  information  reached  the  Court  of 
the  rebellion  of  Hasan  Eh&n  Mew&tti  and  B6n&  S&nk&,  who  had 
collected  a  large  force  in  Mew4t.  Orders  were  given  for  the 
enlistment  of  new  troops,  and  Ibr&him's  treasures  were  distri- 
buted amongst  the  army.  Hasan  Eh&n  was  a  man  of  royal 
descent  from  several  generations,  and  his  &mily  had  possessed 
regal  power  until  the  reign  of  Firoz  Sh&h.  Bind  S&nk&y  who 
was  at  that  time  a  powerful  chief,  sent  a  message  to  Hasan 
t  ThiB  is  not  at  all  in  accordance  with  the  Memoirs  of  B&bar. 

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36  AHMAD  TADGAB. 

Kh&n,  saying,  "The  Mughals  have  entered  Hindust&n,  have 
slain  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  and  taken  possession  of  the  country ;  it  is 
evident  that  they  will  likewise  send  an  army  against  both  of  us ; 
if  you  will  side  with  me,  we  will  be  allies,  and  not  suffer  them  to 
take  possession.^  Hasan  Kh&n,  carried  away  by  the  vanity 
which  the  possession  of  so  large  a  force  produced,  and  by  the 
£&n&'s  message,  did  not  send  the  presents  which  he  had  pre- 
pared for  the  Sult&n,  and  the  Sing's  vakil  returned  home  without 
accomplishing  his  purpose.  These  things  came  to  the  King's 
hearing  in  Agra,  and  Mfrz&  Hind&l  and  Muhammad  Mahdi 
Khw&ja,  the  king's  son-in-law,  were  sent  with  an  immense  army, 
which  was  shortly  afterwards  followed  by  B&bar  himself. 

When  Hasan  £h&n  was  informed  of  the  approach  of  the  vic- 
torious army,  he  sent  to  tell  B&n&  Sankd  of  it.  Fpon  this  the 
B.&n&  left  his  home,  and  assembled  an  army  of  Hindus  with  the 
intention  of  making  war.  He  marched  and  joined  Hasan  Kh&n, 
and  prepared  for  action  in  the  plains  near  Firozpdr  Jharka. 
Ban&  Sivki  placed  Hasan  Kh&n  on  the  right,  and  took  up  his 
own  post  on  the  left.  As  he  was  secretly  displeased  with  Hasan 
Kh4n,  he  determined  to  ensnare  and  ruin  him.  He,  therefore, 
privately  sent  a  vakil  to  Mirz&  Hind&l  and  £hw&ja  Mahdi,  to 
say  that  he  was  the  slave  and  obedient  servant  of  the  King,  and 
that  he  consented  to  the  reading  of  the  khutba  and  the  coining 
of  money  in  His  Majesty's  name ;  that  Hasan  Kh&n  had  com- 
pelled him  to  go  to  war,  but  that  he  would  not  fight  the  royal 
troops,  but  retire  early;  and  that  they  should  make  arrangements 
so  that  Hasan  might  be  either  captured  or  slain,  as  in  the  event 
of  his  death  they  would  obtwn  the  country  of  Mew&t. 

When  the  battle  began,  and  both  parties  were  slaughtering 
one  another,  Mahdi  Khw&ja  attacked  Hasan  Eh&n,  who  was 
unable  to  contend  with  him,  and  after  a  short  engagement  took 
to  flight,  and  his  soldiers  were  scattered  all  over  the  countty. 

L&d  Eh&n,  a  slave  of  Hasan  Kh&n,  having  displeased  him, 
joined  his  brothers,  and  by  their  advice  behaved  with  infidelity 
towards  his  bene&ctor.    When  Hasan  Kh&n  had  been  forsaken 


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TARTKH-I  SALATIK-I  AFA6HANA.  37 

bj  all  his  fneDds  and  followers,  and  no  one  remained  with  him, 
he  arrired  at  a  well,  and  said  to  his  servant,  ^*If  yon  have  any- 
thing to  eat,  bring  it."  He  brought  some  cakes  and  roast  meat, 
and  placed  them  before  him.  He  had  eaten  only  a  few  morsels, 
when  a  noble  of  Sh&h  B&bar  arrived.  Hasan  Kh&n  arose  in  a 
state  of  confusion,  with  the  intention  of  mounting,  when  his 
servant  drew  his  sword  on  him,  wounded  him,  and  threw  him 
into  the  well ;  after  which,  he  seized  his  horse,  and  fled.  After 
his  flight,  Hindu  Beg  pursued  and  plundered  his  army,  none  of 
whom  attempted  to  resist.  The  troops  of  the  Vanquisher  of  the 
Universe  obtained  immense  booty  in  horses,  camels,  etc.,  and 
gained  a  great  victory.  That  district  was  entirely  subdued, 
fiom  one  end  to  the  other,  and  collectors  were  appointed  in 
various  places.  Orders  were  issued  for  reading  the  khutha 
and  coining  money,  and  d^jdgir  was  bestowed  upon  the  fortunate 
Sh&hz&da. 

One  year  after  His  Majesty's  accession,  M{rz&  £&mr&n  came 
from  Lahore,  and  brought  many  horses  and  much  wealth,  which 
he  had  taken  from  the  Bhattis  and  Khokars  (Ghakhars),  which  he 
presented  to  the  Sult&n.  About  this  time,  news  arrived  from 
Jaunpur,  that  Sult&n  Muhammad,  the  Afgh&n,  had  assumed 
regal  authority  in  Bih&r,  caused  money  to  be  struck  and  the 
khutba  to  be  read  in  his  own  name,  and  had  brought  an  army 
against  Mirz&  Hind&l,  who,  not  being  strong  enough  to  resist 
him,  fled  from  Jaunpur,  and  was  pursued  by  the  troops  of  Sultan 
Muhammad.  At  last,  the  Mirz&  gave  him  battle,  and  lost  many 
men.  His  Majesty  appointed  Sult&n  Junaid  Birl&s  and  Haidar 
Malik  Hdlak  to  proceed  with  other  Mughals  and  a  Hinddst&ni 
army.  Junaid  made  two  marches  in  one,  and  arrived  there,  and 
fiiced  Sult&n  Muhammad.  Such  fighting  took  place  as  no  age 
has  witnessed  The  Afgh&ns  were  unable  to  resist  the  impetuous 
valour  of  the  Mughals,  and  were  dispersed.  Jaunpur  again  fell 
to  the  Sult&n,  and  an  account  of  the  victory,  together  with  the 
spoil  and  horses,  was  sent  to  the  Imperial  Court.  Sult&n  Junaid 
was  directed  to  remain  there,  and  to  send  the  Mirz&  to  the 

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38  AHMAD  TAD6AR. 

presence.  Junaid  behared  in  saoh  a  way  towards  the  Afgb&ns 
that  no  one  sided  with  theni)  and  the  hearts  of  the  rebeUions 
Afgh&ns  and  other  disaffected  men  were  filled  with  terror  and 
dread  of  him.  Mirzd  Hind&l  was  again  sent  to  Kandahar,  and 
in  tho  second  year  of  His  Majesty's  reign  a  beautiM  garden 
was  made  on  the  borders  of  the  river  Jamna,  and  pathways  were 
introduced  into  Hindtist&n  for  the  first  time,  they  not  baring 
been  in  use  before.  He  passed  his  time  in  that  garden,  in  com- 
pany with  Mughal  companions  and  friends,  in  pleasure  and 
enjoyment  and  carousing,  in  the  presence  of  enchanting  dancing 
girls  with  rosy  cheeks,  who  sang  tunes,  and  displayed  their  ac- 
complishments. The  Mughals,  who  had  fcr  many  years  desired 
tlie  possession  of  Hindust&n,  at  last  goyemed  it.  Mirz&  K&mr&n 
also  prepared  a  splendid  garden  similar  to  this  in  Lahore.  Amir 
Ehalif4,  being  a  person  of  influence,  and  possessing  the  chief 
authority,  managed  the  goyemment,  and  his  decrees  were  like 
those  of  the  Saltan  himself. 

When  the  royal  affairs  had  been  well  and  firmly  established, 
and  the  mandates  of  the  King  had  spread  oyer  land  and  sea  like 
running  water,  the  B&jd  of  Ghanderi  rebelled.  Arghdn  Kh&n, 
who  was  in  that  province,  attacked  him.  The  B&J&,  however, 
plundered  on  the  road  the  money  which  was  being  sent  to  the 
royal  treasury.  The  Buler  of  the  Universe  sent  Arghun  Kh&n's 
brother  and  Ahmad  Sult&n  against  him  with  a  strong  force. 
The  Ghanderi  B&j&,  being  puffed  up  with  vanity  on  account  of 
the  defeat  which  Arghun  Kh&n  had  sustained,  came  out  of 
Ghanderi  with  an  army  of  Hindds,  and  a  battle  took  place  near 
a  village  called  P&dahar,  in  which  he  likewise  defeated  Arghdn 
Kh&n's  brother,  together  with  his  troops,  and  returned  victorious 
to  Ghanderi.  After  this  misfortune,  Amir  Khalifd  received 
orders  to  prepare  all  the  royal  equipage.  When  it  was  ready. 
His  Majesty  left  ^gra  in  state,  and  marched  steadily  in  that 
direction,  having  previously  despatched  Amir  Hindti  Beg  with 
6000  gallant  horsemen.  'Aliwardt  Kh&n  Sh&mlu,  who  was  then 
in  M&lw&,  received  instructions  to  join  Amir  Hindu  Beg,  for  the 

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TiCBrKH-I  8AL/KTrK.I  AFXGHAKA.  39 

porpoae  of  destroying  that  infidel.  The  Bijd  of  Ohanderl,  being 
very  proud  of  his  success,  collected  his  adherrats  from  all 
quartera,  and  appointed  his  nephew  to  oppose  those  two  valiant 
and  warlike  chieftains«  A  battle  was  fought  between  them  on 
the  banks  of  the  riyer  Jumna.  In  the  first  attadc,  the  infidels 
behaTed  with  such  extreme  yalour,  that  many  of  the  men  of  the 
army  of  the  King  of  the  World  became  martyrs.  When  the 
two  amirs  saw  that  their  soldiers  were  terrified  at  the  Hind^is, 
they  retreated,  and  took  refuge  in  a  garden,  and  the  nephew  of 
Shahrak  retired  to  a  garden  two  koa  distant.  When  the  King 
was  told  of  the  defeat  of  these  two  amirSy  he  marched  towards 
the  enemy.  On  the  amin  being  informed  of  the  Kings's  arrival, 
they  divided  their  forces  in  two  on  a  very  dark  night,  darker 
than  the  heart  of  an  oppressor,  fell  on  the  infidels,  and  took 
their  revenge.  They  killed  most  of  the  evil-doers,  and  made 
prisoners  of  the  remainder;  and  so  much  plunder  was  taken  from 
that  heathen  army,  that  the  King's  troops  obtained  sufficient 
to  support  them  for  years.  His  Majesty  marched  on  towards 
CSianderi.  But  when  the  B&j&  heard  of  the  defeat  of  his  brother, 
he  was  confounded,  because  that  profligate  wretch  was  a  great 
warrior.  Not  knowing  what  else  to  do,  he  assembled  a  body  of 
men,  and  came  to  fight  the  Sult&n.  That  vanquished  one  did 
not  know  how  difficult  it  is  for  a  gnat  to  keep  its  feet  when  a 
cold  boisterous  wind  is  blowing,  or  for  a  sparrow  to  fly  against 
a  hawk.  In  the  very  first  onset,  that  dark-faced  man  was  over- 
thrown, and  his  army  slaughtered.  When  the  chiefs  of  the 
B&J&  had  been  trampled  on  by  elephants.  His  Majesty  encamped 
near  Chanderi  with  much  pomp.  The  warriors  of  his  vanguard, 
having  already  taken  the  fort,  made  captives  of  the  connexions 
and  family  of  the  Bdji,  and  despatched  them  to  the  foot  of  the 
royal  throne.  His  Majesty  presented  two  of  the  daughters  of 
the  B4ji,  whose  beauty  was  unrivalled,  who  had  never  been 
exposed  to  the  view  of  man,  or  to  the  hot  winds,  one  to  Mirz& 
K&nr&n,  the  other  to  Prince  Muhammad  Eum&yun,  and  gave 
the  others  to  the  mrddrs  of  his  army.     Afler  which  he  spent 

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40  AHMAD  YADGAE. 

two  months  in  that  place,  in  country  excorsions  and  hunting,  and 
then  returned  to  Agra. 

In  the  third  year  His  Majesty  proceeded  towards  Lahore,  At 
Sirhind  he  was  met  by  the  R&jk  of  Kahldr,  who  presented  him 
seven  Mcons  and  three  mans  of  gold,  and  was  confirmed  in 
the  zaminddri  of  that  place.  When  the  Singes  camp  reached 
Lahore,  M{rz&  K&mr&n  was  honoured  by  admission  to  the  pre- 
sence, and  he  brought  the  zaminddrs  of  the  country  to  kiss  the 
feet  of  the  Conqueror  of  the  World.  The  King's  encampment 
was  located  in  the  environs  of  Lahore,  and  the  royal  tents  were 
pitched  in  the  garden  of  Mirzd  £&mrfin,  who  gave  a  magnificent 
banquet,  which  lasted  three  days.  At  its  conclusion  the  £ing 
left  the  garden,  and  took  up  his  abode  in  the  fort.  The  whole 
road  thither,  from  the  garden  to  the  gate  of  the  city,  was  lined 
by  the  servants  of  Sh&hz&da  £&mr&n,  dressed  in  silk  and 
brocade,  decked  like  bridegrooms ;  and  the  troops,  with  their  gay 
red  and  yellow  flags,  resembling  the  early  spring.  Elephants, 
adorned  with  gilded  trappings,  covered  with  jewels,  were  led  in 
front  of  the  royal  cortege.  YlThen  they  entered  the  city-gate, 
money  was  thrown  to  the  poor  and  destitute,  and  a  grand  enter- 
tainment was  given  in  the  palace  of  Sikandar  Lodi. 

The  £ing  was  pleased  with  the  sights  and  hunting  which  the 
Panjab  afforded,  and  he  therefore  remained  there  for  the  space 
of  a  year,  during  which  Mirzd  Hind&l  came  from  E&bul.  He 
was  admitted  to  the  presence,  and  treated  with  marked  distinction. 
When  the  cold  season  was  over,  Mirz&  Hind&l  returned  to  K&bul, 
and  at  the  time  of  his  departure  he  received,  as  a  present  from  His 
Majesty,  two  elephants,  four  horses,  girdles,  and  jewelled  daggers. 

On  the  fourth  day  of  the  month  of  Bajab,  the  exalted  monarch 
set  forth  on  his  return  to  Xgra.  When  he  reached  Sirhind,  one 
of  the  kdzia  of  S&m&na  complained  to  him  that  Mohan  Mun- 
dahir  had  attacked  his  estate  (imldk)  and  burned  it,  plundered 
all  his  property,  and  slain  his  son.  His  Majesty,  the  Con- 
queror of  the  World,  appointed  ^Ali  Kuli  Hamad&ni,  with  three 
thousand  horse^  to  avenge  the  injury  which  the  Mund&hir  had 

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TiCRrXH-I  SALATIN-I  AFAGHANA.  41 

done  to  the  petitioner.  '*Ali  KvM  proceeded  against  the  Tillage 
of  the  Mundihire.  By  chance  a  marriage  was  being  celebrated 
amongst  the  Mond&hirs,  when  he  approached  them  with  the  in- 
tention of  attacking  them.  It  being  winter-time  when  the  King's 
troops  arriyed  there,  in  the  morning,  thej  were  unable  to  pull 
their  bows,  on  account  of  the  severe  cold.  The  Mund&hirs,  who 
had  just  risen  from  warming  themselves  before  fires  in  their 
houses,  discharged,  such  flights  of  arrows  that  the  soldiers  were 
unable  to  withstand  them.  Many  fell,  and  'AH  KuU  was  unable  to 
effect  anything  on  account  of  the  vigilance  of  the  Eanw&rs.  The 
army  retreated  into  the  jangal^  where  they  collected  a  quantity 
of  wood,  set  fire  to  it,  and  relieved  themselves  from  the  rigour  of 
the  weather ;  after  which,  they  again  assaulted  the  village,  but 
were  again  repulsed. 

When  information  of  this  was  conveyed  to  the  King,  he  sent 
Tarsam  Bah&dur  and  Naurang  Beg,  with  6000  cavalry  and 
many  elephants.  They  reached  that  place  one  night,  when  the 
Mund&hirs  were  celebrating  another  marriage,  and  enjoying 
themselves.  Towards  morning  the  army  was  divided  into  three 
portions :  one  was  sent  to  the  west,  and  ordered  to  show  itself. 
When  the  Mund&hirs,  proud  of  the  defeat  which  'AH  Kuli  had 
sustained,  came  forward  to  the  attack,  according  to  instructions 
received,  the  Boyalist  troops  turned  their  backs  and  fled,  followed 
by  the  Kanw&rs,  until  they  arrived  at  the  distance  of  one  kos 
from  the  village.  Tarsam  Bah&dur  took  advantage  of  this 
opportunity  to  attack  and  set  fire  to  the  village,  and  put  all 
the  inhabitants  to  death.  When  the  Mund&hirs  perceived  the 
flames,  they  ran  towards  their  homes,  but  were  intercepted  on 
their  road  and  attacked  by  the  BoyaHsts,  sword  in  hand.  Nearly 
a  thousand  of  them  were  killed,  and  a  thousand  men,  women,  and 
children  taken  prisoners.  The  slaughter  was  great,  and  there  was 
a  heap  of  severed  heads ;  and  Mohan  was  taken  alive.  An  account 
of  the  conquest  of  the  village  was  sent  to  the  Sh&h.  The  village 
had  been  fully  inhabited  for  no  less  than  160  years  in  ih^pargana 
of  Kaithal;  but  was  then  made,  and  still  continues  to  be,  a 

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42  AHMAD  YADOAB. 

desert,  and  has  never  been  inhabited  again,  although  160  years ' 
have  elapsed  since  its  destniction.  When  the  prisoners  were 
brought  to  Dehli,  all  the  women  were  given  to  the  Mughals. 
The  oflfending  Mund&hir  was  buried  in  the  earth  up  to  his  waist, 
and  then  pierced  to  death  with  arrows.' 

Such  was  the  respect  for  the  army  which  this  produced 
amongst  the  people  of  SEind,  that  thenceforth  no  one  ventored 
either  to  rebel  or  disobey.  After  this  His  Majesty  passed  two 
months  in  hunting  and  other  amusements  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Debit.  He  then  turned  his  fitce  towards  ^gra,  and  sent 
Prince  Muhammad  Hum&ydn,  with  a  large  force,  into  the  sitba 
of  Sambhal,  and  declared  him  his  successor.  The  following  was 
the  cause  of  his  selection.  One  evening  the  King  was  in  his  cups, 
and  summoned  Muhammad  Hum&yun.  When  that  offspring  of 
the  royal  tree  came  into  the  presence,  His  Majesty,  overpowered 
by  the  wine,  had  fallen  asleep  on  his  pillow.  The  Sh&hz&da 
remained  there  standing,  motionless,  with  his  hands  joined. 
When  the  King  awoke  from  sleep  at  midnight,  he  beheld  him 
standing,  and  said,  "When  did  you  comeP*'  He  replied, 
"  When  I  received  your  commands.'^  The  King  then  remem- 
bered having  sent  for  him,  and  was  much  gratified,  and  said, 
"  If  Grod  should  grant  you  the  throne  and  crown,  do  not  put  your 
brothers  to  death,  but  look  sharply  after  them.**^  The  Sh&hz&da 
bowed  down  to  the  ground  and  acquiesced  in  all  that  His  Majesty 
said,  so  that,  notwithstanding  that  Mfrzfi  'Ask&ri  and  Mirzi 
Hind&l  treated  him  a  hundred  times  with  disrespect,  and  even 
went  to  war  with  him,  he,  nevertheless,  when  he  had  vanquished 
them,  ceased  to  think  of  their  hostile  proceedings.  Whenever 
they  came  before  him,  he  treated  them  with  the  greatest  affection, 
and  never  reminded  them  of  the  rancour  they  displayed  towards 
him.  To  be  brief,  Mirzd  Hum&yun  was  sent  with  a  laige  army 
into  the  aiiba  of  Sambhal. 

>  [If  this  be  oorrecty  the  date  of  the  composition  of  (his  work  is  later  than  has 
been  supposed.    See  wprd,  p.  2.] 

*  It  is  strange  that  there  should  be  no  mention  of  this  transaction  either  in  the 
large  histories  or  the  Memoirs  of  B&bar. 

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TiCBrKH-I  SALXTTN-I  AFAGHANA.  43 

Two  or  three  months  after  this  eyeut,  it  became  evident  that 
His  Majestj'^s  health  fidled  him.  He  was  carried  to  his  garden 
OD  the  bank  of  the  riyer,  and  Amir  (Khdilfi)  Niz&mu-d  din  pre- 
scribed for  him,  and  also  managed  the  business  of  the  State. 
When  the  King^s  sickness  increased  day  by  day,  and  he  was 
convinced  that  there  was  now  no  hope  of  life,  he  determined  to 
provide  the  empire  with  a  ruler,  and  prevent  it  from  falling  into 
«  stranger's  hands ;  so  he  confirmed  his  previous  election.  His 
illness  at  length  became  so  severe  at  j^gra,  that,  in  the  year 
937  H.,  he  departed,  by  the  decree  of  the  Almighty,  from  this 
earth  to  heaven,  and  forsook  this  thorny  world  of  trouble  for  the 
rose*garden  of  paradise* 

The  reign  of  SuUdn  lAdaU  Sir. 

^  After  diree  days  had  been  devoted  to  mourning  the  death  of 
Isl&m  Sh&h,  on  the  fourth,  his  eldest  son,  Firoz  Sh&h,  was  placed 
upon  the  throne,  and  the  chiefs  and  nobles,  in  compliance  with 
the  will  of  the  deceased  monarch,  came  forward  and  professed 
allegiance.  They*  distributed  a  donative  of  two  months'  pay 
amongst  the  soldiers,  and  issued  their  orders  to  the  governors  of 
the  ^bas.  They  elected  Taj  Kh&n  Eir&nf  to  the  tcizdrat,  and 
Kutb  Kh&n  Ni&z(,  equally  skilful  with  his  pen  and  sword, 
was  nominated  bakhshi. 

As  Firoz  Eh&n  was  but  young,  being  only  twelve  years  old, 
and  had  no  experience  in  matters  of  government,  T&j  Kh&n 
issued  whatever  orders  he  chose  to  the  nobles,  but  he  was  well- 
affected  to  the  interests  of  the  state  and  of  his  pageant  master. 
Nevertheless,  some  disaffected  nobles  did  not  approve  of  this 
arrangement,  and  afier  consulting  together,  represented  to  Bibi 
B&i,  the  mother  of  Firoz  Eh&n,  that  T&j  Eh&n  was  a  seditious 
intriguing  person,  and  though  he  had  been  raised  to  high  power 
by  Isl&m  Sh&h,  and  was  admitted  to  his  intimate  friendship,  yet 

>  [Traiislftted  bj  Sir  H.  Elliot] 

*  The  tena  might  also  apply  to  the  King,  but  it  seenu  meant  for  the  nobles  by  the 
context. 


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44  AHMAD  TADGAB. 

that  monarch  did  not  centre  all  power  in  him.  You  have  now 
constituted  him  absolute  minister,  and  he,  already  contemplating 
the  acquisition  of  supreme  power,  has  summoned  his  brethren, 
and  intends  to  remove  this  child  from  the  throne  and  occupy  it 
himself/'  She  inquired  of  them  what  she  ought  to  do.  They 
replied,  *^  Send  him  to  the  Ma  of  M&lw&,  to  supply  the  place  of 
Shuj&'  Kh&n.''^  After  giving  the  matter  a  little  reflection,  Bibi 
B&i  sent  him  to  M^lwi,  though  he  was  the  prop  of  her  son's 
empire,  and  all  the  other  nobles  quailed  before  his  presence,  and 
Isl&m  Sh&h  on  his  death-bed  had  expressly  consigned  the  boy  to 
his  care. 

About  a  month  after  T&j  Kh&n's  departure,  Mamrez  Eh&n  ^ 
her  brother,  son  of  Mi&n  Niz&m,  brother  of  Sher  Sh&h  (who  had 
lived  at  Bay&na,  feigning  eccentricity  and  madness,  in  order  to 
escape  death  or  blinding  under  the  late  reign),  thought  this  a 
good  opportunity  of  offering  his  congratulations  to  his  nephew, 
and,  under  that  pretence,  of  making  away  with  him  and  seizing 
the  crown  for  himself.  With  this  view,  he  entered  into  a  secret 
correspondence  with  some  of  the  nobles  whom  he  brought  over 
to  his  interests.  So  after  two  months,^  he  entered  Gw&lior  with 
a  large  army,  and,  all  covered  with  dust  as  he  was,  went  direct 
into  the  presence  of  Firoz  Kh&n,  with  the  intention  of  seizing 
and  expelling  him.  His  sister,  astonished  at  seeing  him  under  an 
aspect  different  from  that  under  which  she  had  ever  beheld  him, 
stood  between  him  and  her  son,  and  exclaimed,  ^*  Mamrez  Kh&n, 
what  are  you  dreaming  of  P  Have  you  no  fear  of  God  before 
your  eyes,  that  you  seek  to  extinguish  my  lamp  by  the  blast  of 
violence^  and  seat  me  in  the  dust  of  oppression  P  You  also  have 
children.  Did  I  not  save  you  from  the  hands  of  Isl&m  Sh&h, 
and  is  this  the  reward  I  am  to  receive  P  " 

^  This  author  always  calls  him  bj  this  name.    All  others  call  him  Mnhfrris  Kh&n. 

'  It  does  not  say  from  what  time,  bat  we  may  presume  the  death  of  Isl&m  6h6h. 
According  to  other  authors,  this  murder  occurs  within  a  week  (three  days  being  the 
general  statement)  after  this  erent,  and  we  hear  nothing  whatever  of  the  ministry  of 
T&j  1Lh6A  Kir&ni,  or  his  transfer  to  M&lw&,  and  the  whole  statement  is  so  entirely 
at  variance  with  others,  that  we  must  reject  it. 

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TABIKH-I  SAUCirK-I  AFX6HANA.  45 

But  all  her  cries  and  remonstrances  were  of  no  arail,  for  the 
wretch  severed  the  child^s  head  from  his  body,  and  thus  accumu- 
lated curses  upon  himself  for  erer.  After  killing  Ffroz  Kh&n,  he 
came  out  again  from  the  palace,  and,  with  the  consent  of  two  or 
three  of  the  deyilish  nobles  who  were  with  him,^  seated  himself 
on  the  throne.  Then  were  all  astonished  and  perturbed,  and  a 
tumult  arose  in  the  city. 

'Seyen  days  after  the  slaughter  of  Firoz  Eh&n,  Mamrez 
Eh&n  came  to  the  throne.  Before  he  took  possession  of  it,  he 
caused  tents  of  damask  and  brocade  to  be  erected  in  the  bdzdr; 
after  which,  be  seated  himself  on  the  throne  and  assumed  the 
title  of  ^i^dil  Sh&h.^  He  opened  the  treasures  of  Isl&m  Sh&h 
and  Sher  Sh&h,  and  scattered  them  with  an  unsparing  hand 
amongst  the  people,  so  that  they  thought  little  of  the  murder  of 
Firoz  Kh&n.^  As  there  was  no  member  of  Sher  Sh&h's  family 
to  succeed  to  the  crown,  the  nobles  sided  with  him,  and  were 
honoured  with  titles  and  dignities.  When,  after  two  months,  he 
found  that  every  one  was  well  inclined  towards  him,  he  turned 
his  face  towards  Ghun&r,  where  the  treasures  of  Sher  Sh&h  were. 
After  conciliating  the  Kanjurs,  he  came  to  Gw&lior,  and  thence 
led  an  army  himself  against  Sallm  Stir,  who  had  rebelled  on  the 
ground  of  the  murder  of  Firoz  Eh&u.  When  he  came  into  that 
neighbourhood,  Salim  Kh&n,  finding  himself  unable  to  cope  with 

1  The  WdkCdt'i  Mwhtdki  says  that  the  great  fayourites  whom  he  constituted  as 
aheolnte  at  the  beginning  of  bis  reign  were  Babdr  Kb&n  Sarw&ni,  Ibr&him  Kh&n 
S6r,  and  Shamsber  Kh&n,  younger  brother  of  Ehaw6s  Eb&n,  '*  To  these  three  he 
distributed  the  public  treasure  as  well  as  the  whole  country/' — MS.  p.  143.  The 
Ti&r(kh-4  Dditdi  says  Sbamsher  Eh&n  and  Daulat  Kb&n  Loh&nl  were  appointed  to 
the  wizdrat  (MS.,  p.  357).    Others  mention  only  the  former  name. 

*  [From  this  point  to  the  end  the  translation  is  Mr.  Mackenzie's.] 

*  The  Makhum»i  Afghdni  says  this  name  was  changed  to  'Adalf,  which  Dom  says 
signifies  *  foolish.'  In  one  MS.  of  the  work  it  is  said  the  name  was  changed  into 
U^adaiy  unjust  [Firisbta's  version  of  the  nick-name  is  different.  He  says  it  was 
the  Hindi  audhali,  *  blind.']  The  Wdk^dt-i  Mmhtdkl  (MS.  p.  142)  says  he  was 
raised  to  the  throne  with  the  title  of  Sult&n  Mahmtfd. 

«  One  instance  of  this  folly  is  recorded  in  the  MakhMan-i  Afghdni  and  THrikK-i 
Ddiidi  and  other  works.  He  used  to  scatter,  amongst  other  donations,  certain  em- 
blematic tokens,  worth  500  tankaa  each,  which  were  paid,  on  presentation,  to  the 
fDrtmiate  holdexa  into  whose  houses  they  had  Men. 


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46  AHMAD  YADQXR. 

him,  fled  to  the  hill  conntiyy  and  was  pursued  by  a  laige  anny 
sent  after  him  by  'A!dil  Sh&h. 

After  remaining  a  month  in  that  place,  he  despatched  an  army 
against  the  B4j4  of  Andrfin.  When  he  arrived  in  his  eoantry, 
the  B&J&  went  to  the  fort  of  Eisht,  at  the  £>ot  of  which  he 
caused  outworks  to  be  erected,  which  he  gare  in  charge  to  his 
chie&.  The  Hindus  made  use  of  'arddas  and  mat^aniks^  and 
placed  large  cannon  on  the  bastions  of  the  fort,  and  kept  up  such 
constant  Tolleys  of  stones,  that  a  bird  would  have  found  it  im- 
possible to  flypast.  TheAfgh&ns  also  prepared  trenches  and 
batteries  and  made  war;  but  by  no  means  could  they  contrive  to 
gain  the  victory,  and  they  lost  many  of  their  men.  They  cast 
fiery  missiles  {hukkahd-i  dtiah)  into  the  fort ;  while  from  the  inside 
of  the  castle  the  defenders  threw  bags  of  cotton  steeped  in  oil 
and  set  on  fire.  By  this  means  many  men  were  burned  on  both 
sides,  and  ^j^dil  Sh&h  was  much  distressed  at  the  state  of  his 
prospects.  He  lost  men  daily  during  a  whole  month.  At  length, 
one  nighty  he  beheld  in  a  dream  a  venerable  man  of  brilliant 
countenance,  who  said  to  him,  ''You  will  conquer  this  fort  if 
you  do  one  thing.^  'Adil  Sh&h  said,  *^  Darweshea  take  more 
interest  in  the  condition  of  Isl&m  than  kings  do ;  you  ought  not 
to  withhold  your  prayers  from  the  army  of  the  faithftd,  because 
the  Musulm&ns  are  sorely  distressed  in  this  afiair.  If  I  return 
without  gaining  the  victory,  I  shall  destroy  the  royal  name ;  and 
if  I  endeavour  to  obtain  possession  of  the  fort,  many  Musulm&ns 
will  fitU:  for  this  reason  my  soul  is  immersed  in  the  river  of 
anxiety.^'  The  darwesh  replied,  "  There  is  a  shopkeeper  in  your 
army  whose  name  is  Zankd,  who  has  a  daughter,  the  splendour 
of  whose  beauty  exceeds  that  of  the  sun,  and  whose  ^e  puts  the 
roses  of  the  garden  to  shame ;  the  locks  of  her  hair  ai*e  lovelier 
than  the  hyacinth :  buy  her  from  her  father  for  whatever  sum  he 
may  ask,  dress  her  in  costly  garments,  deck  her  with  jewels,  and 
send  her  on  horseback  in  the  direction  of  the  desert  before  the 
rose  of  the  sun  has  risen  from '  the  garden  of  the  east.  After 
which,  make  ready  your  army,  and  attack  the  fort  on  all  sides. 

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TABIEH-I  SALilCTrK.I  AFAGHANA.  47 

T^th  the  blessing  of  Gh>d,  you  will  be  yictorioiis.^^  After  he  had 
said  this,  the  King  awoke.  In  the  morning  he  summoned  his 
confidential  ehiefe  into  his  private  apartment,  and  related  the 
dream  to  them,  and  made  inquiries  after  the  shopkeeper.  The 
kaiwdi  searched  for  him,  and  brought  him  to  the  foot  of 
the  throne.  Thej  satisfied  him  with  presents  and  money,  and 
received  his  daughter,  whom  they  dressed  in  fine  clothes  and 
jewels,  and  sent  off  to  the  desert  at  the  time  indicated  by  the 
darwesA.  She  had  scarcely  reached  the  distance  of  a  bow-shot, 
when  a  rosy-cheeked  young  man,  whose  beard  had  not  yet  begun 
to  grow,  came  firom  the  opposite  direction ;  he  had  a  gilt  saddle 
and  jewelled  trappings,  and  rode  a  cream-coloured  horse,  and 
had  a  gold-worked  quiver  &stened  to  his  waist,  with  a  tiger's 
tail  hanging  firom  it,  with  a  regal  cap  set  jauntily  on  his 
head,  and  plumes  firom  the  wings  of  the  H-murgh.  That  fi^ir 
girl  made  him  a  saldm^  and  they  both  took  the  road  of 
the  desert.  The  men  who  accompanied  the  lady  were  con- 
fbnnded  at  the  wonderful  and  mysterious  occurrence  which  they 
had  witnessed,  and  were  still  further  astounded,  when,  in  the 
twinkling  of  an  eye,  they  both  disappeared  from  their  sight. 
Upon  this,  they  returned,  and  told  what  had  happened  to  ^^dil 
Sh&h,  and  the  wise  men  of  the  age  who  were  there  present  were 
wonder-struck. 

Proclamation  was  made  by  beat  of  drum,  that  the  soldiers 
should  prepare  for  battle.  They  advanced  against  the  fort.  By 
the  decree  of  the  Most  Mighty,  such  dread  had  taken  possession 
of  the  defenders,  that  they  sent  a  message  to  the  effect,  that, 
**  If  D&ud  Kh&n  would  bring  a  written  promise  of  mercy  from 
the  King,  the  Bajd  would  give  up  the  fort  to  His  Majesty^s 
troops,  and  come  to  pay  his  respects.^  D4tid  Kh&n  sent  this 
message  to  '^dil  Sh&h,  who  was  much  astonished,  and  said, 
**0  Diud  Kh4n,  I  was  put  to  great  annoyance  by  this  fort, 
because  so  many  of  the  fi^ithful  had  fallen  and  were  falling.  I 
could  not  gain  possession  of  it.  I  therefore  felt  inclined  to  leave 
it,  and  return  to  Gw&lior ;  but  now  I  have  proved  the  truth  of  the 

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48  AHMAD  TADGAR. 

promises  of  a  danvesh.  Thank  God,  he  has  not  misled  me.  Go 
and  give  them  mj  written  promise  of  mercy/'  D4ud  Eh&n  did 
as  he  was  directed.  The  B&j4  came  into  the  presence  with  his 
tarban  suspended  firom  his  neck,  and  the  fort  was  vacated. 
Mach  treasure  and  many  fine  elephants  and  horses  were  pre- 
sented to  'j^dil  Sh&h.  The  King  gave  the  fort  into  D4ud  Kh&n's 
charge,  and  returned  thence  victorious  to  Gw&Iior. 

When  he  had  reigned  two  years,  and  his  authority  was  firmly 
established,  he  began  to  treat  the  nobles  with  severity.  There 
was  a  man  named  Himun,  who  was  a  weighman  in  the  bdzdr^ 
who  had  found  means  to  approach  the  King  on  different  affairs, 
and  in  whom  he  daily  reposed  more  and  more  confidence.  By 
degrees  he  became  very  powerful  and  influential,  so  that  he 
managed  the  business  of  the  State.  About  this  time,  Junaid 
Kh&n,  the  son  of  Ahmad  Khan,  who  was  governor  of  Baydna,  and 
his  son,  the  faujddr  of  Ajmir,  rebelled  in  Ajmir,  plundering  and 
spoiling  certain  parganas  of  that  province,  making  prisoners  of 
the  women  and  children,  and  gaining  much  booty,  which  he  gave 
to  his  men.  By  all  which  he  succeeded  in  collecting  a  large 
force,  the  motions  of  which  he  directed  with  great  expertneaa 
and  address. 

'^dil  Sh4h  had  at  this  time  gone  to  Chun&r ;  Jam&l  Kh&n, 
who  was  in  Gw&lior,  assembled  a  force  and  went  out  against  him 
with  seventeen  elephants  in  his  train.  A  battle  was  fought  at 
Kanul4pdr,  near  Lad4nah.  The  fighting  was  severe.  Junaid 
Khan  overcame  Jam41  Kh&n  at  the  first  onset,  and  slew  many  of 
his  best  men.  He  also  obtained  much  plunder,  horses,  elephants, 
etc.  When  this  news  reached  the  King,  he  was  greatly  distressed. 
Himun  said,  "  0  Lord  of  the  World,  if  you  will  trust  me  with  a 
small  force,  I  will  either  overcome  Junaid  Kh&n,  or  perish  in  the 
attempt.^  '^dil  Sh&h  at  first  objected  to  this,  on  account  of  the 
meanness  of  his  origin,  but  at  length  he  yielded  to  his  solicita- 
tions, and  sent  him  with  3000  or  4000  horse  and  four  elephants. 
He  set  off,  and  Junaid  Kh&n,  vain  of  his  victory  over  Jamd 
Kh&n,  took  no  notice  of  him,  saying,  *^  My  grooms  will  knock 

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TARIKH-I  SALATIN-I  AFXGHANA.  49 

out  hia  brains  with  the  pegs  to  which  their  horses  are  fastened/' 
He  then  ordered  Daalat  Kh&n,  who  was  the  superintendent  of 
hia  stable,  to  proceed  against  him  with  a  large  army,  and  enjoined 
him  not  to  kill  Himun,  but  to  bring  him  alive  into  the  presence. 
He  gaye  him  leave  to  depart,  and  himself  went  to  hunt  tigers. 
How  veiy  reprehensible  is  arrogance ! 

Daalat  Eh&u  went,  after  making  all  his  arrangements,  and 
towards  the  close  of  day  found  himself  within  a  ioB  of  Himun's 
army.  He  sent  some  boastful  and  foolish  messages  to  Himun, 
saying,  "  0  shopkeeper,  why  do  you  meddle  with  war  P  Return 
to  your  scales  and  weights."  Himun  sent  no  answer,  but 
allowed  him  to  remain  in  his  fancied  security.  When  night 
came,  he  called  the  Afghans,  and  said,  *'  Junaid  Kh&n,  in  the 
first  place,  defeated  our  troops,  and  is  vain-glorious  on  that 
account;  to-morrow,  if  you  behave  valiantly,  we  have  every 
hope  of  gaining  the  victory,  and  you  will  be  praised  and 
honoured  by  His  Majesty.'*^  The  Afgh&ns,  on  hearing  this, 
declared  their  intention  of  doing  their  best  in  the  battle  which 
was  about  to  ensue,  saying,  that  '*  Victory  was  in  the  hands  of 
God."  When  the  light  of  the  sun  parted  the  curtain  of  dark- 
ness, the  brave  men  of  both  parties  mixed  together.  Providence 
decreed  success  to  the  banners  of  ^Adil  Sh&h.  Daulat  Kh&n  was 
slain,  and  his  army  put  to  flight.  Himdn  pursued  them  for  two 
ho9^  and  put  many  to  death ;  a  portion  of  them  only  managed 
by  a  thousand  devices  to  save  their  lives  from  the  swords  of  the 
royal  troops. 

When  Junaid  Khan  was  informed  of  this,  his  head,  which  he 
had  lifted  to  the  heavens,  was  brought  low.  He  ordered  his 
troops  to  prepare  for  action,  and  marched  with  the  intention  of 
fighting.  Towards  night  he  arrived  close  to  the  army  of  ^iidil 
Sh&h,  and  encamped.  After  counting  his  troops,  he  found  that 
he  had  with  him  8000  cavalry  and  3000  foot,  whom  he  had 
assembled  from  different  quarters,  together  with  ten  war- 
elephants  and  a  numerous  artillery.  During  the  night  he 
endeavoured  to  inftise  spirit  into  his  men. 

VOL  v.  4 

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50  AHMAD  TADOAR. 

When  Himdn  saw  the  large  force  of  the  enemy  he  was  dis- 
turbed, because  he  had  only  brought  3000  horsemen  with  him, 
and  many  of  his  men  were  wounded.  He  came  to  the  conclusion 
that  he  could  not  cope  with  the  foe  by  day.  He  said,  "  If  you, 
who  are  warriors,  are  of  this  opinion,  which  has  firm  possession 
of  me,  we  may  hope  for  success.*"  All  the  Afghans  said,  "Tour 
opinion  is  ours."  Himun  said,  *^  I  advise  a  night  attack  to  be 
made  on  their  army,  let  what  may  happen."  He  then  picked 
out  one  body  of  2500  horsemen,  and  kept  1000  himself,^  with 
the  intention  of  attacking  the  enemy  from  two  different  quarters, 
with  kettle-drums  sounding,  during  the  last  watch  of  the  night, 
and  putting  them  all  to  the  sword. 

With  this  view  he  prepared  his  men  for  the  attack.  The 
enemy  remained  on  the  alert  during  three  watches  of  the  night ; 
but  in  the  last  watch  they  grew  negligent,  and  fell  asleep.  When 
they  were  overpowered  by  drowsiness,  the  soldiers  of  '^dil  Shah 
fell  furiously  on  them  on  all  sides,  and  awoke  them  with  the 
sound  of  drums  and  trumpets.  Himun  did  not  give  them  time 
to  put  on  their  armour,  and  the  Afgh&ns,  sword  in  hand,  passed 
through  their  army,  slaughtering  all  they  met,  and  many  also 
fell  by  the  hands  of  their  comrades.  They  took  to  flight,  and 
suffered  severe  loss  from  His  Majesty^s  troops. 

When  Junaid  Kh&n  saw  that  he  was  unsuccessful,  he  thought 
himself  lucky  in  being  able  to  save  his  life,  and  fled  alone  to  the 
desert ;  all  who  were  not  cut  to  pieces  also  saved  themselves  by 
flight.  The  spoil  which  this  victory  granted  by  the  Almighty 
yielded,  amounted  to  200  camels,  with  daggers  and  swords  in- 
numerable. A  portion  of  this  was  given  to  the  army  as  a  reward 
for  its  valour,  the  remainder  was  forwarded  to  'A^dil  Sh&h. 
Himun  despatched  an  account  of  the  victory  to  His  Majesty  two 
days  before  he  set  forth  himself.  He  then  went  to  Court,  taking 
the  plunder  with  him,  and  gave  a  detailed  account  of  the  war 
and  of  his  victories,  and  showed  the  articles  of  booty  one  by  one 

^  Something  here  defectiye  in  the  arithmetic.  He  hafl  just  stated  there  were  only 
8000  men  in  all,  and  of  these  many  wero  disabled. 

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TXRIKH-I  BALATTK-I  APAGHANA.  51 

to  the  King.  He  then  stood  with  folded  hands  in  front  of  the 
throne,  '^dil  Shfih  honoured  him  with  a  purple  khiVat^  the 
collar  and  skirt  of  which  were  covered  with  jewels.  Himtin  said, 
*^  I  am  a  miserable  shopkeeper,  and  can  of  myself  do  nothing. 
To  Your  Majesty's  good  fortune  this  success  is  due.  But  the 
swords  and  brarery  of  these  soldiers  are  the  means.  Your  Majesty 
should  first  recompense  them."  The  King  praised  this  speech, 
and  rewarded  all  those  who  had  distinguished  themselyes  in  the 
field,  by  giving  them  high  mamaU  and  splendid  dresses  of 
honour. 

On  account  of  this  war,  Himdn^s  power  increased  greatly. 
One  day,  at  the  time  at  which  the  King  was  in  the  habit  of 
quitting  his  private  apartments,  the  nobles  were  seated  in  the 
Darbdr'i  *dmm^  ajid  Jdgirs  were  being  distributed.  Ibr&h{m  Khdn, 
who  had  married  ^i([dil  Sh&h's  sister,  entered,  and  all  the  a7)iir8 
rose  to  salute  him,  with  the  exception  of  T&j  Khan,  one  of  the 
chief  nobles  as  well  as  warriors,  who  remsuned  sitting  in  his 
place.  Ibr&him  Kh4n  was  vexed  at  this,  and  became  inimically 
disposed  towards  T&j  Kh&n.  Some  days  after  this,  T&j  Khdn 
went  to  pay  his  respects  to  'i([dil  Sh&h.  The  day  was  very 
cloudy,  and  he  was  assaulted  by  an  Afgh&n,  named  Nizdm 
Eh&n,  in  the  doorway  of  the  audience  chamber,  which  was  itself 
a  dark  place,  independent  of  the  darkness  which  the  clouds 
occasioned.  He  was,  however,  only  slightly  wounded.  Tdj 
Kh&n  attributed  this  attempt  to  Ibr&him  and  "^dil  Sh&h.  When, 
after  a  week  or  so,  his  wounds  were  healed,  he  made  ready  his 
adherents,  and  advanced  from  Gw&liorinthe  direction  of  Bengal. 
Information  of  this  was  soon  conveyed  to  '^dil  Shdh,  who  sent 
a  large  force  to  pursue  him,  and  much  fighting  took  place.  T&j 
Kh&n  forced  his  way,  sword  in  hand,  and  the  royal  troops 
returned.  After  this,  Taj  Kh&n  went  t.o  Ahmad  Kh&n,  who 
was  governor  of  Jaunpdr,  and  a  relation  of  his.  ''Xdil  Shah 
sent  sk/armdn^  enjoining  him  to  induce  T&j  Kh&n  to  come  back, 
seeing  that  the  cause  of  his  displeasure  did  not  originate  with 
the  King,  but  was  entirely  owing  to  his  enemies.    Ahmad  Kh&n 

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62  AHMAD  TADGAR. 

did  all  he  conld  to  persuade  Taj  Kh&n,  who,  however,  would  not 
listen  to  him.^ 

''j^dil  Shiih's  suspicions  caused  divers  of  the  nobles  to  be 
inimical  to  him.  He  put  Daulat  Kh&n  Jalw&ni  and  Firoz  Kh&n 
Kdkar  to  death,  and  pulled  up  the  root  of  his  empire  with  his 
own  hands  by  killing  these  two  amirs^  who  were  the  pillars  of 
his  monarchy.  He  then  began  to  entertain  evil  intentions 
towards  Nasib  Kh&n  Sarwemi,  Isma'il  Ehdn,  AU&h-d&d  Eh&n 
Miana,  and  Niz&m  Kh&n  S&hu-khail,  and  he  became  daily 
more  ill-disposed  towards  the  nobles,  '^dil  Sh&h's  sister,  the 
wife  of  Ibr&him  Kh&n,  went  one  day  to  her  brother's  house,  and 
learned  from  some  of  the  women  there,  who  had  long  been  friends 
of  hers,  that  the  King  was  ill-disposed  towards  her  husband,  and 
meditated  some  evil  design  against  him.  She  being  very  fond  of 
her  husband,  was  much  distressed  at  this  news,  left  the  palace 
in  a  hurry,  and  went  to  her  own  house,  where  she  told  what  she 
had  heard  to  Ibr&him,  who,  being  seized  with  a  panic,  fled  from 
Gw&lior  and  went  to  Dehli.  When  '-4^dil  Sh&h  was  informed  of 
his  departure,  he  sent  a  large  army  in  pursuit  of  him,  and  a 
battle  took  place  near  ^gra.  The  King's  forces  sustained  a  total 
defeat,  and  Ibr&him  Elh&n  marched  victorious  into  Agra.^ 

Jal&I  Kh&n,  who  was  in  the  province  of  Sirhind,  also  joined 
Ibr&him  Elh&n,  and  made  over  to  him  all  the  money  which  had 
been  collected  from  the  parganaa  of  that  province.  Mahmud 
Kh&n  Pundak,  Niz&m  Kh&n,  and  Alif  Kh&n  likewise  allied 
themselves  with  him,  so  that  he  mustered  about  3000  cavalry. 
He  caused  the  khutba  to  be  read  and  coin  to  be  struck  in  his 
name,  and  raised  the  standard  of  rebellion.  Whilst  this  was 
going  on,  *Adil  Sh&h  had  gone  to  the  treasury  of  Chun&r;  but 
when  he  heard  of  the  insurrection  of  Ibr&him  Kh&n,  he  marched 

^  It  is  impossible  to  ascertain  tke  precise  dates  of  these  transactioHs,  so  mach  oon- 
fusion,  ncgli^noe,  and  contradiction  occor ;  bat  they  seem  to  be  a  mere  yariation  in 
the  account  of  T&j  Kh&n's  secession  from  the  council,  when  he  was  defeated  at 
Chhabramau,  the  details  of  which  will  be  found  among  tiie  extracts  from  the  Tdrikh^i 
Khdn'Jahun  Lodi, 

'  Ai  that  time  Ibr6him  Eh&n's  father,  Ghazi  Kh&n  S6r,  was  goyemor  of  Bay&na 
and  ilindiin. 

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TARIKH-I  SALATTN-I  AFAGHANA.  63 

to  Gw&lior,  and  released  Nasib  Eh&n  and  Allfih-d&d  Eli4n,  whom 
he  had  imprisoned.  He  then  treated  them  kindly,  gave  them 
rich  pnrple  dresses  of  honour,  and  80,000  rupees  for  their 
expenses,  and  did  his  best  to  please  them.  At  the  time  of  their 
departure  he  presented  them  with  an  elephant,  a  girdle  and  a 
dagger,  and  sent  them  against  Ibr&hlm.  These  two  nobles  pro- 
ceeded in  great  state  from  Gw&lior  to  Dehli,  but  they  too  joined 
Ibr&him  Kh&n.  When  'Adil  Sh&h  was  informed  of  their  joining 
the  rebels,  he  lost  heart,  because  these  two  men  of  name*  bad 
sided  with  his  foe. 

At  thia  period,  the  B&j&  of  Andardun,  seeing  the  disordered 
state  of  the  King's  affairs,  revolted  in  Ujjain.  'Adil  Shdh 
reached  Owdlior  by  uninterrupted  marches ;  and  when  the  R&j& 
was  informed  of  the  King's  coming,  he  left  his  nephew  Tar4 
Chand  with  a  portion  of  his  army  in  Ujjain,  and  advanced  him- 
self two  ko9  from  Ujjain  with  a  numerous  force  to  meet  the  royal 
troops.  '*Adil  Sh&h  appointed  Niz&m  Kh&n  Sur  and  Fath  Khan 
Sarw&ni  to  oppose  him.  They  attacked  him  with  their  brave 
Afgh&ns.  At  first,  the  B&j4's  valour  had  such  an  effect  that 
some  of  the  best  Afghans  obtained  martyrdom,  and  the  Sult&n's 
army  were  on  the  point  of  running  away.  'Adil  Sh&h  possessed 
two  elephants,  in  whose  powers  of  travelling  he  had  great  confi- 
dence, and  two  fleet  steeds,  and  he  determined  to  fly  to  Ghun4r 
with  all  the  royal  jewels  in  the  event  of  the  defeat  of  Niz4m 
Kh4n  and  Fath  Kh4n.  Niz4m  Kh4n  and  Fath  Khdn  had  like- 
wise resolved  to  leave  the  field,  as  they  had  lost  many  men  by 
the  hands  of  the  infidels,  and  could  not  hope  to  do  anything 
with  the  few  who  remained. 

Whilst  they  were  thus  despairing  of  their  success,  it  happened 
by  the  blessing  of  God,  that  one  of  the  zamhiiraks  or  swivels  of 
the  royal  army  was  discharged.  It  struck  the  Baj4  of  Andardun, 
who  was  standing  in  front  of  his  army,  on  the  head ;  his  skull 
was  knocked  to  pieces,  and  his  brains  scattered  like  the  fragments 
of  a  cheese.  When  the  R4j4's  men  saw  this,  they  all  took  to 
flight.     Niz4m  Kh4n,  seeing  that  the  infidels  had  suddenly  dis- 

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64  AHMAD  YADGAB. 

persed,  believed  that  some  unforeseen  event  had  occarred^  and 
made  a  slight  attack  on  them  with  his  remaining  troops.  The 
infidels  fled  before  them,  and  on  advancing  they  found  the  B.&J& 
of  Andarddn  lying  in  the  midst  of  dust  and  blood.  They 
returned  thanks  to  God,  and  sent  news  of  the  victory  to  ''KdiX 
Sh&h,  and  counselled  him  to  come  speedily  to  Ujjain.  His 
Majesty  was  astonished  at  the  mysterious  dispensations  of  Provi- 
dence, and  pursued  the  fogitives  until  he  reached  Ujjain.  The 
B&j&'s  men  resisted  during  three  hours,  but  at  last  gave  way ; 
his  wives  and  children  were  taken  prisoners,  and  such  spoil  of 
horses,  camels,  elephants,  gold,  jewels,  property,  and  clothes  was 
obtained,  that  the  soldiers  had  wherewithal  to  support  them- 
selves for  years. 

After  this  victory,  '^dil  Sh&h  paased  some  time  in  M&lwd,  and 
Ibr&him  Xh&n  at  this  time  availed  himself  of  the  opportunity 
thus  afforded,  and  extended  his  authority.  Having  collected 
much  money  from  the  different  parganas  of  the  provinces,  he  de- 
spatched his  emissaries  in  all  directions,  and  gained  the  whole 
country  from  Dehli  to  Boht&s.  When  'Adil  Sh&h  arrived  frx>m 
M&lw&,  and  heard  of  the  power  and  success  of  Ibr&him  Kh4n, 
he  was  distressed.  He  felt  satisfied  that  it  would  be  necessary  to 
proceed  against  him  in  person,  and  ordered  the  necessary  prepa^ 
rations  to  be  made  for  that  purpose. 

At  this  time,  Mansur  Eh&n,  who  was  a  young  man  of  great 
courage,  and  had  married  the  King's  younger  sister,  excited  'Adil 
Sh&h's  suspicions.  He  was  anxious  to  hinder  him  from  revolting 
like  Ibr&him  Kh&n,  and,  therefore,  determined  either  to  blind 
him  with  a  red-hot  bodkin  or  slay  him.  His  wife  was  by  some 
means  or  other  informed  of  this,  and  told  her  husband  that  ^*  she 
had  learnt  in  various  places  that  'Adil  Sh&h  was  desirous  of 
either  putting  him  to  death  or  blinding  him,  and  that  if  he 
wished  to  save  his  life  he  had  better  fly."  Mansur  Kh&n  had 
suspected  this  from  the  first.  His  wife  said,  "  You  have  4000 
horse,  who  are  your  ancient  servants :  and  I  have  much  gold  and 
property  in. jewels;   let  us  sell  it,  and  obtain  adherents.     As 


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TABrXH-I  BAUICTrN-I  AFAGHANA.  55 

Ibr&him  Zh&n  foraook  this  place,  and  obtained  snch  extensive 
anthority  by  his  coarage,  do  you  also,  in  like  manner,  not  only 
ayoid  the  chance  of  destruction,  bnt  increase  yonr  possessions/' 

Mansur  Eh&n  listened  to  the  wife's  advice,  which  was  given 
in  the  spirit  of  a  man ;  and  one  day,  nnder  the  pretext  of 
hunting,  when  informed  by  his  spies  that  ^i^dil  Shah  was  in  his 
cups,  left  Ow&lior  (having  previously  sent  off  his  troops  and 
baggage),  and  arrived  at  Dehli,  where  he  had  an  interview  with 
Ibr&lum,  who  entertained  him  hospitably  for  two  or  three  days, 
after  which  he  requested  Ibr&him  to  give  him  charge  of  the 
Panj&b,  and  merit  his  gratitude  by  doing  so,  since  it  had  pleased 
the  Most  High  to  make  Ibr&hlm  a  man  high  in  authority,  and 
the  possessor  of  an  extrusive  territory.  IbriUiim's  youthful,  over- 
bearing pride  led  him  to  be  displeased  at  this.  Next  day, 
Mansur  Kh&n  sent  his  mother  and  wife  to  the  wife  of  Ibrfihim 
Khan,  and  told  them  to  entreat  her  to  persuade  Ibr&him  Eh&n 
to  entrust  the  Panj&b  to  him.  His  wife  and  mother  went  there, 
and  said  to  her  ^  sister  (the  wife  of  Ibr&him),  ^'  You  are  like  a 
mother  to  us.  God  has  exalted  you,  and  given  you  great  posses- 
sions ;  and  if  through  your  means  the  land  of  the  Panj&b  be 
given  by  your  husband  to  mine,  I  shall  consider  myself  your 
slave,  and  my  husband  will  become  one  of  your  servants.'' 
The  elder  sister  consented,  and  sent  them  away  with  a  present 
of  gold  and  jewels.  At  bedtime  that  evening  she  related  what 
had  happened  to  her  husband.  Ibr&him  Kh&n's  pride  again 
caused  him  io  refuse  to  listen  to  the  request,  and  she,  being 
vexed,  arose  and  left  him.  In  the  morning  the  wife  told  her 
sister  of  the  denial  she  had  met  with.  Mansiir  was  enraged 
at  this,  and  determined  to  have  one  trial  of  arms  with  Ibr&him 
Kh&n.  He  deliberated  with  his  trusty  Afgh&ns,  and  said, 
**  What  is  the  good  of  this  life  to  me  P  If  the  Most  High  grants 
me  success,  my  situation  will  be  bettered ;  at  all  events,  it  will 
be  better  to  die  than  remain  in  this  wretched  condition.'^ 

>  [Ibr&hSm  Eh&n  and  Ahmad  Kh&n  (here  called  Manitir)  had  each  of  them 
nuDried  a  sister  of  'Adali's.] 


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56  AHMAD  TADGAE. 

As  God  had  decreed  that  Mansdr  Kh&n  should  be  victorions, 
all  the  nobles  and  Afgh&ns  of  note  joined  him,  and  agreed 
with  him  in  everything,  so  that  he  mustered  8000  horsemen. 
Ibr&him,  however,  commanded  30,000.  Mansur  Eh&n  made 
ready  for  war,  and  sent  to  Ibr&him  to  say,  *^  Great  friendship 
existed  between  us ;  but  you  hare  forsaken  the  path  of  affection, 
and  it  is  unworthy  of  a  man  to  be  led  away  by  pride,  and  forget 
the  rules  of  courtesy.  Let  what  will  happen,  I  will  come 
and  essay  one  trial  in  arms  against  you/^  Ibr&him  laughed  at 
this  message,  and  said,  ''Why  do  you  seek  death  beneath  the 
feet  of  my  elephants  P  "  At  last,  on  Friday,  the  7th  of  Sha'b&n, 
a  severe  action  was  fought.^  It  pleased  the  Almighty  to  over- 
shadow the  banners  of  Mansur  Eh&n,  and  Ibr&him,  being  routed, 
fled  to  Sambhal,  in  spite  of  his  30,000  cavalry  and  many 
elephants.'  His  troops  deserted  him,  and  came  and  pledged 
their  allegiance  to  Mansur  Kh&n,  who,  after  the  victory,  pro- 
strated himself  in  thanksgiving  on  the  field.  He  collected  the 
army,  the  elephants,  horses,  treasures,  and  household  property, 
etc.,  and  came  speedily  to  Dehli,  where  he  took  possession  of  the 
throne,  and  issued  orders  for  the  reading  of  the  khutba  and 
coining  of  money  in  his  own  name.  Ibr&him's  overweening 
pride  caused  him  to  lose  all  his  possessions,  and  he  fled  towards 
the  East. 

M anstir  !Eh&n  assumed  the  title  of  Sikandar,'  and  from  that 
day  [962  A.H.  (1554  a.d.)]  his  prosperity  increased.*  ^Adil  Sh&h 
ruled  the  country  from  Jaunpur  to  M&lw&.     He  endeavoured  to 

^  At  Farra,  a  town  about  twenty  miles  from  Agra. 

*  Other  authorities,  as  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  and  Tdrikh-i  Khdn^Jahdn  Lod», 
represent  Ibr&him's  caTalry  at  70,000  men.  We  are  also  told  that  there  were  no  less 
than  200  of  his  officers  who  occupied  tents  lined  with  velret,  each  haring  the  priyi- 
lege  of  beating  the  naubat. — See  Briggs'  Firishta,  toI.  iL,  p.  147. 

s  The  WdkCdt'%  Mushtdkl,  the  Makhzan^i  Afghdni,  the  JUHkh-i  Khdn^ahdn, 
Ab6-1  Fazl,  and  indeed  all  historians,  say  Sikandar  Eh&n*8  name  was  Ahmad  Eh6n 
Sdr ;  and  we  must  reject  Mansiir  Kh&n  as  incorrect 

^  According  to  Firishta  he  ascended  the  throne  at  Agra  in  962  r.  He  makes  him 
out  to  be  the  nephew  of  Sher  8h&h,  and  says  that  his  sister  was  married  to  'AdalL 
Our  author  has  just  said  that '  AdalTs  sister  was  married  to  him. 


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TAETKH-I  SALATTN-I  AFAGHANA.  67 

wrest  his  conquests  from  Sikandar,  but  did  not  succeed.  Sikandar 
agreed  to  own  him  as  his  liege  lord,  and  wrote  to  him,  saying, 
^^  I  am  a  friend  of  yours,  and  will  behave  like  one  of  the  other 
nobles.  You  are  my  King."  In  effect,  he  always  treated  '-^dil 
Sh&h  with  great  consideration.^ 

At  this  time,  three  different  khutbas  were  read  in  the  empire 
of  Hinddst&n,  and  money  was  coined  in  the  names  of  three 
monarchs,  when  before  there  had  been  only  one  khutha  and  one 
person^s  name  on  the  money.  The  country  from  -^gra  to  Malwfi, 
and  the  confines  of  Jaunptir,  owned  the  soyereignty  of  ''Xdil 
Sh&h ;  fit)m  Dehli  to  the  smaller  Broht&s  on  the  road  to  K4bul, 
it  was  in  the  hands  of  Sh&h  Sikandar ;  and  from  the  borders  of 
the  hills  to  the  boundaries  of  Gojar&t,  it  belonged  to  Ibr&him 
Kh4n.« 

When  Hum&ydn  Sh&h  received  intelligence  of  the  feeble  rule 
of  'Adil  Sh&h,  the  dissensions  of  the  nobles,  and  the  partition  of 
the  territories  of  Hind,  he  felt  persuaded  that  the  discordance 
which  then  existed  amongst  the  Afgh&ns  would  enable  him  to 
take  easy  possession  of  Hindust&n,  and  he  therefore  made  up 
his  mind  to  invade  it.  But  his  differences  with  his  brothers, 
Mirz&  K&niran,  'Askari,  and  others,  who  had  wrested  many  of 
his  territories  from  him,  together  with  the  small  number  and 
unprepared  state  of  his  troops,  opposed  great  obstacles.  He 
wished  to  go  to  Mariam  Mak&ni,  and  seek  succour  and  assistance 
frovcL  her.  On  a  prosperous  day,  he  sent  Khw&ja  Mu'azzam  and 
Bairam  Kh&n  to  fetch  Mariam  Makdni  and  Prince  Akbar,  who 
went  with  expedition  and  brought  them.  As  the  winds  were 
exceedingly  hot,  Akbar  Mirz&  spent  that  time  on  the  borders  of 
Mahain.  From  thence  King  Hum&ydn  set  off  with  200  men, 
Bairam  Kh&n,  Khw&ja  Mu^azzam,  B&b&-dost  Bakhshf,  Khwdja 
Gh&zi,  Muhammad  Haidar  Akhtabegi,  M{rz&  Kuli  Beg  and  his 

1  TbeT(irl^A-«iMi^  represents  Sikandar's  opposition  as  immediately  consequent 
upon  'Adall's  mnrder  of  Flroz  Kb&n.  Elpbinstone  (toI.  ii.,  p.  166)  also  says  he  was 
a  nephew  of  Sher  Sh&h.    The  erent  he  assigns  to  961  a.k.  (1554  a.d.) 

*  But  he  had  jnst  fled  towards  the  East,  and  must  necessarily  have  been  excluded 
from  these  western  possessions. 

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58  AHMAD  TADGAE. 

brothers,  Shaikh  Ydsuf^  Ibr&him  the  Lame,  and  Hasan  Kali,  all 
nobles  of  note. 

[The  history  of  Hum&yun,  which  fi>llows  in  the  MS.,  is 
copied  verbatim  from  the  Tabakat-i  Akhari^  as  hereafter  given 
among  the  Extracts  from  that  work.  The  following  account  of 
the  battle  of  Sirhind  is  the  only  passage  in  which  Ahmad 
Y&dg&r  differs  from  the  TabdkdtJ] 

Battle  of  Sirhind. 

The  tents  of  the  Prince  Akbar  Mirz&  had  been  pitched  near 
the  fort  at  the  Hauz-i  Basdl&na.  All  the  Ehdns  displayed  on  this 
day  great  courage  and  valour,  such  as  it  would  be  impossible  to 
exceed,  and  they  obtained  their  desires.  Sikandar  Siir  fled,  forsak- 
ing everything  that  appertained  to  the  possession  of  the  empire,  and 
the  victorious  troops  pursued  the  enemy,  and  put  many  of  them  to 
the  sword.  Sikandar  escaped  with  a  few  followers.  Two  hundred 
and  fifty  elephants,  and  three  hundred  and  odd  horses,  treasure, 
gold  and  silver  vessels,  and  all  the  palace  furniture,  were  cap- 
tured. Muhammad  Akbar  came  victorious  into  His  Majesty's 
presence,  and  made  the  customary  congratulations.  His  Majesty 
honoured  that  lamp  of  brilliancy  with  an  ornamented  khiCai  and 
a  jewelled  crown,  and  made  him  happy  by  granting  him  the  high 
title  of  heir-apparent.  He  also  gave  him  twenty  elephants  and 
100  horses  but  of  the  spoil.  The  mumhi%  despatched /arman« 
describing  the  victory  in  every  direction,  and  they  attributed 
the  success  to  the  skill  of  the  Prince  of  the  World  and  the 
valour  of  his  servants. 

Continuation  of  the  reign  of  IddalL 

When  intelligence  of  what  had  occurred  to  Hum&yun  reached 
Chun&r,  'Adil  ShAh  deliberated  with  his  courtiers,  and  deter- 
mined  that,  as  the  Mughal  army  had  lost  their  king,  they  must 
be  disheartened  and  distressed;  that  if  they  were  attacked 
by  a  large  force,  they  would  fly  without  fighting,  and  Dehli 

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UKRTER'l  SALAXrN-I  AFAOHAKA.  69 

would  easily  be  taken ;  that  Sikandar  was  in  the  Siw&lik  hills 
in  a  state  of  great  want ;  and  that  there  was  no  one  snffioientlj 
powerfiil  to  have  designs  against  Dehli.  Hlmiin  obsenred^  **  If 
the  King  will  send  Ahmad  Ehan  Stir,  AlUh-dM  Eh&n  Sarw&ni, 
and  Banlat  Sh&h  Eir&ni,  with  a  large  army,  and  some  powerfhl 
elephants,  with  me,  by  the  fortune  of  the  King,  I  will  overthrow 
the  Mughal  troops,  and  gain  possession  of  DehlL  There  was  a 
soothsayer  in  'i([dil  Shfli'^s  service,  who  could  interpret  the  ap- 
pearances of  the  heavens  as  easily  as  he  could  the  signs  on  an 
astrolc^cal  table.  He  was  extremely  skilful  in  explaining  eveiy- 
thing  that  related  to  the  heavenly  bodies.  The  King  said  to 
him,  "  I  am  about  to  send  an  army  against  Dehli.  You  must 
therefore  pay  great  attention  to  the  state  of  the  heavens,  and 
then  tell  fearlessly  what  you  have  learnt  before  the  throne." 
The  man  spent  three  days  in  carefully  contemplating  the  stars 
and  aspects,  and  then  went  before  the  King,  and  said,  ^*  This  I 
have  learned  from  the  revolutions  of  the  heavens  and  the  changes 
of  day  and  night, — ^that  after  Hum&yun,  his  son,  who  is  seated  on 
the  Imperial  throne,  will  be  entrusted  with  the  entire  government 
of  Hind,  and  the  rulers  of  all  countries  will  place  their  foreheads 
in  the  dust  before  his  throne,  and  no  one  will  vanquish  him. 
The  land  of  Hindust4n,  from  Kandahdr  to  the  sea  of  the 
south,  and  from  Kambh&yit  (Oambay)  to  the  sea  of  Bengal, 
will  own  his  sway.''  *XAi\  Sh&h  was  much  dispirited  at  this 
unfiivourable  speech.  HIradn  said,  **  O  King,  the  case  is  thus : 
he  is  now  a  child  ten  years  old,  who  has  lost  his  &ther,  and  the 
Mughal  army  is  not  yet  firmly  established.  It  is  easy  to  root 
up  a  small  plant."  '^dil  Sh&h  derived  confidence  from  his 
speech,  and  prepared  a  powerful  force.  He  sent  7000  horsemen 
and  twenty  war-elephants  with  Himun ;  who  went,  march  by 
march,  to  Gw&lior. 

'All  Kuli,  who  was  at  that  place,  came  against  him.  The 
valour  of  the  Afgh&n  troops  enabled  them  to  overcome  him 
in  the  first  attack,  and  many  Mughals  fell.  'All  Kuli  fled, 
accompanied  by  a  few   followers,  and  all   his   property  and 


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60  AHMAD  TADGAR. 

valaables  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Afgh&ns.  Himdn,  rejoiced 
at  this  victory,  sent  an  account  of  his  success,  together  with 
the  spoils  captured  from  the  Mughals,  to  '^dil  Sh&h,  who  was 
exceedingly  pleased  when  he  received  it,  and  looked  on  this  first 
piece  of  good  fortune  as  a  proof  that  he  was  always  destined  to 
be  victorious.  He  gave  a  great  festival,  and  sent  Himdn 
a  dress  of  honour,  adorned  with  jewels  and  worked  with  gold 
thread,  and  an  elephant,  and  made  him  promises  of  unlimited 
favour. 

When  Himdn  learnt  the  bestowal  of  these  favours,  he  advanced, 
and  after  he  had  passed  Xgra,  rumours  reached  Dehli  of  the 
coming  of  *Adil  Sh&h's  troops.  The  Chaghatais  assembled  from 
different  directions  and  consulted  together.  Tardf  Muhammad 
Kh&n  said,  '*  It  appears  to  me  that  it  would  be  better  to  quit 
this  place  and  join  the  Prince,  that  the  never-failing  good  fortune 
of  Jal&lu-d  din  may  overshadow  us."  Abu-1  Ma^ali  and  the  other 
Chaghat&i  nobles  said,  "  This  shows  want  of  heart.  The  A%hdn 
army  has  not  yet  arrived,  and  we  have  not  been  vanquished  by 
their  superior  force.  If  we  then  quit  Dehli,  what  answer  shall 
we  be  able  to  give  to-morrow  before  the  throne  P ''  Tardi  Beg 
would  not,  however,  agree  with  them,  say  what  they  would,  and 
separated  himself  and  his  army  from  them.  The  other  nobles 
prepared  for  action. 

Himdn  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Old  Dehli^  and  set 
forth  from  thence  with  his  army  ready  for  fighting  in  three 
divisions.  The  nobles  of  the  tribe  of  Ghaghat&i  came  forth 
from  Dehli  with  their  valiant  troops,  and  the  blood-drinking 
elephants  which  had  fallen  into  the  prosperous  hands  of  King 
Humaydn  during  the  war  with  Sikandar  Sdr.  Tardi  Beg  also 
came  out  with  his  men,  and  took  up  his  post  on  the  left.  Severe 
fighting  took  place.  At  first  the  Mughals,  careless  of  life,  kept 
up  a  constant  fire  of  arrows,  and  the  hearts  of  many  Afghdns 
were  pierced  through  and  through  by  their  deadly  points.  They 
were  on  the  point  of  flying  from  the  field  of  battle,  when  Himdn, 
seeing  that  his  affairs  were  getting  desperate  in  that  quarter^ 

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TARfKH-I  SALATfN-I  AFAGHANA.  61 

directed  All&h-d&d  Eh&n  to  go  to  their  assistance  from  the 
left.  All&h-d&d  Eh&n,  who  was  so  brave  a  man  that  he  had 
never  turned  his  back  to  the  enemy  in  any  battle,  attacked  the 
Mnghals,  and  for  a  short  time  kept  them  in  check;  but  they 
again  fell  on  him  both  from  the  left  and  right,  wounded  All&h-d&d 
£h&n  with  their  piercing  arrows,  and  scattered  his  troops  as  the 
wind  does  the  clouds.  Tardi  fieg  did  not  leave  his  position  to 
assist  either  partyj 

When  HImun  saw  that  the  Mughals  were  in  good  spirits,  and 
the  Afgh&ns  disheartened,  he  advanced  with  his  own  division  of 
3000  cavalry,  made  an  onslaught  on  the  Mughals,  and  routed 
them.  They  were  unable  to  rally,  and  as  they  were  utterly 
defeated^  they  took  to  flight.  Himtin  pursued  them,  and  slaugh- 
tered many.  The  Afgh&ns  did  not  treat  Abu-1  Ma'&li  with 
great  severity,  because  he  had  a  secret  understanding  with  them. 
So  much  plunder  of  the  Mughal  army  fell  into  Himun's  hands, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  take  an  account  of  it — 160  elephants, 
and  1000  horses  of  Arab  breed,  and  an  immense  quantity  of 
property  and  valuables; — Himun  collected  all,  and  kept  them 
himself:  and  from  obtaining  possession  of  so  many  things  apper- 
taining to  royalty,  he  began  to  entertain  ambitious  ideas,  and  say, 
'^'^dil  Sh&h  is  helpless.  Although  he  possessed  a  valiant  army, 
he  could  do  nothing  when  Ibr&him  and  Sikandar  rebelled.  Now 
all  his  elephants  and  soldiers  are  with  me."  Looking  on  things 
in  this  light,  he  distributed  all  the  spoil,  with  the  exception  of 
the  elephants,  among  the  Afgh&ns  who  accompanied  him,  and 
gained  them  over  to  his  own  side.    With  their  concurrence,  he 

^  The  Tirikh-%  DdiuU  (MS.,  p.  374)  says  lie  fled  with  the  speed  of  tiie  wind  from 
Befalf  to  Sirhind,  where,  at  the  instigation  of  Bairam  Kh&n,  he  was  put  to  death. 
Some  authoritieB,  as  Fiiishta,  represent  that  he  gave  battle  at  Dehli,  and  did  not 
tj  till  he  was  defeated.  Fiiishta  says  that  his  death  was  fully  justified  by  the 
oondition  of  the  Mughal  chiefs,  who  were  prepared  to  act  like  the  Afgh&n  chieftains 
of  Sher  Sh6h,  "  each  considering  himself  equal  to  a  Kaikob&d  and  Kaik&tls.''  His 
death,  nerertheless,  was  very  discreditable  to  Bairam  Kh&n,  who  took  advantage  of 
Akbar*s  absence  on  a  hawking  party  to  execute  him,  without  eren  the  eeremony  of 
lf^i>g  the  King's  orden  respecting  this  old  and  familiar  companion  of  B&har  and 
Hnm&yAn. 


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62  AHMAD  YADGAR. 

entered  Dehli,  raised  the  Imperial  canopy  over  him,  and  ordered 
coin  to  be  struck  in  his  name.  He  appointed  goyemors  of  his 
own,  and  brought  the  Dehli  territory  and  the  neighbouring 
parganoB  under  his  control ;  and  in  order  to  console  the  King,  he 
sent  an  account  of  the  victory  in  these  words :  *^  Your  slave,  by 
the  royal  fortune,  has  routed  the  Mughal  army,  which  was  firm  as 
an  iron  wall;  but  I  hear  that  Hum&ydn's  son  commands  a 
numerous  force,  and  is  advancing  against  Dehli.  For  this  reason 
I  have  kept  the  horses  and  elephants  of  the  Mughals,  in  order 
that  I  may  be  able  to  iace  the  valiant  enemy,  and  not  allow  them 
to  reach  Dehli."  '^dil  Sh&h  was  comforted  by  these  deceitful 
assertions. 

When  the  nobles  of  the  tribe  of  Ghaghat&{  were  defeated,  and 
the  royal  troops  retired  disheartened  firom  Dehli,  news  of  the 
defeat  of  the  chiefe,  and  of  the  skill  and  bravery  of  the  infidel, 
reached  the  high-fortuned  and  exalted  prince.  He  marched  with- 
out halting,  with  Bairam  Kh&n,  and  the  remainder  of  the  nobles 
who  accompanied  him  during  that  expedition,  to  Sirhind,  where 
he  showed  great  anger  against  the  chiefs.  Tardi  Beg  was  punished. 
The  treasury  was  opened,  and  gold  distributed,  and  many  people 
were  enlisted.  They  then  marched  towards  Dehli.  When  they 
arrived  at  Th&nesar,  a  census  was  taken  of  the  army,  which  was 
found  to  consist  of  26,000  horsemen.  Sh&h  Bad&gh  Eh&n 
was  sent  on  ahead  with  4000,  and  directed  to  keep  always 
one  march  in  front  of  His  Majesty.  A  halt  of  some  days'*  dura- 
tion was  made  at  Th&nesar.  One  day,  during  the  time  when 
accounts  of  Himdn^s  vigorous  measures  were  daily  arriving, 
Bairam  Kh&n  took  the  Prince  into  the  presence  of  the  Kutbu-1 
Akt&b  Saiyid  Jal&l  Th&nesari,  and  procured  him  the  honour 
of  kissing  the  feet  of  that  most  holy  individual.  When  they 
were  about  to  depart,  they  begged  him  to  give  them  the  assist- 
ance of  his  prayers.  They  said,  "This  accursed  infidel  is  coming 
with  an  army  numerous  as  ants  and  locusts ;  it  is  proper  that 
your  holiness  should  protect  the  cause  of  Isl&m.''  The  Saiyid 
reflected  for  a  short  time,  and  then  said  to  them,  '^  Have  you  not 

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TiOEtrEH-I  SALAirN-I  APXGHAKA.  63 

heard  what  little  boys  at  play  say  P ''  He  then  disroiased  them. 
On  the  morrow  they  marched  to  a  distance  of  seven  kos  from 
Karn&l,  where  they  encamped.  Himtin,  who  had  taken  posses- 
sion of  the  Dehli  throne,  being  informed  of  the  coming  of  the 
Moghal  forces,  went  out  with  regal  pomp  from  Debli,  with  the 
intention  of  fighting  them.  It  is  related,  that  when  Himdn  was 
proceeding  to  Dehli  against  the  nobles  of  King  Hnm&ydn,  he 
encamped  near  Old  Dehli.  The  evening  preceding  the  day  on 
which  he  expected  a  battle,  he  went  to  the  sanctified  mausoleum 
of  the  Kutbu-1  Akt&b,  His  Highness  Eutbu-1  Hakk,  the  pole- 
star  of  religion  and  piety,  and  placing  the  head  of  entreaty  on 
the  augnst  threshold,  vowed  that  if  he  were  destined  to  conquer 
Dehli^ — ^if  the  throne  of  Dehli  were  granted  him,  and  the  Mughal 
troops  put  to  flight, — ^he  would  become  a  Musulm&n  on  his  return 
to  Dehli,  and  diffuse  the  religion  of  Muhammad.  The  Almighty 
gave  him  victory.  But  he  peijured  himself,  and  did  not  become 
a  Musulm&n,  or  forsake  his  heathen  prejudices;  nay,  he  even 
persecuted  the  Musulm&us.     But  at  last  he  saw  what  he  did  see. 

When  he  was  going  to  fight  on  the  field  of  P&nipat,  the 
night  before  the  battle,  he  beheld,  in  a  dream,  a  torrent  come 
down  and  carry  away  the  elephant  on  which  he  was  mounted. 
When  he  was  nearly  drowned,  a  Mughal  came,  cast  a  chain 
round  his  neck,  and  drew  him  out.  On  awaking,  he  sent  for  the 
interpreters  of  dreams,  related  his  to  them,  and  asked  them  to 
explain  it.  The  interpreters,  after  thinking  over  the  business, 
looked  at  one  another,  and  Himun  inferred  that  there  was  some- 
thing unpleasant  in  the  explanation.  He  therefore  said,  **  Banish 
fear  from  your  minds,  tell  what  you  have  discovered.'^  The 
interpreters  said,  ''  The  torrent  which  you  saw  is  the  Mughal 
army,  which  comes  with  such  force  that  it  carries  away  you  and 
the  horse  on  which  you  are  mounted,  and  the  chain  signifies  the 
blood  which  will  flow  from  your  body  when  you  are  wounded, 
and  cover  you  entirely.^  Himun  became  fearful,  and  said,  ''The 
very  reverse  of  this  dream  will  happen." 

On  the  morrow,  when  he  mounted  to  proceed  to  battle,  heavy 

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64  AHMAD  YADGAH. 

rain  fell,  and  the  best  elephant  of  that  infidel,  which  was  of 
gigantic  size,  was  struck  in  two  by  lightning.^  On  account  of 
this,  Himun  became  very  thoughtful,  and  aware  that  the  good 
fortune  of  the  Mughals  was  in  the  ascendant,  and  that  the  victory 
was  not  for  him,  he  was  much  terrified  at  the  explanation  of 
his  dream,  and  set  forth  unwillingly  to  the  fight.  His  Highness 
Akbar  Mirzd  had  before  this  reached  P&nipat.  Himtin  had 
encamped  two  koa  west  of  that  city.  He  had  with  him  a  force  of 
40,000  calvary,  while  the  Mughal  army  did  not  exceed  20,000 
horse  and  foot.^  The  soldiers  of  both  sides  had  frequent  trials 
of  strength  during  the  space  of  a  week.  Three  days  before  the 
battle  Bairam  IShkn  gave  a  great  entertainment,  and  raised  a 
large  audience-tent,  adorned  with  embroidered  satin,  like  the 
flower-beds  of  a  garden  in  the  early  spring,  or  Paradise  itself. 
He  spread  carpets  of  various  colours,  and  on  them  he  placed  a 
golden  throne,  and  caused  Prince  Akbar  Mirzd  to  sit  on  it; 
after  which,  the  darhdr  was  opened  to  the  public.  The  nobles 
of  the  Ghaghat&i  tribe  were  made  joyful  by  the  gift  of  expensive 
dresses  of  honour,  and  regal  presents,  and  promises  of  future 
favour  were  likewise  made  to  them.  Bairam  Kh&n  said,  ^'  This 
is  the  commencement  of  His  Majesty's  reign.  This  infidel  has 
routed  the  whole  royal  army,  and  is  now  making  preparations 
against  us.  If  you  do  your  best  in  this  business,  with  one  heart 
and  soul,  Hindust&n  is  yours.  I  place  my  trust  in  God.  If  we 
fail  in  this,  you,  whose  homes  are  at  a  distance  of  500  Icm^  will 
not  be  able  to  find  an  asylum/' 

All  the  nobles  placed  their  heads  at  the  foot  of  the  throne,  and 
said,  '^  If  it  please  the  Most  High,  we  will  not  be  found  wanting 
in  the  performance  of  our  duty  as  long  so  we  have  breath  in 
our  bodies."  After  this  they  said  to  Ahmad  Beg,  the  madman, 
who  was  unequalled  throughout  the  world  in  foretelling  the 
future  by  what  he  saw  in  the  blade-bone  of  a  sheep,  ^*  Tell 

1  We  have  seen  (VoL  FV.,  p.  487)  that  a  similar  eTent  is  said  to  hare  preceded  the 
battle  of  Amb&la  between  the  Nf&zis  and  the  Imperialists. 
>  The  author  has  jnst  before  stated  that  the  caTalry  alone  mustered  26,000  strong. 

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TA£rEH-I  SALATrN.I  AFAOHANA.  65 

US  by  means  of  your  art  who  will  gain  the  victory."  After 
feasting  and  eating  he  tried  his  art,  and  then,  being  filled  with 
joy  and  gladness,  said,  ^^  The  victory  is  on  our  side,  but  one  chief 
of  rank  will  obtain  martyrdom  during  the  fight/' 

At  length,  after  two  or  three  days,  Himtin,  having  made 
ready  for  action,  came  out  into  the  plain,  and  seated  himself  in 
a  hawda  on  an  elephant,  in  order  that  he  might  be  able  to  over- 
look and  superintend  his  troops.  He  also  caused  the  golden 
standards  to  be  displayed.  Bairam  Eh&n  also  drew  up  the 
people  of  Ghaghat&i  to  the  right  and  left  in  battle  array.  Sh&h 
Bad&gh  Khfin  and  Sh&h  Abii-1  Ma'&li,  with  6000,  passed  to  the 
left  of  P&nipat,  and  came  to  the  rear  of  the  armies.  Bairam 
Eh&n  placed  Akbar  Mirz&'s  own  private  tent  in  an  elevated 
position,  and  left  3000  horse  to  guard  him.  He  then  placed 
his  reliance  in  Him  in  whose  hands  all  human  afiairs  are,  and 
on  whom  victory  depends,  and  turned  his  attention  to  the  battle. 

Himun  was  excessively  arrogant  on  account  of  his  troops 
and  elephants.  He  advanced,  foaght,  and  routed  the  Mughals, 
whose  heads  lay  in  heaps,  and  whose  blood  flowed  in  streams. 
He  thus  at  first  vanquished  the  Mughal  army;  but  as  the 
brilliancy  of  the  star  of  Prince  Akbar's  fortune  was  not  destined 
to  be  diminished,  it  chanced  that,  by  the  decree  of  the  Almighty, 
an  arrow  struck  Himun  in  the  forehead.  He  told  his  elephant 
driver  to  take  the  elephant  out  of  the  field  of  battle.  When 
the  Afgh&ns  saw  that  the  animal  was  retreating,  they  believed 
that  Himun  was  flying ;  but  on  approaching  him  they  saw  how 
matters  stood,  and  as  no  benefit  is  ever  derived  from  disloyalty 
he  sustained  a  complete  defeat.  Sh&h  Abii-l  Ma'&li,  however, 
one  of  the  chief  nobles,  obtained  martyrdom  on  that  day. 

When  Sh4h  Kuli  Beg  was  told  of  what  had  occurred,  he  came 
up  to  the  elephant,  and  brought  it  into  the  presence  of  Bairam 
Kh&n.  Bairam  Kh&n,  after  prostrating  himself,  and  returning 
thanks,  caused  Himun  to  descend  from  the  elephant,*  after  which 
he  bound  his  hands,  and  took  him  before  the  young  and  fortunate 
Prince,  and  said,  "As  this  is  our  first  success,  let  Your  Highness's 

TOL.  T.  5 

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66  AHMAD  YADOAB. 

own  august  hand  smite  this  infidel  with  the  sword/'  The 
Prince,  accordingly,  struck  him,  and  divided  his  head  from  his 
unclean  body  (Nov.  6,  a.d.  1556).^ 

(Muhammad  Sh&h  ^^dil  was  slain  in  the  year  964  a.h.,*  in 
an  action  with  Khizr  Kh&n,  the  son  of  Muhammad  Eh&n 
Gauria.  His  body,  which  was  not  yet  quite  dead,  was,  at  his 
conqueror's  command,  fastened  to  the  foot  of  an  elephant,  and 
dragged  about.     His  miserable  reign  lasted  about  three  years.) 

1  Here  Ahmad  Yadg6r  conclades  Mb  history,  and,  with  characteristic  negligence, 
omits  to  mention  a  word  ahont  the  fate  of  '  Adali,  upon  whose  reign  he  has  just  heen 
engaged.  The  Tdrikh'i  I>ditdi  and  many  other  histories  say  the  young  Prince 
declined  to  commit  this  wanton  act  of  hrutality,  and  his  suhseqnent  actions  render 
this  highly  probahle.  Firishta  says,  that  at  Bairam  Kh&n's  importunity,  he  merely 
touched  the  head  of  the  captiye  with  the  sword,  by  which  he  became  entitled  to  the 
appellation  of  *<  Ohdzi.** 

s  The  Tdrikh'i  Bdddi  (MS.  p.  377)  says  968  h. 


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67 


XXXV. 
MAKHZAN-I   AVQRXHt 

AMD 

T^BrKH-I    KKflfN-JABL^N   LODf, 

OP 

NFAMATU-LLA. 

[The  MakAzan-i  Afghani  and  the  TdHkA-i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi 
are  frequently  mentioned  and  referred  to  as  separate  works,  but 
they  are  essentially  one  and  the  same.  The  Tdrikh  contains, 
in  addition,  a  memoir  of  Kh&n-Jah&n  Lodi,^  from  which  the 
book  takes  it  name,  and  it  also  gives  a  meagre  history  of  the  life 
of  Jah&ngir ;  but  in  other  respects  it  may  be  considered  as  only  a 
revised  yersion  of  the  Makhzan.  It  is  fuller  than  the  latter  in 
some  parts,  especially  in  the  lives  of  the  saints,  but  still  the 
notes  in  the  following  Extracts  will  show  that,  although  it  is 
generally  better,  it  is  occasionally  inferior  to  the  Makhzan. 

The  author  of  the  work  was  Ni'amatu-lla,  who  held  the  office 
of  fpokC-natois  or  historiographer  at  the  Court  of  Jah&ngir ;  and 
he  teUs  us  that  his  father,  Khw&ja  Habibu-Ua,  of  Hir&t,  passed 
thirty-fire  years  in  the  service  of  Akbar.  But  Ni'amatu-lla, 
though  he  had  the  chief  hand  in  the  work,  was  assisted  or 
perhaps  even  directed  by  Haibat  Kh&n,  of  S&m&na.  Ni'amatu- 
11a,  after  stating  in  the  preface  to  the  Makhzan^  that  he  under- 
took the  work  in  the  year  1018,  ''  at  the  command  of  Nawab 

'  The  Nawkb  EhCoi-Jah&ii  Lodi,  one  of  the  most  illnstrious  generals  of  Jah&ngir. 
He  rebelled  in  the  reign  of  Sh&h  Jah&n,  and  was  slain  by  the  Imperial  troops,  a.d. 
1631.— See  VoL  lY.  of  this  work,  p.  637,  and  Blochmann's  Ait^i  Akbari,  p.  502. 


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68  NI'AMATU.LLA. 

Kh&n-Jah&n  Lodi/'  goes  on  to  say  that,  *^  supported  by  the 
amiable  kindness  of  Haibat  Kh&n  bin  Sallm  Eh&n  of  S&mana, 
one  of  Kh&n-Jah&n's  attendants,  who  collected  and  arranged  the 
scattered  and  confused  genealogy  of  the  Afgh&ns,"  he  wrote  the 
'^  history  in  accordance  with  the  labours  and  researches  of  the 
said  Haibat  Kh4n/'  At  the  end  of  the  MS.  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Khan- 
Jahdn  Lodi^  Ni'amatu-Ua  informs  us  that  he  finished  the  work 
at  the  city  of  Burh&npur^  and  a  few  lines  later  it  is  stated  that 
'*  there  remain  some  words  to  be  added  on  the  genealogy  of  the 
most  humble  and  most  abject  of  slaves,  Haibat  Khan,  who  is 
occupied  in  writing  and  verifying  this  work.**'  The  pedigree  and 
history  of  his  family  are  then  related  at  some  length.  The  terms 
of  humility  accompanying  the  name  indicate  that  they  were 
written  by  Haibat  Kh&n  himself.  The  authorship  of  the  work  is 
thus  distinctly  asserted  both  by  Ni'amatu-lla  and  Haibat  Kh&n ; 
and  strange  to  say,  there  has  appeared  to  be  yet  another  claimant. 
At  the  end  of  the  second  or  Historical  part  of  the  Makhzan,  there 
is  found  in  the  various  MSS.  the  following  passage,  which  the 
Editor  of  this  work  translates  afresh,  as  Dom's  version  is  not 
satisfiictory :  "  The  original  author  of  this  Tdrikh-i  Sher  Shdhi  is 
'Abb&s  Sarw4ni.^  But  as  this  work  is  deficient  in  some  parti- 
culars, such  as  the  affairs  of  B&z  Bah&dur,  the  memoirs  of  the 
Kiranis  and  Lohdnis,  and  in  some  other  matters,  the  history  was 
incomplete.  So  in  these  days  the  humble  servant  Ibrahim  Batni 
has  made  extracts  from  the  Tdrikh-i  Nizdmiy  which  also  con- 
tains the  history  of  Sher  Shah  and  Isl4m  Sh4h,  and  he  has 
selected  sundry  matters  from  the  Makhzan-i  Afghani^  written  by 
Ki'amatu-Ua,  and  having  introduced  them  into  this  history,  has 
made  it  complete.''^  These  words  are  evidently  applicable  to 
some  amended  version  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Sher  ShdM^  not,  as  Dorn 
supjosed,  to  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni;    for  the  most  bare- faced 

I  Doni'^  rendering  is,  "  The  original  of  this  history  is  the  TArUeh-i  Sher  Shdhi,  of 
•Al)1.8i>  8  awknf ;"   but  the  Persian  words  are 

—  -j^   S^^JLT*   L/*W   L5^^  ji:^    f^J^  (ji'  <J^^    t-£i*fl*« 
111 :   h  •    I  •   words,  musanmf-i  asl,  are  commonly  used  for  ''ao  original  author." 


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MBTKH-I  KHAN  JAHiCN  LODf.  69 

plagiarist  and  book-maker  wonld  hardly  assert  that  he  had 
improved  and  completed  a  work  hj  adding  to  it  selections  from 
its  own  pages.  It  is  curious  to  find  such  an  entry  in  all  the 
known  MSS.  of  the  Mdkhzan ;  for  the  only  way  of  accounting 
fi>r  it  is  by  supposing  that  it  was  inserted  by  mistake  in  the 
Makhzafiy  instead  of  the  work  for  which  it  was  intended ;  and 
if  this  be  so,  all  the  known  MSS.  of  the  work  must  have  been 
derived  from  the  copy  in  which  the  &lse  entry  was  made. 

The  work  begins  with  Adam,  and  professes  to  trace  the  origin 
of  the  Afghdns ;  but  says  Sir  H.  Elliot,  ^*  Nothing  can  be  more 
meagre  than  the  whole  of  the  introductory  book  about  the 
settlement  of  the  Afgh&ns  in  Ohor.  It  is  nothing  but  a 
rifacdamento  of  the  childish  Muhammadan  stories  of  the  Creation 
and  of  the  prophets,  especially  Israel  and  Saul,  all  of  which, 
as  well  as  the  early  Muhammadan  history,  is  taken  from  the 
commonest  sources,  without  a  single  independent  statement  to 
encourage  the  least  notion  of  correctness,  research,  novelty  or 
probability.  The  Tdrikh-i  Khdn-Jahdn  Lodi  is  nearly  verbatim 
the  same,  and  offers  no  differences  of  the  least  consequence.  As 
a  history  of  the  early  days  of  the  Afgh&ns,  it  is  utterly  untrust- 
worthy, and  should  by  no  means  be  considered  as  the  basis  of  the 
annals  of  a  nation  of  which  we  remain  as  ignorant  as  if  the  work 
had  never  been  written."  The  following  Extracts  are  taken  from 
the  second  or  Historical  part  of  the  work.  The  third  part  con- 
tains memoirs  of  sixty-eight  Afgh&n  saints. 

The  second  book  is  valuable  as  the  work  of  one  who  lived  near 
Ihe  times  of  which  he  writes,  and  had  a  special  interest  in  the 
subject.  The  work  was  finished  in  the  year  1021  h.  (1612  a.d.). 
Dom  observes,  ^^  Ni'amatu-Ua  was  contemporary  with  Firishta, 
and  commenced  the  history  of  the  Afgh&ns  in  the  same  year 
when  Firishta  finished  his  work ;  but  he  is  nowhere  mentioned. 
The  identity  of  the  sources  they  used  in  compiling  their  respec- 
tive works  is  evident,  from  the  extreme,  often  verbal  coincidence 
of  the  style  and  thread  of  the  history  of  the  reigns  of  the  Lodi 
nMse  and  the  family  of  Sher  Sh&h. 

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70  NI'AMATU-LLA. 

The  following  is  Sir  H.  Elliot's  analysis  of  the  MS:— "In 
the  history  of  Sher  Shah  the  Tdrikh-i  EJidti-Jahdn  Lodi  is  of 
about  the  same  length  as  the  Makhzan-i  Afghani,  The  only 
additions  are  two  long  eulogies  of  Khaw&s  Kh&n  and  H&ji 
Kh&n,  and  some  of  the  regulations  of  Sher  Sh&h,  which  are 
added  at  the  end  of  the  reign.  It  follows  the  same  order  as 
tlie  Makhzan,  but  yaries  from  it  considerably,  and  is  altogether 
inferior.  In  this  reign  he  quotes  the  Tdrikh-i  Sher  Shdhi, 
Tdrikh-i  Nizdmi^  Madan-i  Akbar,  and  Akbar-ndma^  and  appears 
to  be  in  doubt  as  to  which  should  be  followed,  for  he  is  con- 
tradictory in  some  parts.  The  history  of  Isl&m  Sh&h  follows, 
or  exactly  resembles,  DdMi^  and  is  not  in  the  least  like  the 
Makhzan.  The  reign  of  'Adali  is  identically  the  same  as  the 
Makhzan;  so  are  the  notices  of  Shuj&wal,  B&z  Bah&dur,  and 
T&j  and  'Im&d  Kirdni.  On  the  subsequent  periods  of  Afgh&n 
dominion  in  the  East  the  history  is  brought  lower  down,  and 
gives  an  account  of  D&ud  of  Bengal,  and  a  full  history  of  the 
proceedings  to  the  year  1021.  The  account  of  the  saints  does  not 
occupy  quite  the  same  position.  It  is  pretty  nearly  verbatim 
the  same ;  but  some  lives  differ,  as  Ehw&ja  Yahya  K&bu,  which 
is  longer.  While  some  of  the  Makhzan  has  been  omitted,  other 
matter  equally  absurd  and  childish  has  been  introduced.  Almost 
all  the  additions  given  by  Dom,  from  Dr.  Lees'  copy,  in  his 
notes,  are  to  be  found  in  my  copy,  and  show  that  the  two  are 
identical.     Both  contain  the  life  of  Jah&ngir.   * 

*^  The  Makhzan-%  Afghani  has  been  well  and  faithfully  translated 
by  Dom  ;  and  in  my  translations  I  have  almost  copied  verbatim 
from  him." 

The  author  mentions  in  his  Preface  the  following  authors  who 
"have  written  books  lately  on  tlie  history  of  Sult&n  Bahlol 
Lodi,"  viz.  Khw&ja  Niz&rau-d  din  Ahmad,  in  the  Tdrikh-i 
Nizdmi;  Shaikh  'Abb&s  Sarw&ni,  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Sher  Shdhi; 
Maul&n&  Musht&ki,  in  his  Tdrikh  (called  the  WdkVdUi  Mush- 
tdki) ;  Maul&n&  Mahmud  bin  Ibr&him  K&lw&ni,  in  the  history 
of  Sultan  Ibrdhim,  and  named  Ibrdhim  Shdhi. 

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TABTKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODT.  71 

The  Extracts  relating  to  the  reign  of  Sult&n  Bahlol  were 
translated  hj  *^  Ensign "  Charles  F.  Mackenzie ;  the  others  are 
from  the  pen  of  Sir  H.  M.  Elliot  himself. 

These  works,  relating  to  the  Afgh&n  dynasties,  come  a  little 
out  of  their  chronological  order;  but  it  was  not  desirable  to  post- 
pone them  to  the  reign  of  Akbar  for  the  mere  sake  of  maintaining 
the  chronological  sequence  of  the  authors.] 

EXTBACTS. 

The  reign  of  Sultdn  Bahlol. 

It  is*  narrated  by  the  author  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Ibrahim  Shdhi, 
and  by  the  historian  Niz&mi,  that  Malik  Bahlol  Lodi  was  the 
nephew  of  Sult&n  Sh&h  Lodi,  who  bore  the  title  of  Isl&m  Eh&n 
during  the  time  of  Sult&n  Mub&rak  Sh&h  and  -Saiyid  Khizr 
Eh&n,  and  was  one  of  the  grandees  of  that  period.  He  held  the 
pargana  of  Sirhind  in  jdgir^  and  governed  the  neighbouring  dis- 
tricts. [Malik  Bahlol,  son  of  Malik  K&Ia,  was  his  full  nephew, 
and]  when  he  perceived  that  his  nephew  possessed  discernment 
and  good  sense,  he  treated  him  as  his  son,  and  constituted  him 
his  successor  [and  caused  his  own  turban  to  be  bound  on  his 
nephew'^s  head.]  ^  After  the  decease  of  Isl&m  £h&n,  Bahlol 
became  governor  of  Sirhind,  and  established  his  authority  firmly. 
Kutb  EJi&n,  the  son  of  Isl&m  Kh&n,  declining  to  acknowledge 
the  authority  of  Bahlol,  went  to  Sult&n  Muhammad,  who  was 
then  King  of  Dehli,  and  complained  against  Malik  Bahlol.  In 
consequence  of  his  representations,  His&m  Kh&n,  who  was  called 
H&ji  Shudani,  one  of  the  dependents  of  the  Saiyid  dynasty  of 
Dehli,  who  had  attained  the  rank  of  a  noble,  was  despatched 
by  Sult&n  Muhammad  with  a  numerous  army  against  Malik 
Bahlol.'  Both  parties  met  near  the  village  of  Karra,  in  the 
pargana  of  Khizr&b&d|  and  a  fierce  battle  took  place.     His&m 

1  [These  tentenoes  are  fuppUed  from  the  MSS.  of  the  Makkzan-i  Jfyhdni.] 
*  [The  MSS.  of  the  Makhzan-i  Afghdni  read,  "  These  complaints  raised  the  anger 
of  Snlt&n  Mohammad,  and  accordingly  he  sent  H6j(  Shudani,  whom  he  had  exalted 
by  the  title  of  His&m  Eh&n,  along  with  several  other  amirt^  to  Sirhind  against 
Malik  Bahlol.*'] 

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72  NrAMATU-LLA. 

Kh&n,  being  defeated,  retreated  to  Dehli,  whilst  Malik  BahloFs 
power  and  authority  were  greatly  increased. 

It  is  related,  that  daring  the  time  he  was  with  his  uncle  Isldm 
Eh&n,  he  went  once  to  S&m&na  for  the  purpose  of  transacting 
some  urgent  and  important  business,  taking  with  him  two  of 
his  intimate  friends,  and  hearing  that  there  was  a  holy  man 
named  Saiyid  ibn  Mdjzub  in  that  place,  who  made  predictions 
(sdhib  i  lafz  biid)y^  Malik  Bahlol  went  to  see  that  danoeah^ 
accompanied  by  his  two  friends,  and,  after  having  treated  him 
with  every  courtesy,  sat  down.  That  person,  who  was  ab- 
stracted from  worldly  thoughts,  asked,  ^\  if  any  one  of  them  was 
able  to  buy  the  kingdom  of  Dehli  from  him  for  2000  tankasr 
Malik  Bahlol  had  1300  tankaa  in  his  purse,  which  he  took  out 
and  placed  before  the  saint,  and  said,  "  This  is  all  I  possess/''  * 
That  worthy  person  consented  to  accept  the  sum  so  proffered, 
and  said,  "May  the  empire  of  Dehli  be  fortunate  to  you!"' 
When  his  two  associates  began  to  ridicule  his  superstition,  the 
Malik  said,  "  One  of  two  things  must  happen :  if  the  event  be 
successful,  I  shall  have  made  a  good  bargain;  if  not,  in  the 
day  of  judgment  there  are  rewards  for  good  deeds  done  to 
danceshes"  It  is  said  in  certain  histories  that  Malik  Bahlol 
traded ;'  but  the  truth  or  falsehood  of  this  has  never  been  clearly 
ascertained.  It  is  known  that  his  grandfather  and  &ther  were 
merchants,  and  were  in  the  habit  of  visiting  Hind.* 

Malik  Bahlol,  after  the  death  of  Isl&m  Eh&n,  gained  posses- 
sion of  the  territories  of  Sirhind  [and  the  Panj&b]  *  by  the 

^  [This  sentence  is  from  the  MSS.  of  the  Makhzan,] 

'  [This  agrees  with  the  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library,  bat  Dom,  and  aU  the  MSS. 
of  the  Makhzan  say  that  he  gave  the  whole  2000.] 

'  This  IB  Tery  plainly  asserted  in  the  Tdrlkh^i  DdUdi.  Indeed,  we  find  that  his 
subsequent  fortunes  were  in  a  great  measure  dependent  on  his  success  in  controlling  a 
turbulent  pargana^  which  Saiyid  Muhammad,  Eiog  of  Dehli,  had  assigned  to  him,  in 
payment  of  his  bill  for  horses. 

«  [The  MSS.  of  the  Makhtan-i  Afghdni  differ  slightly.  «It  is  said  that  Malik 
Bahlol  traded,  but  this  has  not  been  proved."  His  ancestors  were  engaged  in  trade — 
horse-dealing,  according  to  one  MS.] 

«  {MakhKn-i  Afghdni.1 

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TXBrXH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODf.  73 

assistance  of  his  other  uncle  Malik  Firoz,  the  brother  of  Isl&m 
Khan,  aided  by  the  whole  of  his  kindred,  and  strengthened  him- 
self and  established  his  authority*  The  speech  which  Shaikh 
ibn  Majzub  had  made  to  him  in  his  early  youth  caused  him  ta 
aspire  to  the  throne,  and  he  was  desirous  of  bringing  the  bird 
of  empire  into  his  net.  After  vanquishing  His&m  Kh&n,  Malik 
Bahlol  wrote  a  letter  to  Sult&n  Muhammad,  complaining  of  the 
inal-administration  and  depravity  of  His&m  Kh&n,  and  lauding 
his  own  candour  and  sincerity.  He  stated  also  in  it  that  he 
would  obey  and  serve  His  Majesty,  if  the  tcizdrat  were  taken 
away  from  H&ji  His&m  Eh&n,^  and  given  to  Hamid  Khan. 
Sultdn  Muhammad,  who  was  totally  inexperienced,  believing 
what  Malik  Bahlol  said  to  be  true,  put  his  guiltless  and  faithful 
servant  H&j(  His&m  Kh&n  to  death  on  the  following  day,  and 
raised  Hamid  Eh&n  to  the  rank  of  chief  minister.  Malik  Bahlol 
and  the  whole  of  the  Lodis,  when  they  heard  this  news,  came 
forward  without  hesitation,  and  having  paid  their  respects  to  the 
Sult&n,  were  confirmed  in  the  possession  of  their  Jdgirs. 

After  this  reconciliation,  Malik  Bahlol  made  war,  in  the 
name  of  Sult&n  Muhammad,  against  Sult&n  Mahmud  Khilji  of 
Malwa,  [who  was  ruling  over  His&r  Ffrozah,  H&nsi,  and  N&gor,]  * 
and  overcame  him.  Upon  which  the  Sult&n  ennobled  him  by 
giving  him  the  title  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n.  Thus  the  Lodis  became 
gradually  more  powerful,  and  possessed  themselves  by  force,  with- 
out King  Muhammad's  consent,  of  Lahore,  Dip&Ipur,  Sann&m, 
His&r  Firozah,  and  various  other  parganaa^  and  paid  no  atten- 
tion to  what  Sult&n  Muhammad  wrote  to  them  in  remonstrance. 
They  raised  the  standards  of  rebellion,  collected  a  force,  and 
went  against  Sult&n  Muhammad  who  was  in  Dehli,  and  besieged 
that  place ;  but  failing  in  their  attempt^  they  returned  to  Sirhind, 
where  Malik  Bahlol  assumed  the  title  of  Sult&n,  but  abstained 

>  [AU  the  MSS.  ag-roe  in  stating  that  he  required  the  death  of  HiB&m  Eh&n.] 
*  [This  sentence  is  giyen  hy  Dom,  and  is  in  three  MSS.  of  the  Makhzan  ;  hut  it  is 

not  in  the  East  India  Library  MS.,  and  it  seems  to  he  wanting  in  the  MS.  from 

which  this  translation  was  made.] 


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74  NPAMATU-LLA. 

from  having  the  khutba  read  and  coinage  struck  in  his  name 
until  Dehl!  should  fall  into  his  hands. 

About  this  time  Sult&u  Muhammad  died,  and  the  nobles  and 
chief  men  of  the  State  placed  his  son,  Sultin  'Al&u-d  din,  on 
the  throne.  The  whole  of  Hind  was  divided  into  provinces 
governed  by  petty  rulers  {muluk-i  tavoHif)  j  but  the  Lodis  pre- 
dominated. Ahmad  Kh&n  Mew&tti  possessed  the  country  from 
Mahrauli  to  Ladhu  Sar&i,  near  the  city  of  Dehli.  The  Lodis 
held  the  country  of  Sirhind,  Lahore,  S&m&na,  Sann&m,  and 
His&r,  as  far  as  Panipat.^  Dary&  Eh&n  Lodi  governed  the 
territory  of  Sambhal,  up  to  the  ferry  of  Khw&ja  E^hizr,  which 
adjoins  Dehli.^  'tsd  Eh&n  Turk-bacha  held  £ol  and  Jal&Ii. 
Kutb  Kh&n,  the  son  of  Hasan  Kh4n  the  Afgh&n,  was  governor 
of  R&pri.'  And  Rdi  Part&b  held  the  towns  of  Bhuigdnw, 
Fatti&H,  and  Eampil.  Bay&na  was  in  the  hands  of  D&dd  Kh&n 
Auhadi;  and  Sultdn  'Al&u-d  din  ruled  only  in  the  city  of 
Dehli,  and  a  few  of  the  neighbouring  villages.*  There  were  also 
kings  in  Gujar&t,  the  Dekhin,  M&lwd,  Jaunpur,  [M&ndu],^ 
and  Beng&l.* 

Sult&n  Bahlol,  collecting  an  army  for  the  second  time,  marched 
from  Sirhind  to  Dehli ;  but  as  he  could  not  succeed  in  capturing 
the  fort  of  Uehli,  he  again  returned  to  Sirhind.  At  this  time, 
Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din  consulted  Eutb  Eh&u  Lodi  and  B&i  Part&b, 

^  [This  agre6B  with  the  East  India  Library  MS.,  but  the  others  say  Pfrnipat, 
Lahore,  H&nsi,  His&r,  N&gor,  and  as  far  as  the  confines  of  Mult&n.] 

'  l?i*aniata-lla  in  the  Mahhzan  mentions  the  pargana  of  Lonl  as  his  western 
boundary. 

s  [The  Mahhzan  adds,  «Chand6war  and  Et&wa."] 

^  [The  Makhzan  adds,  *<  'Al&u-d  din  possessed  only  Dehli,  P&lam,  and  two  or  three 
other  parffanas.*''}  The  Tdrikh-i  Dditdi  records  a  current  distich  as  expressive  of 
the  contempt  with  which  the  circumscribed  power  of  the  Imperial  goTemment  was 
Tiewed  at  that  time. 

7^  empire  of  the  Kinff  of  the  Earth  extends  from  Dehli  to  JPdlam, 

6  [Makhtan.] 

8  The  Mak/itan  adds,  that  Gw&lior,  Dhtllptlr,  and  Bhad&war  had  each  their  own 
E&j&s(MS.,p.  76). 


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TARnCH-I  KHAN  JAHAX  LODT.  75 

on  the  means  of  strengthening  himself,  to  vhich  they  replied, 
''  If  the  Sultdn  will  degrade  Hamid  Eh&n  from  the  rank  of 
lAurir,  and  imprison  him,  we  will  wrest  some  parganas  from  the 
hands  of  the  nobles,  and  make  them  oyer  to  the  exchequer. 
Accordingly,  Sult&n  'Al&a-d  din  ordered  Hamid  Eh&n  to  be 
confined,  and  then  marched  from  Dehli  to  Barh&n&b&d,  and  en- 
camped near  Amroha.  Eutb  £h&n,  ^tek  Eh&n,  and  Part&b 
came  there  to  pay  their  respects,  and  promised  to  make  over 
forty  parganas  to  the  Solt&n,  on  condition  that  he  would  put 
Hamid  Eh&n  to  death.  Part&b  incited  the  Sult&n  to  slay 
Eamid  £h&n,  because  the  E[h&n''s  &ther  in  former  days  had 
plundered  his  estate  and  seized  his  wife.  Sult&n  'Al&u*d  din, 
irho  was  unfit  to  govern  a  kingdom,  gave  directions,  without 
thought  or  reflection,  for  the  execution  of  Hamid  E[h&n,  whose 
brothers,  learning  these  intentions,  managed  to  liberate  him  from 
confinement,  and  then  fled  to  Dehli.  Malik  Muhammad  Jam&I, 
in  whose  custody  he  had  been,  pursued  Hamid  Eh&n  to  his 
house  and  attacked  him ;  but  in  the  tumult  he  was  killed  by  a 
spear,  and  many  people  joined  the  party  of  Hamid  £h&n.  The 
tcazir  removed  the  wives,  sons,  and  daughters  of  the  Sult&n, 
exposed  and  bare-headed,  out  of  the  fort  of  Dehli,  and  then 
took  possession  of  the  treasures  and  regalia.  Sult&n  ^Al&u-d 
din's  irresolution  hindered  him  from  doing  anything,  and  after 
patting  off  his  revenge  from  day  to  day,  he  remained  in  Bad&un 
on  account  of  the  rainy  season.  Hamid  Kh&n  resolved  to  avail 
himself  of  the  opportunity,  and  to  establish  another  sovereign  in 
the  room  of  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din ;  but  as  Sult&n  Mahmud,  King 
of  Jaunpdr,  was  connected  with  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din,  and  Sult&n 
Mahmud,  King  of  M&ndu,  was  too  distant  to  admit  of  his 
holding  communication  with  him,  he  did  not  think  proper  to 
make  any  determined  move.  Whilst  he  was  meditating  on  his 
future  schemes,  Bahlol,  having  received  intelligence  of  what  was 
in  contemplation,  came  with  his  entire  army  from  Sirhind  to 
Dehli.  Hamid  Kh&n  did  not  quit  his  post,  as  he  considered 
himself  sufficiently  strong  to  prevent  Sultfin  Bahlol  from  entering 

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76  NFAMATU.LLA, 

the  city.^  After  entering  into  a  convention,  Sult&n  Bahlol  gained 
permission  to  enter  the  city,  and  he,  in  order  to  meet  the  neces- 
sities of  the  times,  treated  Hamfd  Xhin  with  all  possible  polite- 
ness and  courtesy,  and  went  daily  to  visit  him,  at  the  same  time 
always  keeping  near  his  own  person  many  Afgh&ns  who  had 
joined  him  from  Roh.  His  determination  was  to  make  himself 
king,  and  turn  Hamid  £h&n  out. 

One  day  Hamid  Kh&n  gave  a  grand  entertainment,  and  in- 
vited many  nobles  as  his  guests.  Sult&n  Bahlol,  who  was 
one  of  the  party,  had  instructed  his  Afgh&ns  to  behave  in  a 
foolish  and  indecorous  mannner,  during  Hamid  Kh&n's  feast, 
so  that  he  might  look  on  them  as  a  set  of  idiots,  and  ceasing 
to  regard  them  with  any  apprehension,  might  pay  no  further 
attention  to  them.  When  the  Afgh&ns  went  into  Hamid  Kh&n'*s 
presence,  they  acted  in  an  unusual  and  strange  manner.  Some 
festened  their  shoes  to  their  girdles,  some  placed  their  shoes  in 
the  recess  above  Hamid  Kh&n's  head.  Hamid  Eh&n  inquired 
what  this  meant.  They  answered,  *^  We  are  taking  precautions 
against  thieves."  After  a  short  time  the  Afgh&us  said  to 
Hamid  Kh&n,  *'Tour  carpet  is  wonderfully  coloured;  if  you 
give  us  each  a  blanket  from  it,  we  will  send  it  as  a  rarity  to  our 
native  land  of  Boh,  to  make  caps  for  our  children,  that  the 
inhabitants  of  the  world  may  know  that  we  are  in  the  service 
of  Hamid  Kh&n,  and  are  treated  with  much  dignity,  honour, 
and  respect."  Hamid  Kh&n  smiled,  and  said  in  reply,  ''  I  will 
make  you  presents  of  the  most  costly  articles  for  rarities.**^  And 
as  they  were  bringing  round  trays  containing  perfumes,  the 
Afgh&ns  licked  the  scent  bottles,  and  ate  the  flowers.  They 
opened  the  leaves  which  covered  the  pdn.  First  they  ate  the 
lime,  and  when  this  had  heated  their  mouths,  tbey  chewed  the 
pdn  afterwards,  and  in  other  respects  conducted  themselves  in 
an  extraordinary  manner.  Hamid  Kh&n  asked  Malik  Bahlol, 
•'Why  do  they  act  thusP"     He  replied,  "They  are  a  set  of 

^  These  oiroumstances  are  differently  represented  in  the  Tdrikh^i  Midi  [anti 
Vol.  IV.,  p.  435], 

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TABIEH-l  KHAN  JAHXN  LODI.  77 

clowns^  and  have  associated  but  little  with  men ;  they  only  know 
how  to  eat  and  die."*^  It  became  Bahlors  custom  to  bring  some 
of  these  men  whenever  he  went  to  see  Hamid  Eh&n ;  but  the 
greater  portion  of  his  attendants  remained  standing  without. 
On  one  occasion,  when  Hamid  Eh&n  was  feasting  Malik  Bahlol, 
the  Aigh&ns,  in  obedience  to  secret  instructions  received  from 
Malik  Bahlol,  beat  the  door-keepers,  and  forced  their  way  in, 
saying,  *^  We  are  likewise  servants  of  Hamid  Kh&n ;  why  should 
we  be  prevented  from  coming  to  salute  him  P  "  When  a  tumult 
and  disturbance  had  arisen,  Hamid  Kh&n  asked  the  reason  of  it. 
They,  as  they  were  entering,  abused  Malik  Bahlol,  and  said  to 
the  minister,  '^  We  are  just  as  much  your  servants  as  he  is ;  he 
comes  in,  and  why  should  not  weP^  When  Hamid  Kh&u 
directed  that  they  should  be  admitted,  the  Afgh&ns  crowded  in, 
and  two  of  them  placed  themselves  near  every  servant  of  Hamid 
£h&n.  When  the  eatiug  part  of  the  entei*tainment  was  over, 
and  many  of  Hamid  Ehdn'^s  men  had  gone  out,  Kutb  Eh&n 
Lodi  drew  forth  a  chain  from  his  bosom,  and  laid  it  before 
Hamid  Eh&n,  sayiug,  ^*The  best  thing  for  you  will  be  to 
retire  fit)m  public  life  for  a  short  time.  As  I  have  eaten  your 
salt,  I  do  not  intend  to  put  you  to  death.^  Afker  this  he  caused 
Hamid  Eh&n  to  be  seized,  and  gave  him  in  charge  to  his 
officers.^ 

Thus  Malik  Bahlol  took  possession  of  Dehli,  without 
hindrance  or  opposition  ;  and  on  the  17th  of  the  month  Babi'u-1 
awwal,  A.H.  855*  (19th  April,  1451),  at  the  prosperous  moment 
and  auspicious  time  which  the  astrologers  learned  in  the  stars, 
and  experienced  Br&hmans  had  indicated,  he  seated  himself 
on  the  Imperial  throne,  and  ordered  the  khutba  to  be  read  and 
coin  to  be  struck  in  his  own  name.  He  assumed  the  title  of 
Sult&n  Bahlol;   and  did  his  best  to  conciliate  the  nobles  and 

>  Ahmad  T&dg&r  gives  an  account  of  this  transaction  in  greater  detail ;  but  the 
particulan  are  scarcely  worthy  of  notice. — MS.  p.  7. 

*  So  says  Ni'amata-Ua  and  the  TdHkh^i  Dditdi;  but  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  says  27th  of 
Mnharram.    [Fiiishta  makes  it  a  year  earlier,  854.] 


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78  NTAMATTJ.LLA. 

soldiery,  aad  gain  the  goodwill  of  great  and  small,  by  his 
extreme  liberality  and  generosity.  He  won  the  people  over 
to  his  side,  and  when  he  had  secured  a  firm  hold  on  Dehli, 
after  some  days,  he  wrote  to  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din,  saying, 
*' Since  I  was  educated  by  yoor  &ther,  and  consider  myself 
as  in  fact  your  regent  for  this  country,  I  will  allow  the  royal 
power,  which  had  left  your  hands,  to  remain  as  it  was;  and 
I  will  not  prevent  the  khutba  from  being  read  in  your  name.*^ 
Sult&n  'Al&u-d  d{n  wrote  in  reply,  ''  As  my  father  looked  on 
you  as  his  offspring,  I  likewise  have  looked  on  you  as  my 
elder  brother,  and  have  therefore  made  over  the  government  to 
you,  and  contented  myself  with  Bad&un/'^  Sult&n  Bahlol,  being 
successftil  and  prosperous,  ruled  the  empire  with  vigour.  He 
wrested  the  parganaa  bordering  on  Dehli  from  the  people  who 
had  usurped  them,  and  took  them  into  his  own  possession.  He 
also,  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign,  went  to  settle  the  province  of 
Mult&n. 

Some  of  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din's  nobles,  who  were  dissatisfied 
with  the  government  of  the  Lodis,  wrote  to  Sult&n  Mahmdd 
of  Jaunpur,  and  summoned  him  to  their  assistance.  Accord- 
ingly, in  the  year  855,*  he  advanced  from  Jaunpur  to  Dehli, 
which  place  he  besieged.  Ehw&ja  B&yazid,  the  son  of  Sult&n 
Bahlol,  with  other  nobles,  remained  there  to  garrison  the 
fort.'  Sult&n  Bahlol,^  on  hearing  this,  left  DIp&lpur  and  came 
and  encamped  in  the  village  of  Narela,  fifteen  kos  distant  from 
Dehli.  In  spite  of  all  his  endeavours  to  make  peace,  Sult&n 
Mahmud's  pride  and  arrogance  prevented  an  accommodation. 
Sult&n  Mahmud  sent  Fath  Kh&n  Hirwi,  with  30,000  horse- 
men and  39  elephants,  against    Sult&n   Bahlol.    These  came 

1  [See  Vol.  lY.,  p.  86.  'Alan-d  din  lived  quietly  at  BadkAn  till  his  death  in  883, 
A.D.  1478.] 

s  All  other  anthorities  say  866  h. 

s  The  account  of  this  siege  of  Dehli  is  given  in  greater  detail  among  the  Extncts 
from  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  {fuprd  page  2),  whose  account  agrees  with  that  of  'Abdu-Ua 
in  the  Tdrfkh-i  DdML 

^  [This  is  in  accordance  with  the  MSS.,  but  differs  from  Dom,  whose  Texaioii 
makes  B&yazid  come  from  Dip&lp<ir.] 


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TAErKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODI.  79 

into  action  in  three  divisions.  The  leading  elephant  of  Fath 
Kh&n's  army  was  disabled  by  Kutb  Khkn  Lodf,  who  was  an 
nnriTalled  archer,  with  a  single  shot.  Darya  Kh&n  Lodi,  who 
had  joined  Sult&n  Mahmud,  was  fighting  in  the  same  field. 
Kutb  Kh&n  called  out  to  him  with  a  load  voice,  **  Yonr  mother 
and  sisters  are  in  the  fort ;  it  is  not  fit  that  yon  should  do  battle 
for  the  stranger,  and  lose  sight  of  the  reputation  of  your  fiimily." 
Daryd  Kh&n  said,  **  I  will  leave  the  field,  provided  yon  do  not 
fellow  me.*"  Kutb  took  an  oath  that  he  would  not  pursue  him ; 
and  thus,  on  account  of  Daryd  £h&n's  retreat,  Fath  Kh&n's 
troops  were  defeated,  and  he  himself  was  taken  prisoner.  Sult&n 
Mahmud,  being  thus  foiled,  and  being  unable  to  effect  anything, 
retired  to  Jaunptir. 

Solt&n  Bahlol  then  settled  himself  firmly,  and  increased  his 
dominions  and  authority.  He  took  measures  to  gain  entire 
possession  of  the  country;  and  with  this  object  in  view,  first 
proceeded  into  Mew&t.  Ahmad  Eh&n  Mew&tti  submitted ;  upon 
which  the  Sult&n  deprived  him  of  seven  parganas,  but  allowed 
him  to  retain  the  remainder.  Ahmad  appointed  his  uncle, 
Mubfirak  Kh&n^  to  be  perpetually  in  attendance  at  Court.  The 
Sult&n  proceeded  from  Mew&t  to  Baran.  Dary&  Khia  Lodi, 
governor  of  Sambhal,  also  came  before  His  Majesty,  to  tender 
his  allegiance  and  submission,  and  presented  him  with  seven 
parganoB.  The  Sult&n  went  thence  to  Eol,  and  confirmed  'I'si 
Xh&n  in  the  possession  of  that  place  on  the  former  terms.  When 
he  reached  Burh&n&b&d,  Mub&rak  Kh&n,  governor  of  Sakit, 
came  to  pay  his  respects;  he  was  likewise  confirmed  in  the 
possession  of  the  districts  which  he  held  in  jdgir,  E&i  Part&b, 
chief  of  the  zaminddrs  in  those  parts,  was  also  confirmed  in 
possession  of  Bhuing&nw.  From  thence  he  went  to  the  fort 
of  B&pri.^  Kutb  Kh&n,  the  son  of  Husain,  who  commanded 
in  B&pri,  resisted,  but  his  fort  was  speedily  captured.  Kh&n 
Jah&n,  after  making  a  solemn  promise  of  safe  conduct  to  Kutb 
Kh&n,  brought  him  into  the  King's  presence,  when  he  also  was 
1  ["To  E&pri  and  Chand&war.*'— Jfait^Am.] 


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80  NI'AMATU-LLA- 

confirmed  in  hu9  jdglrs.  From  thence,  Sult&n  Bahlol  went  to 
Et&wah,  the  governor  of  which  likewise  offered  his  homage. 

At  this  period  Mahmdd  Sharki,  by  the  advice  of  Mallka 
Jah&n,  who  was  the  chief  lady  of  his  harem^  and  was  related  to 
Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din,  again  assembled  a  force,  and  came  against 
Sult&n  Bahlol,  and  encamped  in  the  country  about  Et&wah.  On 
the  first  day,  both  armies  engaged  in  hostilities ;  on  the  second, 
Eutb  Eh&n  and  R&i  Part&b  made  amicable  arrangements,  and 
agreed  that  the  whole  of  the  territory  which  had  belonged  to 
Mub&n&k  Sh&h,  £ing  of  Dehli,  should  be  left  in  the  hands 
of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  and  that  which  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  King  of 
Jaunptir,  had  held,  should  be  left  in  the  possession  of  Sult&n 
Mahmud;  also  that  seven  elephants  which  had  fallen  into  the 
hands  of  Sult&n  Bahlol  in  the  fight  with  Fath  Eh&n  should  be 
given  back  to  Sult&n  Mahmtid.  Shams&b&d  was  to  be  con- 
sidered the  property  of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  and  was  to  be  made  over  to 
him  by  Jun&  Kh&n,  the  agent  of  Sult&n  Mahmud.  After  this 
truce,  Sult&n  Mahmud  returned  to  Jaunpur,  and  Sult&n  Bahlol 
wrote  Bk/armdn  at  the  appointed  time  to  Jun&  ELh&n,  directing 
him  to  leave  Shams&b&d,  and  give  it  into  the  hands  of  B&i 
Karan.  As  Jdii&  Eh&n  resisted  the  execution  of  the  order, 
Sult&n  Bahlol  went  in  person  to  Shams&b&d,  took  the  fort  and 
town  from  Jun&  Eh&n  and  gave  them  to  B&i  Earan. 

Sult&n  Mahmdd,  when  informed  of  these  transactions,  again 
went  against  Sult&n  Bahlol,  in  violation  of  his  solemn  engage- 
ments. They  met  face  to  face  at  Shams&b&d,  and  Dary&  Eh&n 
Lodi  and  Eutb  Eh&n^  made  a  night  attack  on  the  army 
of  Sultan  Mahmdd.  By  chance,  Eutb  Eh&n^s  horse  stumbled, 
and  he  was  thrown  to  the  ground  and  taken  prisoner.  Sult&n 
Mahmud  confined  him  and  sent  him  to  Vaunpur,  where  he 
remained  captive  for  seven  years.  Sult&n  Bahlol,  leaving 
Prince  Jal&l  Eh&n,   Sikandar  Eh&n,  and  'Im&du-l   Mulk  in 

1  Thifi  was  Katb  Kh&n  Lodi,  first  cousin  of  Bahlol,  and  son  of  Ulkm  Eh6n.  The 
other  Euth  Kh&n,  frequently  mentioned  in  thii  rei^  was  the  son  of  Huaain  Eh&A 
Afgh&n,  and  governor  of  R&prf  on  the  Jumn&.  Doxyk  Kh&n  was  also  a  first  consia 
of  BaMol^Tdrikh'i  Jkiiidi,  MS.  p.  24. 


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TARIKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODr.  81 

front  of  Sult&n  Mahmud^s  forces,  for  the  purpose  of  render- 
ing assistance  to  B4i  Earan,  who  was  in  the  fort  of  Shams- 
ib&d,  went  in  person  against  Sult&n  Mahmud.  At  this  time 
the  Sult&n  [Mahmdd]  fell  sick,  and  in  two  or  three  days  the 
measure  of  his  age  was  filled  to  the  brim,  and  he  ceased  to  exist. 
His  mother,  Bibi  B&ji,  who  was  a  very  wise,  clever  and  ex- 
perienced woman,  with  the  assistance  of  the  nobles,  seated  Prince 
Bhikhan  Eh&n  on  the  throne  of  the  kingdom,  and  gave  him 
the  title  of  Muhammad  Sh&h.  Certain  of  the  chief  nobles  and 
grandees  of  the  State  interposed,  and  made  peace  between  the 
two  monarchs,  under  which  it  was  agreed  that  the  territories  of 
Sult&n  Mahm&d  should  be  ruled  by  Muhammad  Sh&h,  and  that 
those  owned  formerly  by  Sult&n  ^Al&u-d  din  should  be  governed 
by  Sult&n  Bahlol. 

After  this  compact,  Muhammad  Sh&h  retraced  his  steps  to 
Jaunpur,  and  Sult&n  Bahlol  went  towards  Dehli.  On  his  arrival 
near  Dehli,  Shams  Kh&tun,  sister  of  Eutb  Kh&n,  and  the  chief 
lady  of  the  Sult&n^s  haremy  sent  to  say,  that  as  long  as  Eutb 
Khan  remained  the  prisoner  of  Sult&n  Muhammad  Sh&h,  it 
would  be  unlawful  for  the  Sult&n  to  take  sleep  or  repose  of  any 
kind,  [adding  that  she  would  kill  herself].^  This  speech  made 
such  an  impression  on  the  Sult&n,  that  he  turned  back  from 
Dehli,  and  set  off  again  against  Muhammad  Sh&h.  When 
Muhammad  heard  this,  he  set  out  from  Jaunpur,  with  the  view 
of  meeting  Sult&n  Bahlol ;  and  on  reaching  Shams&b&d,  he  took 
that  district  away  from  E&i  E[aran,  Sult&n  Bahlol's  governor, 
and  reinstated  J&n&  Eh&n.  Although  R&i  Part&b  had  formerly 
been  on  the  side  of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  yet  he  now  became  alarmed 
on  account  of  Muhammad  Sh&h's  successes,  and  joined  his  party. 
Muhammad  Sh&h  reached  Surseni  by  uninterrupted  marches. 
Sult&n  Bahlol  encamped  in  tYiepargana  of  B.&pri,  which  adjoined 
Surseni,  and  fighting  took  place  for  some  days  between  the 
two  armies. 

Muhammad  Sh&h  wrote  a  farmdn  to  the  Eotwdl  of  Jaunpur, 

1  [Makhzan.] 


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82  NPAMATU-LLA. 

ordering  him  to  pat  his  (the  Sh&h's)  own  brother,  Hasan  Eh&n, 
and  Entb  Kh&n  LodI,  who  were  both  detained  as  prisoners,  to 
death.^    The  Kotwdl  represented  that  Bibi  B&ji  protected  both 
of  them,  and  that  he  had  not  sufficient  authority  to  kill  them. 
When  Muhammad  Sh&h  learnt  the  contents  of  the  reply,  he 
wrote  in  a  perfidious,   plausible  and  treacherous   way  to   his 
mother,   saying,   ^'My  brother,   Hasan  E3i&n,   suffers  greatly 
in  prison;  it  is  proper  that  you  should  come  here  and  make 
peace  between  him  and  me ;  after  which  an  estate  shall  be  given 
to  him.''     Bibi  B&ji  set  forth  on  receiving  the  letter;  and  when 
she  was  some  stages  on  the  road,  one  of  Sh&h  Muhammad'^s 
courtiers  put  Prince  Hasan  Kh&n  to  death  by  order.    This  news 
reached  Bibi  B&ji  at  Eananj.    After  mourning  for  Hasan  Eh&n 
in  Kanauj,  she  declined  to  enter  the  presence  of  Muhammad 
Sh&h.    When  Muhammad  Sh&h  heard  of  his  mother's  return, 
he   was   wroth,   and   wrote   to   her,    saying,   "  Why   do   you 
mourn  on  account  of  the  execution  of  an  individual  P   All  the 
princes  will  meet  with  a  like  fate,  and  then  you  can  mourn  for 
them  all  at  once ! "     The  nobles  and  ministers  were  in  continual 
dread  of  Muhammad  Sh&h,  for  he  was  of  a  very  ferocious,  blood- 
thirsty, and  passionate  disposition. 

During  these  transactions,  Husain  Eh&n,  a  younger  brother  of 
Muhammad  Sh&h,  sent  Sult&n  Sh&h  and  Jal&l  Kh&n  Ajodhani 
to  inform  Muhammad  Sh&h  that  the  troops  of  Sult4n  Bahlol 
intended  to  make  a  night  attack ;  that  30,000  horsemen  and 
thirty  elephants  had  been  detached  for  the  purpose,  and  had 
taken  a  position  on  the  banks  of  the  Jhama.*  Sult&n  Muhammad,? 

1  In  the  TdriJch'i  Dd&di  (MS.  p.  25)  they  are  called  two  sons  of  Snlt&n  Sh&h,  by 
name  Hasan  Eb&n  and  Eutb  Eh&n.  The  insertion  of  "Lodi  "  must  be  an  error, 
though  his  father's  name  also  was  Sult&n  Sh&h.  These  princes  were  eridently  of  the 
Jannptir  family,  and  Sult&n  Sh&h  himself  appears  as  one  of  the  conspirators  against 
Muhammad  Sh&h.    [Still,  Kutb  Kh&n  Lodi  was  a  prisoner  in  Jaunptir  at  this  time.] 

*  The  Afgh&n  histories  are  not  sufficiently  explicit  on  the  subject  of  these  moTe- 
ments ;  but  it  appears  from  the  Jaunpiir  annals,  that  the  conduct  of  the  two  brothers 
arose  from  disaffection  to  Muhammad  Sh&h. 

s  [The  original  translation  and  the  MS.  of  the  East  India  Library  say,  ^  Sult&n 
Bahlol,"  but  this  clearly  wrong.  The  MSS.  of  the  Makhzan  are  correct.  See  also 
Bom,  p.  49] 

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TARrKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODI.  83 

on  receiTing  this  news,  sent  a  diyision  of  his  troops  to  oppose 
them.  Prince  Hnsain  Eh&n  desired  to  take  his  brother  Sh4h- 
z£da  Jal&l  Khan  with  him,  and  sent  a  man  to  call  him; 
bat  Sult&n  Sh&h  remonstrated  against  the  delay,  representing 
that  Jal&l  Kh&n  might  come  up  afterwards*  Upon  this,  they 
went  off  in  the  direction  of  the  enemy.  It  so  happened, 
that  Salt&n  Bahlors  army  was  prepared  for  these  movements ; 
so  that  when  Prince  Jal&I  Kh&n,  in  obedience  ta  the  sum- 
mons of  Hnsain  Kh&n,  had  left  the  army  of  MiAammad  Sh&h, 
and  started  for  the  Jhama,  he  found  himself  in  the  presence 
of  the  Sultan's  troops,  instead  of  Husain  Eh&n's.  Thereupon, 
Saltan  BahloFs  men  seized  Jal&l  Kh&n,  and  brought  him  into 
the  presence  of  their  sovereign,  who  imprisoned  him,  deter- 
mining to  retain  him  as  a  hostage  for  the  safety  of  Eutb  Kh&n. 
[Hnsain  Eh&n,  when  he  heard  of  this  capture  of  Jal&l  Kh&n, 
being  in  fear  and  dread  of  Muhammad  Sh&h,  took  to  flight  and 
went  to  Jaunpur.]  *  Muhammad  Sh&h  was  terror-stricken  when 
he  learnt  the  capture  of  one  brother  and  the  flight  of  another, 
fearing  that  the  latter  might  go  and  do  damage  to  his  interests 
throughout  the  country ;  but  being  unable  to  offer  any  opposi- 
tion, he  went  to  Eanauj,  and  was  pursued  as  far  as  the  Ganges 
by  Sult&n  Bahlol,  who  returned  to  Dehli  after  plundering  a 
small  portion  of  the  baggage  [and  capturing  some  elephants  and 
horses], 

Sh&hzada  Husain  Eh&n,  in  the  year  857,  eame,  at  Jaunptir, 
into  the  presence  of  Bibi  BAji,  to  pay  his  respects;  and 
as  she  was  greatly  displeased  with  Muhammad  Sh&h,  she,  with 
the  aid  of  the  Sharki  nobles  and  grandees,  raised  him  to  the 
throne  of  the  kingdom  of  Jaunpur,  with  the  title  of  Sult&n 
Husain.*  Malik  Mubdrak  Gang,  Malik  'Ali  Gujar&ti,  and  other 
chiefs  were  appointed  to  attack  Muhammad  Sh&h,  who  had 
taken  up  a  position  at  B&jgarh,  on  the  river  Ganges.     When 

1  Makhsan. 

*  Thu  date  is  quite  iireooncilable  with  the  Jaunpfir  history — according  to  which, 
eren  Mahmiid  Sh&h  did  not  die  till  the  year  862,  and  Muhammad  Sh&h's  reigu 
lasted  for  fire  months. 

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84  NTAMATU-LLA. 

Sultan  Husain^s  army  approached,  divers  nobles  who  were  dis- 
satisfied with  Muhammad  Sh&h  forsook  him,  and  joined  the 
forces  of  Sult&n  Husain.  Muhammad  Sh&h  fled,  accompanied 
by  100  of  his  body-guard,  and  arrived  at  a  garden  which  was  in 
that  neighbourhood,  where  he  was  surrounded  by  the  Sultin's 
soldiers.  Muhammad  Sh&h,  being  a  capital  archer,  took  up 
his  bow  and  arrows ;  but  previous  to  this,  Bibi  Bfiji  had  per- 
suaded the  armourer  of  Muhammad  to  remove  the  points  from 
the  arrows  which  he  had  in  his  quiver,  so  he  found,  at  the 
time  of  action,  that  all  the  arrows  which  he  drew  forth  from  his 
quiver  were  pointless.  At  last  he  threw  down  his  bow,  and  took 
to  his  sword,  with  which  he  smote  down  several  persons ;  but  an 
arrow  from  the  bow  of  destiny  was  sent  by  the  hand  of  Malik 
Mub&rak  Gang,  which  struck  Muhammad  Sh&h  in  the  throat. 
The  wound  caused  him  to  &11  from  his  horse  to  the  ground, 
when  he  attained  martyrdom. 

*'  Our  mother,  Nature,  never  bore  a  son  whom  she  did  not  slay ! 
Beware,  distrust  the  love  of  this  murderer  of  her  offspring ! " 

After  these  events,  the  Almighty  established  Sult&n  Husain 
firmly  in  the  possession  of  the  kingdom.  He  made  peace  with 
Sult&n  Bahlol,  by  which  they  were  both  bound  to  remain  satis- 
fied with  their  own  possessions  for  four  years.  R&i  Part&b  was 
induced  by  Kutb  Khan  to  side  with  Sult&n  Bahlol.^  When 
Sult&n  Husain  had  made  peace,  and  arrived  near  the  Hatiz-i 
Hariya^  he  sent  for  Kutb  Kh&n  [Lodi]  from  Jaunpur,  and  after 
presenting  him  with  a  horse,  a  royal  dress  of  honour,  an  elephant, 
girdles,  daggers,  and  jewelled  swords,  he  gave  him  leave  to 
depart,  and  having  thus  treated  him  with  all  possible  honour 
and  respect,  sent  him  to  Sult&n  Bahlol.  Sultan  Bahlol,  likewise, 
gratified  Prince  Jal&l  Kh&n  by  the  kind  and  polite  manner  in 
which  he  behaved  to  him,  and  then  sent  him  to  Sult&n  Husain. 

Some  time  after,  Sult&n  [Bahlol]  determined  to  go  to  Shams- 
ib&d ;  which  place  he  again  took  from  Jtin&  Eh&n,  and  gave  it 

^  [This  sentence  is  found  only  in  the  Tdrikh-%  Khdn^Jahdn  Lodi.} 

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TAKIKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODf.  85 

to  BM  Karan.  He  also  presented  the  kettle-dram  and  standard 
whieh  he  had  wrested  from  Dary&  Ehia  to  Narsing  Deo,  the 
son  of  R&i  Part&b.^  Dary&  Kh&n  took  advantage  of  an  oppor- 
tmiity^  and,  with  the  approval  of  Kntb  Kh&n,  slew  Narsing  Deo. 
Kntb  Eh&n,  Husain  Kbdn,  Mnb&riz  Eh&n,  and  E&i  Part&b, 
having  entered  into  a  conspiracy,  went  over  to  the  Sharki  monarch.' 
Snlt&n  Bahlol,  finding  himself  too  weak  to  resist  them,  went  back 
to  Dehli ;  and  after  some  time,  started  for  Mult&n,  with  the  in- 
tention of  putting  an  end  to  the  disturbances  in  the  Panj&b.  He 
left  Kntb  Kh&n  Lodi  and  ELh&n  Jah&n  in  Dehli,  to  act  as  his 
deputies  during  his  absence ;  but  whilst  he  was  yet  on  the  road,^ 
news  reached  him  that  Sult&n  Husain,  with  a  well-appointed  army 
and  war-elephants,  was  marching  towards  Dehli.  Sult&n  Bahlol 
turned  back,  and  with  all  possible  speed  returned  to  Dehli,  and 
went  out  to  meet  the  foe,  with  whom,  after  some  time,  he  ibund 
himself  hce  to  &ce.  Continual  fighting  took  place  between  the 
two  parties  during  the  space  of  seven  days,  when  at  length, 
after  much  slaughter,  by  the  efforts  of  the  chiefs,  a  peace  was 
brought  about ;  and  it  was  agreed  that  both  kings  should  remain 
within  the  boundaries  of  their  respective  territories  for  three  years. 
Aft^r  this  truce,  Sult&n  Bahlol  abode  in  Dehli  for  three 
years,  and  Sult&n  Husain  returned  to  Jaunptir,  and  attended  to 
the  afiairs  of  his  kingdom  and  army.  During  this  period. 
Sultan  Bahlol  proceeded  against  Ahmad  Kh&n  Mew&tti,  who  had 
before  been  an  ally  of  Sultan  Husain.  When  he  arrived  in 
Mew&t,  Ahmad  Kh&n  was  induced  by  the  representations  of  the 
Kh&n*kh&n&n,  one  of  the  chief  nobles  of  Sult&n  Bahlol,  to  come 
in  and  pay  his  respects. 

^  Pirishta  represents  this  in  quite  a  different  light : — *'  Part&b  "Rki  had  formerly 
taken  a  standard  and  pair  of  drams  from  Dary&  Eh&n  Lodi  in  action ;  and  that 
chief,  in  order  to  aTenge  himself,  assassinated  Narsing  B&i,  in  spite  of  the  opposition 
of  Kntb  Eh&n,  the  son  of  Husain  Eh&n.  Mub&rak  'Khkn,  apprehensive  of  Daryi 
Kh&n's  influence  at  Court,  fled  to  Husain  Sh&h  Shark!/'— ^ny^«,  toI.  i.  p.  556. 

>  Ni'amatn-lla  represents  thai  this  conspiracy  arose  in  consequence  of  the  assassina^ 
lion  of  Narsing  Deo  (MS.,  p.  87;  Born,  p.  51) ;  but  there  seems  no  connexion.  [No 
mention  is  made  of  ''  Eiitb  Eh&n  *'  in  any  of  the  MSS.  of  the  Makhzan,^ 

^  [**  Before  he  reached  Lahore." — Makhzan.] 

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86  NrAMAxrr-LLA. 

About  this  period  Ahmad  Eh&n,  the  son  of  Ytisof  Kh&n 
Jalw&Di,  governor  of  Baj&ua,  broke  out  into  revolt  against 
Sult&n  Bahlol;  and  having  caased  the  khutba  to  be  read  and 
coin  to  be  struck  in  the  fort  of  Bay&na  in  the  name  of  Sult&n 
Husain,  sent  intelligence  of  this  to  Sult&n  Husain.^  No  dispute 
had  occurred  during  the  period, of  the  three  years' truce;  but 
now  the  Sult&n  marched  towards  Dehli  with  100,000  horse  and 
1000  elephants.  Sult&n  Bahlol  came  out  of  Dehli,  and  drew  np 
his  forces  before  the  enemy  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Bhatw&ra. 
Kh&n  Jah&n  interposed,  and  effected  a  recQUciliation  between  the 
parties;  after  which  Sult&n  Husain  went  to  Et&wah,  and  remained 
there,  whilst  Sult&n  Bahlol  returned  to  Dehll. 

After  the  lapse  of  some  time,  Sult&n  Husain  broke  his  oath, 
and  again  advanced  against  Sult&n  Bahlol.  Sult&n  Bahlol  left 
Dehli,  »id  both  sides  skirmished  during  several  days  in  the 
vicinity  of  the  Sar&i  Lashkar ;  they,  however,  ended  by  making 
peace.  About  this  time  Sult&n  Husain's  mother,  Bibi  B&ji, 
departed  this  life  in  Et&wah.  Kaly&n  Mai,  the  son  of  B&i  Earan 
Sing,  B&J&  of  Gw&lior,  and  Kutb  Eh&n  Lodi,  went  from  Chanda- 
w&r  to  condole  with  Sult&n  Husain.  Eutb  Kh&n  found  that 
Sult&n  Husain  was  inimical  to  and  disposed  to  injure  Sult&n 
Bahlol,  so  he  flattered  the  Sult&n  by  telling  him  that  Bahlol 
was  his  subject,  and  unable  to  cope  with  him  as  a  rival,  and 
that  he  would  take  no  rest  until  he  had  obtained  possession  of 
Dehll  for  him.  After  thus  deceiving  Sult&n  Husain,  Kutb 
Kh&n  took  leave  of  him,  and  presented  himself  to  Sult&n 
Bahlol,  and  said,  '*  We  have  escaped  from  the  hands  of  Sult&n 
Husain  by  wiles  and  contrivances,  and  have  discovered  that  he 
entertains  a  rooted  hatred  to  you.  It  is  necessary  for  you,  there- 
fore, to  look  to  yourself.     Be  on  the  alert." 

About  this  time,  Sult&n  'Al&u-d  din  departed  to  the  mercy 
of  God  in  Bad&un.  Sult&n  Husain  went  there  for  the  purpose 
of  offering  condolence,  but  he  finished  by  wresting  Bad&un  from 
'Al&u-d  dln^s  son,  and  in  doing  so  injured  his  reputation.     From 

^  [Dom*8  Yenion  is  here  defective.] 

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TARTKH-I  KEAN  JAHAN  LODI.  87 

thence  he  went  to  Sambhal,  where  he  confined  Mub&rak  Kh&n, 
the  son  of  T&t&r  Eh&n,  the  governor  of  that  place,  and  sent 
him  to  S&ran.  He  then  proceeded  in  person  against  Dehli, 
with  a  large  army  and  1000  elephants,  and  arrived  at  the  ferry 
of  £anjh,  on  the  river  Jamna,  in  the  month  of  Zi-1  hijja, 
A.H.  893,  and  encamped  there.  Sult£n  Bahlol  was,  at  this 
period,  in  the  direction  of  Sirhind,  but  came  to  Dehli  when  he 
heard  the  news.  Both  parties  were  employed  in  fighting  for 
some  time,  and  the  eastern  forces  were  generally  victorious, 
owing  to  their  superior  strength  and  numbers.  In  the  end, 
Kutb  £h&n  sent  a  person  to  Sult&n  Husain  with  a  message, 
saying,  "  I  am  the  grateful  servant  of  Bibi  B&ji ;  she  treated  me 
with  the  utmost  kindness  when  I  was  a  prisoner  in  Jaunpur.  I 
think  that  the  most  advisable  course  to  pursue  at  present  is  to 
make  peace,  and  return.  Let  the  countries  on  the  other  side  of 
the  river  Ganges  be  ruled  by  you,  and  those  on  this  side  by 
Sultan  Bahlol."  Thus  did  Kutb  Kh&n'^s  interposition  put  an 
end  to  this  warfiure. 

Sultan  Husain,  relying  on  the  truce  which  had  been  concluded, 
marched  away,  leaving  his  baggage  behind.  Sult&u  Bahlol  took 
advantage  of  the  opportunity,  pursued  Sult&n  Husain,  and  plun- 
dered his  baggage.  A  portion  of  the  valuables  and  treasures, 
which  had  been  laden  on  horses  and  elephants,  fell  into  the  hands 
of  Sult&n  Bahlol.  Moreover,  forty  noblemen  of  Sult&n  Husain'^s 
army,  who  were  grandees  of  his  kingdom,  including  Katlagh 
Eh&n,  the  tcas^^  who  was  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  the 
age,  Odhu,  the  ndib^  and  others  like  them,  were  made  captive. 
Soltdn  Bahlol  put  E[atlagh  Kh&n  in  chains,  and  gave  him  in 
charge  to  Kutb  £h&n.  The  defeated  Sult&n  himself  also 
fled  ;  Malika  Jah&n,  the  chief  wife  of  Sult&n  Husain,  was 
taken  prisoner.  Sult&n  Bahlol  appointed  eunuchs  to  keep  strict 
guard  over  the  wife  of  the  Sult&u ;  and  after  some  time  she 
was  sent,  with  the  greatest  honour  and  respect,  to  Sult&n 
Husain.  Sult&n  Bahlol  seized  several  parganaa  which  belonged 
to  Sult&n  Husain,  such  as  Kampil,  Patti&li^  Sakit,  Kol,  and 

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88  NI'AMATU-LUL 

JaUli,^  and  appointed  his  own  governors.  He  then  went  himself 
in  pursuit,  and  when  the  pursuit  had  lasted  some  time,  Sult4n 
Husain  &ced  about,  and  posted  himself  in  the  villa^  of  B&m- 
panjw&ran,  which  is  attached  to  B&pri.  At  length,  a  truce  waa 
agreed  upon,  the  conditions  of  which  were  that  both  the  Sult&ns 
should  remain  contented  with  their  old  boundaries.  After  the 
conclusion  of  peace,  both  returned  to  their  respective  countries.' 

In  the  next  year  Sult&n  Husain,  at  the  instigation  of  Malika 
Jah&n,  forgetful  of  his  oath,  again  came  to  attack  Sult&n  Bahlol, 
at  the  head  of  a  large  army.  A  desperate  battle  was  fought, 
near  the  village  of  Sonh&r,  and  Sult&n  Husain,  being  again 
routed,  went  to  B&pri.  Sult&n  Bahlol  pitched  his  camp  near  the 
village  of  Dhup&mu.  An  immense  amount  of  valuable  property 
fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Lodis,  the  possession  of  which  tended 
much  to  increase  the  power  and  authority  of  Malik  Bahlol. 

About  this  time  intelligence  arrived  of  the  decease  of  Kh&n 
Jah&n  Lodi,  and  Sult&n  Bahlol  granted  to  his  son  the  title  of 
Kh&n  Jah&n,  and  conferred  on  him  the  appointments  held  by 
his  &ther.  He  then  went  to  B&pri  against .  Sult&n  Husain, 
and  was  victorious,  after  much  fighting  and  slaughter.  Sult&n 
Husain,  being  defeated,  fled  across  the  river  Jumna.  Whilst 
passing  that  stream,  several  of  his  wives  and  children  were 
drowned  in  the  river  of  mortality ;  this  caused  Sult&n  Husain 
excessive  pain  and  affliction.  He,  after  suffering  much  trouble, 
and  repentance,  went  off  towards  Gw&lior,  intending  to  pro- 
ceed from  thence  to  Jaunpdr.  On  his  way  to  Gw&lior,  the 
Bhadauryas  attacked  his  camp.  When  he  arrived  at  that  place, 
B&i  Karan  Sing,  the  B&ja  of  Gw&lior,  showed  his  allegiance, 
and  received  him  with  regal  honours.  He  presented  an  offering 
to  the  Sult&n,  consisting  of  some  lacs  of  tankaSy  various  descrip- 
tions of  tents,  with  some  horses,  elephants,  and  camels,  and 
thus  proved  himself  one  of  the  well-wishers  of  the  State.     He 

^  Ni'amata-lla  omits  the  names,  but  Firislita  adds  those  of  Shams&b&d  and 
Marhera,  and  mentions  Jales&r  in  lieu  of  Jal&li. 

'  The  Makhzan-i  Afghani  represents  that  actual  possession  was  the  basis  of  this 
hollow  truce  between  these  perfidious  princes. 

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TAETKH-I  KHAN  JAHAK  LODT.  89 

also  sent  a  body  of  his  own  troops  to  aceompanj  tbe  Salt&n  as 
&r  as  E&lpi. 

Whilst  this  was  happening,  Sult4n  Bahlol  determined  to  pro- 
ceed to  Etdwah.  Ibrahim  Kh&n,  the  brother  of  Sult&n  Husain, 
and  Haibat  Eh&n,  called  Qurg^anddz^  *'  the  wolf-slayer/^  who 
had  posted  themselves  in  Et&wah,  fought  for  three  days,  after 
which  they  begged  for  mercy,  and  surrendered  that  fortress. 
Snlt&n  Bahlol  appointed  Ibr&him  Eh&n  Loh&ni  to  command  in 
£t£wah,  and  assigned  some^ar^amu  of  Et&wah  to  B&i  D&dand. 
He  then  went  with  a  numerous  force  against  Sult&n  Husaiu ; 
they  met  at  the  Tillage  of  E&ng&nw,  which  belongs  to  E&lp(,  and 
both  parties  were  engaged  for  some  time  in  preparation  for 
battle.  The  river  Jumna  was  between  them.  At  this  period 
Bai  Tilak  Ghand,  the  governor  of  the  territory  of  Baksar/  came 
to  pay  his  respects  to  Sultan  Bahlol,  and  took  his  army  across 
the  river  by  a  ford,  against  the  troops  of  Sultdn  Husain,  who, 
being  too  weak  to  resist,  fled  to  the  Panna'  country,  the  B&j&  of 
which  place  came  out  to  meet  him,  and  presented  him  with  some 
laea  of  tankasy  and  100  horses  and  elephants,  after  which  he  sent 
his  own  soldiers  with  him  as  &r  as  Jaunpiir. 

Sult&n  Bahlol  collected  a  body  of  men,  with  the  intention  of 
gaining  possession  of  Jaunptlr,  and  when  he  drew  near,  Sult&n 
Husain,  being  unable  to  resist,  retired  toward  Bahr^ich,  towards 
which  place  Sult&n  Bahlol  likewise  directed  his  steps,  and  they 
met  on  the  banks  of  the  Bahab.'  After  a  contest,  which  ended 
as  usual  in  the  defeat  of  Sult&n  Husain,  the  whole  of  the 
regalia^  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Lodis.  Sult&n  Bahlol,  after 
the  victory,  made  up  his  mind  to  go  to  Jaunpur,  which  place  he 

1  Firishta  has  Katebr  (Rohilkhand). — Briggs,  vol.  i.,  p.  659.  'Abdulla  says, 
gOTemor  of  that  place  (K&lpl) Tdrikh^i  Ddiuii,  MS.  p.  28. 

*  "  Patna"  is  the  most  common  reading,  bnt  I  conceiye  that  "  Panna,"  in  Bnndel- 
Ir^aiMj^  is  meant. 

s  Firishta  says  the  K&lf  Nadi.— Briggs,  toI.  i,  p.  569. 

«  Firishta  adds  that  Bibi  Ehnnza,  daughter  of  the  late  king,  Saiyid  'Al&n-d  din, 
and  chief  lady  of  Husain  Sh&h's  household,  was  taken  captive  and  treated  with 
respect  Ahmad  Y6dg&r  (MS.  p.  10)  represents  her  as  instigating  her  husband 
Mahffl6d  to  hostilities  against  BahloL 


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90  NI'AMATU-LLA. 

took  poBsession  of.  Leaying  Mub&rak  Eh&n  to  govern  Jaanpur, 
and  £utb  Kh&n  Lodi  and  Kh^  Jah&n,  with  some  other  nobles, 
in  the  territory  of  ManjhauH,  he  himself  proceeded  in  the 
direction  of  Bad&un.  Sult&n  Husain  availed  himself  of  the 
opportunity  thus  offered,  and  returned  to  Jaunpur,  with  a  hrge 
army ;  upon  which  the  nobles  of  Sult&n  Bahlol  quitted  Jaunpur 
and  went  to  Manjhauli ;  but  finding  themselves  unable  to  hold 
that  place,  they  entered  into  an  arrangement  with  Sult&n  Hussun, 
and  amused  him  under  various  artifices,  devised  by  Kutb  Eh&n, 
until  such  time  as  succour  should  arrive.  Sult&n  Bahlol  sent  his 
own  son,  B&rbak  Sh&h,  to  aid  them,  and  also  followed  in  person. 
Sultdn  Husain,  being  unable  to  do  anything,  went  to  Bih&r. 

When  Sult&n  Bahlol  arrived  in  the  town  of  Haldi,  he 
heard  the  news  of  the  death  of  Kutb  Kh&n  Lodi,  the  sou 
of  Isl&m  Kh&n,  the  Sult&n's  uncle.  After  passing  some  days 
in  the  performance  of  the  customary  mourning,  he  went  to 
Jaunpur;  and  having  established  B&rbak  Sh&h  on  the  throne 
there,  returned  himself  to  K&lpi,  which  place  he  gave  to  'Azam 
Hum&yun,^  the  son  of  Prince  Khw&ja  B&yazid.  He  then  pro- 
ceeded to  Dhdipdr  by  the  road  of  Ghandaw&r ;  and  the  B&i  of 
Dhulpur  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and  presented  him  with  some 
tnans  of  gold,  so  that  the  B.&i  was  treated  as  a  well-wisher  of 
the  State.  The  Sult&n  marched  thence  and  came  to  the  pargana 
of  B&ri.  Ikb&l  Kh&n,  the  governor  of  B&ri,  having  paid  his 
respects  in  a  fitting  and  respectful  manner,  was  appointed  a 
servant  of  the  State.  He  made  an  offerinor  of  some  mans  of 
gold  to  the  Sult&n,  who  confirmed  him  in  the  possession  of  B&ri. 

1  **'  Bahlol,  being  now  old,  diYided  his  dominionB  among  his  sons.  Jannpfir  was 
conferred  on  B&rbak  Eh^ ;  Karra  and  M&nikptir  on '  Alam  Kh&n ;  Bahr&ich  on  his 
nephew  Sh&hz&da  Muhammad  Farmuli,  known  by  the  name  of  Kid6,  Pah&r  (the 
black  rock) ;  Lucknow  and  K&lpi  on  '  Azam  Hum&ydn,  whose  father,  B&yazid  Kh&n, 
was  aasasBinated  by  one  of  his  own  serrants ;  Bad&Cin  was  allotted  to  Eh&n  Jah&n,  a 
relation,  and  one  of  his  oldest  officers ;  and  Dehli  with  several  districts  in  the  Do&b 
were  conferred  on  his  son  Prince  Niz&m  Sh&h,  known  afterwards  by  the  name  of 
Sikandar,  whom  he  now  declared  his  heir  and  successor." — Firishta,  vol.  L,  p.  660. 
The  nobles  are  represented  by  the  same  historian  as  considering  the  saccession  to 
be  the  right  of 'Azam  Hum&y^n. 


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TARTKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODf.  91 

From  thence,  proceeding  towards  All&hdp6r,  a  dependency  of 
Bantambhor,^  he  overran  that  country,  and  spoiled  its  fields  and 
gardens.  After  which  he  came  to  Dehli,  where  he  remained, 
and  spent  some  time  in  ease  and  festivity,  in  performing  deeds 
of  justice  and  displaying  liberality.' 

At  the  close  of  the  rainy  season  and  the  rising  of  the  star 
Ganopns,  he  went  to  Gwalior,  the  ruler  of  which  place,  B&ja 
M^  came  forth  to  show  his  obedience;  and  after  presenting  an 
offering  of  eighty  Iocs  of  tonkas,  he  was  confirmed  in  the  posses- 
sion of  G-w&lior.'  From  that  place  the  Sult&n  marched  to 
Etawah,  from  the  government  of  which  place  he  dismissed  "R&i 
Sangat  Sing,  the  son  of  B4i  D&dand,^  and  then  went  back  to 
Dehli.  On  the  road  he  fell  sick,  on  account  of  the  excessive 
heat,  and  near  the  village  of  Mal&wi,^  which  is  in  the  territory  of 
Sakit,  in  the  year  a.h.  894  (a.d.  1488),  he  departed  from  this 
transitory  and  troublesome  existence  to  the  regions  of  eternity, 
in  obedience  to  the  summons  of  the  Almighty.*  He  reigned 
daring  the  space  of  thirty-eight  years  eight  months  and  eight 
days ;  and  one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  the  age  has  made 
this  verse  in  his  praise : — "  In  the  year  894  departed  from  the 
earth  the  mighty  monarch,  the  vanquisher  of  kingdoms,  the 
world-conqueror  Bahlol."  '^ 

^  The  Tabakdt-i  Akhari  assigiiB  887  h.  as  the  year  of  the  invasioii  of  Bantambhor. 

^  Among  the  Extracts  from  Ahmad  Y&dg&r  {jmprd^  p.  4),  will  be  found  passages 
Telatbg  to  transactions  with  the  E&i  of  Udipnr  and  Ahmad  Kh&n  Bhatti.  It  is 
iwpofsible  to  assign  their  proper  dates. 

'  Ahmad  T&dg&r  represents  that  Bfijli  M&n  died  during  Bahlol's  reign,  and  that 
his  son  consented  to  pay  an  Bjaai£l  peshkash  of  twelve  elephants  and  200,000  rapees. 
These  border  E&j&s  were  the  object  of  constant  plunder  to  the  Kings  of  Dehli,  Jaunp(ir, 
and  M&lw&y  as  each  in  his  tnm  obtained  the  temporary  predominance.  [The  Makhzan 
pats  it  rather  differently,  and  says  **  the  Sult&n  postponed  the  conquest  of  Gw&lior."] 

*  [Tar.  "DandV  "D&d,"  "Dand."] 

•  ['' Jal&li "  in  the  MSS.  of  the  Makhzan.'] 

^  He  was  buried  in  Jtid  B&gh,  near  Dehli.— lUW^A-t  Bdm,  MS.  p.  29. 

^  A  Tery  favourable  estimate  of  BahloFs  character  will  be  found  among  the  Extracts 
from  the  Tdrikh-i  LdKtdi  (tuprd,  YoL  lY.,  p.  436).  Firishta  is  equally  panegyrical : — 
^  Bahlol  Lodf  was  esteemed  a  virtuous  and  a  mild  prince,  executing  justice  to  the 
ntmost  of  his  knowledge,  and  treating  his  courtiers  rather  as  companions  than  subjects. 
When  he  obtained  the  crown,  he  divided  the  public  treasure  among  his  friends,  and 


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92  XrAMATU-LLA. 


I%e  proceedings  of  SuUdn  Sikandar  Lodi  at  Owdlior  and  Bay  ana. 
— Rebellion  in  Jaunpiir, — Retreat  from  Panna. — Conquest  of 
Bihar.— {am.  897-901.) 

Sult&n  Sikandar  then  pursued  his  march  to  K&lpi,  of  which 
he  dispossessed  'Azam  Humajdn,  the  son  of  Prince  Ehw&ja 
Bayazid,  and  bestowed  it  upon  Mahmud  Eh&n  Lodi.  After 
which  he  proceeded  to  Baksar  Chhetra,  whose  goyemor,  T&t&r 
Eh&n,  showed  the  most  entire  homage  and  allegiance  to  him, 
and  was  confirmed  in  the  government  of  Ghhetra.  He  then 
directed  his  progress  to  Gw&lior;  from  whence  he  despatched 
Ehw&ja  Muhammad  Farmuli  with  an  honorary  dress  to  R&jd 
M&n,  who  acknowledged  his  authority,  and  sent  in  return  a 
nephew  of  his  to  attend  upon  the  Sult&n.  His  way  now  led  him 
to  Bay&na,  where  Sult&n  Ashraf,  a  son  of  Ahmad  Eh&n  Jalw&ni, 
presented  himself  before  him,  professing  his  submission.  He  was^ 
nevertheless,  ordered  to  evacuate  Bay&na,  and  to  take  in  exchange 
Jalesar,  Mahrera,  Chandawar,  and  Sakit.  Ashraf,  in  conformity 
with  this  command,  took  'Umar  Eh&n  Sarwfini  with  him  to 
Bay&na,  under  the  pretence  of  delivering  the  keys  over  to  him  ; 
but  when  within  the  walls,  he  foolishly  drew  the  shield  of  rebel- 
lion over  his  face,  closed  the  gates,  and  put  the  fort  in  a  state  of 
defence,  and  was  imitated  by  Haibat  Kh&n  Jalw&nl,  one  of  his 
vassals,  in  Agra,  which  was  a  dependency  of  Bay&na. 

The  Sult&n  had,  in  the  meanwhile,  pitched  his  tents  on  the 
banks  of  the  Jumna,  whither  he  retired  in  order  to  avoid  the 

could  be  seldom  prerailed  on  to  ascend  the  thlt)ne,  flaying, '  That  it  was  enough  for  him 
that  the  world  knew  he  was  king,  without  his  makhig  a  display  of  royalty.'  He  was 
extremely  temperate  in  his  diet,  and  seldom  ate  at  home.  Though  a  man  of  no  great 
literary  acquirement  himself,  he  was  fond  of  the  company  of  learned  men,  whom  he 
rewarded  according  to  their  merit.  He  placed  great  reliance  on  the  courage  of  his 
Mughal  troops,  on  which  account  they  met  with  such  encouragement  among: hia 
relations  and  courtiers,  that  it  ia  estimated  there  were  nearly  20,000  Mughals  in  the 
service  of  the  goTemment  during  his  reign.  He  was  a  wise  and  braTe  prince,  and 
personally  well  acquainted  with  Muhammadan  law.  He  also  studied  the  best  insti- 
tutes for  maintaining  order  in  his  goyernment,  which  he  invariably  adopted.  He  waa 
prudent,  and,  above  all  things,  deprecated  hurrying  matters  of  State ;  and,  indeed, 
his  eonduot  throughout  life  sufficiently  evinced  how  much  he  practised  this  quality.*' 


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TARIKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODr.  93 

heat,  and  amnse  himself  with  fishing.  When  the  news  of  these 
occurrences  arriyed,  he  left  some  of  his  chiefe  to  lay  siege  to  Xgra, 
and  drew  his  army  back  to  Bay&na,  which  he  closely  invested. 
8alt&n  Ashrafy  being  hard  pressed,  offered  to  surrender,  and  thus 
Bay&na  was  conquered  in  the  year  897^  (1492  a.d.).  Sultin 
Sikandar  entrusted  the  fort  to  E^an-kh&n&n  Farmuli,  and  him- 
self returned  to  DehU.  He  had  arrived  at  this  place  only 
twenty-four  days,  when  intelligence  was  brought  from  Jaunpdr, 
that  the  taminddrB  of  that  province,  headed  by  the  Baefagotis, 
had  collected  together  a  force  of  nearly  100,000  men,  horse  and 
foot,  and  deposed  Mub&rak  E^&n,  the  governor  of  Jaunpur,  and 
even  killed  his  brother  Sher  Eh&n ;  that  Mub&rak  Kh&n  himself 
had  crossed  the  Gkmges  by  the  ferry  of  Jus(,  but  had  fallen  into 
Mnll&  Kh&n's  hands ;  upon  which  E&i  Bhid,  B&ja  of  Panna, 
had  seized  and  carried  him  off  a  prisoner.  B&rbak  Sh&h,  from 
his  inability  to  offer  resistance,  abandoned  Jaunpur,  and  retreated 
to  Muhammad  Eh&n  Farmuli,  who  bore  the  title  of  K&1&  Pah&r 
('black  mountun').  The  Sult&n  marched  in  899  (1493-4),  in  that 
direction,  and  when  he  arrived  at  Dalamau,  Barbak  Sh&h  and  all  his 
nobles  presented  themselves  humbly  before  him,  and  were  received 
with  royal  &vour  and  kindness.  Rdi  Bhid,  being  apprehensive  of 
the  Sult&n^s  displeasure,  sent  Mubarak  Eh&n  to  the  Sult&n;  upon 
which,  the  latter  proceeded  to  Eatehr,  where  the  zaminddra  had 
concentrated  themselves  in  large  numbers,  and  offered  a  well- 
contested  battle ;  but  being  finally  defeated,  dispersed  themselves 
in  all  directions,  and  the  army  of  Isl&m  captured  a  great  quantity 
of  booty. 

He  now  returned  victorious  to  Jaunpdr,  and  having  for  the 
second  time  settled  the  administration  of  the  place  upon  Bdrbak 
Sh&h,  he  again  set  out  on  his  return  to  Dehli.  He  enjoyed 
himself  in  field  sports  during  one  month  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Oudh ;  but  when  he  reached  Katehr,  he  received  intelligence 
that  Bdrbak  Sh&h  could  not  maintain  himself  in  Jaunptir  against 

1  Dr.  Dom  {History  of  the  JfyAdns,  p.  56)  says  898 ;  but  my  copy  of  the 
JMrJb0M-t  Afghdni  reads  897. 

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94  NI'AMATU-LLA. 

the  attacks  of  the  zaminddrs;  upon  which  the  Sult&n  detached 
Muhammad  Kh&n  Farmuliy  'Azam  Hum&yun,  Kb6n  Jah&n, 
and  Kh&n-kh&n&n  Loh&n{  by  way  of  Oudh,  and  Mub&rak  Kh&n 
by  that  of  Earra,  with  orders  to  put  B&rbak  Sh&h  in  chains,  and 
send  him  to  Court.  This  being  faithfully  executed,  he  gare  him 
in  charge  to  'Umar  Kh&n  Sarw&ni  and  Haibat  Kh&n,  and  pro- 
ceeded himself  to  the  fort  of  Ghun&r  to  chastise  some  nobles  of 
Sult&n  Hosain  Sharki.  These,  however,  after  giving  battle, 
were  obliged  to  retreat,  and  fortified  themselves  in  Chun&r, 
which  being  very  strong  and  almost  impregnable,  he  did  not 
stop  to  besiege  it,  but  proceeded  towards  Eantit,  a  dependency 
of  Panna;^  the  R&j&  of  which  place,  B&[  Bhid,  came  out  to 
meet  him,  and  proffered  his  allegiance,  for  which  the  Sult&n 
confirmed  him  in  the  possession  of  Kantit,  and  moved  on  to  Arail 
and  Bay&k.  It  was  at  this  time  that  B&i  Bhid,  in  consequence 
of  his  suspicious  temper,  abandoned  all  his  camp-equipage  and 
effects,  and  fled.  The  Sult&n  ordered  his  whole  property  to  be 
collected  together,  and  sent  to  the  Bdj&.^  On  his  arrival  at  Arail, 
he  ordered  the  gardens  and  habitations  of  that  district  to  be 
laid  waste ;  after  which,  he  proceeded,  by  the  way  of  Earra,  to 
Dalamau,  where  he  married  the  widow  of  Sher  Eh&n  Loh&ni,  who 
was  one  of  the  most  beautifiil  and  intelligent  women  of  the  age  ; 
and  then  continued  his  march  to  Shams&b&d,  fi'om  whence,  aft«r 
a  stay  of  six  months,  he  proceeded  to  Sambhal,  but  returned 
again  from  thence  to  Shamsdb&d.  On  his  way  thither,  he 
destroyed  a  place  called  Pareot&kal^  the  sink  and  receptacle  of 
marauders,  and  put  to  death  most  of  that  rebellious  gang. 

After  spending  the  rainy  season  at  Shams&b&d,  in  a.h.  900 
(1494-5),  he  set  out  in  the  direction  of  Panna,  for  the  purpose  of 
chastising  B&j&  Bhid;  but  on  his  arrival  at  Eh&n  Gh&ti,  he  fell 
in  with  his  son  Bir  Sing  Deo,  who  offered  battle,  but,  being  put 
to  flight,  fled  towards  Panna,  pursued  by  the  army  of  Isl&m.   On 

^  Briggs  (vol.  i.,  p.  670)  reads  ^  Kootamba)"  a  dependency  of  Patna,  and  calls  the 
Rfej&  "  Bulbhndar  Ray/' 

2  The  Makhzan-i  Afghdni,  on  the  contrary,  says  (MS.,  p.  100]  that  the  Snlt&n  gaTe 
it  oyer  to  be  plundered,  which  is  by  far  the  most  probable  statement 


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MRrKH-I  KHAN  JAHAN  LODr.  95 

the  Sultfin's  arrival  at  Pansa,  B&j&  Bhid  fled  towards  Sirgoja, 
bat  died  on  the  road.  Sult&n  Sikandar  then  penetrated  as  far 
as  Phaphdnd,  belonging  to  Panna;^  but  he  was  compelled  to 
retreat  to  Jaunpur,  in  consequence  of  the  extreme  scarcity  of 
provisions,  opium,  salt,  and  oil.  Besides  which,  almost  all  the 
horses  perished ;  so  much  so,  that  ninety  out  of  every  hundred 
died.  In  consequence  of  this,  Lakhni  Chand,  a  son  of  B&j& 
Bhid,  and  all  the  zanUnddra  wrote  to  Sult&n  Husain,  repre- 
senting that  Sikandar  did  not  possess  a  single  horse,  all  having 
perished.  Husain,  upon  this,  marched  out  of  Bih&r  at 
the  head  of  a  large  force,  including  100  elephants,  with  the 
intention  of  defeating  Su1t6n  Sikandar;  who,  having  crossed 
the  Granges  at  the  ferry  of  Eantit,  went  first  to  Ghun&r,  and 
thence  to  Ben&res.  He  detached  Eh&n-kh&n&n  to  Salbahan, 
the  son  of  "Riji  Bhid,  with  directions  to  conciliate  him,  and 
induce  him  to  accompany  the  Khdn.  Meanwhile,  Sultan  Husain 
had  reached  within  thirteen  koa  of  Bendres,  and  Sult&n  Sikandar 
drew  near  with  all  expedition  ;  and  having  marshalled  his  troops, 
with  the  divine  aid,  commenced  the  engagement,  supported  by 
Salbdban,  who  had  opportunely  arrived  to  his  support.  The 
battle  was  well  contested ;  but  at  length  the  fortune  of  the  day 
suddenly  turned  against  Sultan  Husain,  who  fled  towards  Patna ; 
bat  being  closely  pursued  by  Sult&n  Sikandar  at  the  head  of 
100,000  cavalry,  he  took  the  route  of  Bih&r.  Afl;er  the  lapse  of 
nine  days,  Sult&n  Sikandar  succeeded  in  reaching  Husain's 
camp,  and  then  heard  that  he  had  fled  to  Bih&r.  Thither  also 
he  was  pursued  by  Sikandar,  and  on  his  ascertaining  this  to  be 
the  case,  he  left  Malik  Eandu  behind  in  the  fort,  and  sought 
shelter  at  Ehalg&nw,  a  dependency  of  Lakhnauti.'  Sult&n  Sikan- 

^  The  Makhzan-i  Afghtbhl  (MS.  p.  100)  says  *'  Kanauj/*  But  though  there  is  a 
Fhaphand  in  the  Do&b,  which  was  formerly  a  dependency  of  Eananj,  this  evidently 
refers  to  some  other  wilder  district  in  the  Bandelkhand  hiUs.  Dom  in  his  translation 
also  has  "Kananj." 

s  We  learn  from  Firishta  (i.,  p.  572),  that  the  fiigitiye  was  received  by  'Al&a-d  dfn, 
King  of  Bengal,  with  the  utmost  courtesy.  Under  his  protection  he  passed  the 
remainder  of  his  days  in  obscurity,  and  in  his  person  the  Sharkl  dynasty  became 
extinct. 

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96  NI'AMATU.LLA. 

dar  then  detached  from  his  camp  at  Deob&r,  a  force  to  lay 
waste  Bihar.  Malik  Eandu,  from  his  inability  to  resist  the 
Sult&n's  troops,  took  to  flight,  and  Bih&r  thas  fell  into  the 
possession  of  the  Salt&n.  Sikandar  haying  left  Muhabbat  Eh4n, 
together  with  several  chie&,  in  Bih&r,  proceeded  to  Darweshpur, 
where  he  left  Eh&n-khan&n  in  charge  of  his  camp,  and  advanced 
himself  in  all  haste  to  Tirhtit,  whose  B4j&  advanced  to  receive 
him  with  all  humiliation,  and  agreed  to  the  payment  of  several 
lacs  of  tankas  as  a  fine,  for  the  receipt  of  which  the  Sult&n 
left  Mub&rak  Kh&n  behind,  and  proceeded  a  second  time  to 
Darweshpur. 

Saltan  Sikandar  punishes  the  governor  of  DehlL — His  proceedings 
at  Giodlior,  Bat/dna,  Dhulp&r,  and  Mandrail. — Foundation 
of  Agra. — Earthquake  at  Agra, — Proceedings  on  the  Cham- 
bal,  —  Capture  of  Awantgar. — Disastrous  march  to  Agra. 
— (A.H.  906^913.) 

About  the  same  time  intelligence  of  the  mal-administration 
and  misconduct  of  Asghar,  the  governor  of  Dehli,  reaching  the 
sublime  ear,  Khawfis  Kh&n,  governor  of  M&chlw&ra,  was  com- 
missioned to  apprehend  and  transmit  him  to  Court.  But  prior  to 
the  arrival  of  Khaw&s  Kh^,  Asghar,  on  the  1st  of  Safar,  906  h. 
(27  August,  1500),  fled  from  Dehli  to  Sambhal,  to  offer  his  sub- 
mission ;  but  by  the  high  command  of  the  Sult&n,  he  was  seized 
and  thrown  into  prison.  Ehaw&s  Kh&n  repaired  to  Dehli,  and 
leaving  there  his  son  Isma'il  Kh&n,  returned,  according  to 
orders,  to  SambhaL  The  Sult&n  received  him  most  graciously, 
and  presented  him  with  an  honorary  vest.  Soon  after,  Sa'id 
Kh&n  Sarw&ni,  who  belonged  to  the  seditious  party,  came  from 
Lahore  to  pay  his  respects.  The  Sult&n  banished  him,  together 
with  T&t&r  Kh&n,  Muhammad  Sh&h,  and  the  other  disaffected 
chiefs,  from  his  empire ;  and  they  accordingly  took  the  route  of 
Gw&lior,  and  went  off  in  haste  to  M&lw&  and  Gujar&t. 

B&J&  M&n,  of  Gw&lior,  sent  one  of  his  attendants,   Nih&I, 

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TABrKH'I  KHAK-JAHAN  LODF.  97 

with  Talaable  presenta  to  the  Salt&n:;  but  when  the  enyoy  wai 
admitted  to  him,  he  returned  such  coarse  and  improper  anewen 
to  the  questions  put  to  him,  that  the  9nlt&n,  in  a  rage,  uttered  a. 
threat  ^  that  he  would  himself  command  an  expedition  against 
the  fort  (of  Ow&lior)  and  capture  it. 

Meanwhile,  the  report  of  the  death  of  Kh&n-khin&n  FarmuU, 
governor  of  Bay&na,  having  reached  the  Sult&n,  he  appointed  the 
two  sons  of  the  deceased,  'Im&d  and  Sulaim&n,  to  succeed  him ; 
but  as  Bay&na,  owing  to  its  strong  fort  and  frontier  situation, 
was  the  seat  of  sedition  and  tumult,  they  both  came  with  their 
attendants  to  Sambhal,  to  consult  with  the  Sult&n  about  some 
afiaii3.  Deeming  their  arriyal  inopportune,  he  appointed  Khaw&s 
Eh&n  governor  of  Bay&na ;  and  after  some  days,  Safdar  Eli&n 
was  nominated  goyemor  of  Agra,  one  of  its  dependencies.  To 
Im&d  and  Sulaim&n  he  gave  Shams&b&d,  Jales&r,  Manglaur, 
Sh&h&bid,  md  some  other  districts.  After  that,  he  ordered 
''Jdaan  Khan  Mew&tt{,  and  Kh&n-kh&n&n  Loh&ni,  jdgirddr  of 
R&pri,  in  conjunction  with  Khawas  Kh&n,  to  reduce  the  fort  of 
Dfa61pur,  and  wrest  it  from  the  hands  of  B&i  M&nik-deo.  YHien 
these  ehie&,  in  execution  of  the  command,  directed  their  route 
against  that  place,  the  rdi  came  out  to  repel  force  by  force,  and 
much  life  was  daily  lost  on  both  sides.  Amongst  the  killed  was 
JDiw&ja  Ben,  one  of  the  most  gallant  of  combatants. 

On  account  of  these  occurrences,  Sikandar  himself  marched 
on  Friday,  the  6th  Bamaz&n,  906  (March,  1501),  upon  Dhdlpur; 
but  Baj^  M&nik-deo,  placing  a  garrison  in  the  castle,  retreated 
to  Gw&lior.  This  detachment,  however,  being  unable  to  defend 
it,  and  abandoning  the  fort  by  night,  it  fell  into  the  hands 
of  the  Muhammadan  army.  Sikandar,  on  entering  the  fort, 
fell  down  on  his  knees,  and  returned  tibanks  to  God,  and  cele- 
brated his  victory.  The  whole  army  was  employed  in  plunder- 
ing, and  all  the  groves  which  spread  their  shade  for  seven  kas 
around  Bay&na  were  torn  up  from  the  roots.    After  a  residence 

>  The  word  in  the  origmalAnd  in  the  MakMuin-i  Afykdni  (MS.  p.  105)  is  «Aj  J^ 
wldeh  Dr.  Dora  h»  oonverted  (p.  60)  into  tiio  ntme  of  a  fort  edlad  **  Tahd.** 

TOI..  V.  7 


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98  NrAMATU-LLA. 

of  one  month  in  Dhdlpdr,  the  Salt&n  marched  to  Gw&lior. 
There  he  left  Adam  Lodi,  with  most  of  the  nohlee,  and  passing 
the  Ghamhal,  encamped  for  two  months  on  the  banks  of  the  KjA 
or  Mendhi,  where  his  people  fell  sick,  owing  to  the  badness  of 
the  water.  B&j&  M&n  not  only  delegated  ambassadors  for 
peace,  bnt  expelled  from  the  fort  Sa'id  Ehto,  B&bu  Eh&n, 
and  R&i  Gtmesh,  who  had  formerly  deserted  the  Sult&n,  and 
taken  refiige  with  him.  Besides  that,  he  sent  his  eldest  son, 
Bikram&jit,  to  wait  upon  the  SuIt&n,  who  bestowed  upon  him 
a  robe  of  honour  and  a  horse,  and  then  allowed  him  to  depart. 
From  thence  the  Sult&n  returned  towards  iCgra ;  and  when  he 
reached  Dhulpiir,  he  bestowed  that  district  upon  B&i  Bin&ik-deo, 
Afterwards,  he  set  out  for  Bay&na,  the  seat  of  the  empire,  which 
he  honoured  with  his  presence,  and  spent  there  the  rainy  season. 

In  Bamaz&n  of  the  year  910  (1504  a.d.),  after  the  rising  of 
Ganopus,  he  raised  the  standard  of  war  for  the  reduction  of  the 
fort  of  Mandr&il ;  but  the  garrison  capitulating,  and  delivering  up 
the  citadel,  the  Sult&n  ordered  the  temples  of  idols  to  be  demol- 
ished, and  mosques  to  be  constructed.  After  leaving  M{&n  Makan 
and  Muj&hid  Eh&n  to  protect  the  fort,  he  himself  moved  out 
on  a  plundering  expedition  into  the  surrounding  country,  where 
he  butchered  many  people,  took  many  prisoners,  and  devoted  to 
utter  destruction  all  the  groves  and  habitations;  and  after 
gratifying  and  honouring  himself  by  this  exhibition  of  holy  zeal, 
he  returned  to  his  capital  Bay&na. 

In  the  same  year  the  heat  of  the  air  became  so  intense, 
that  almost  all  the  people  fell  grievously  sick  of  fevers.  It 
had  for  a  long  time  occurred  to  the  Sult&n  to  found  a  town  on 
the  banks  of  the  Jumna,  which  was  to  be  the  residence  of  the 
Sult&n,  and  the  head-quarters  of  the  army,  and  to  serve  to 
keep  the  rebels  of  that  quarter  in  awe,  and  deprive  them  of 
ftirther  opportunity  of  growing  refractory,  for  frequently  the/d^lr- 
ddra  and  government  servants  and  the  peasantry  in  general  in 
iarkdr  Bay&na  had  complained  of  the  violence  to  which  they  were 
subject.  With  this  view,  he  commissioned,  in  the  year  911  (1505 

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TKUXKE^l  EHAK.JAHAK  LODF.  99 

A.D.),  some  judicious  and  intelligent  men  to  explore  the  banks  of 
the  river,  and  report  upon  any  locality  which  they  might  consider 
the  most  eligible.  Accordingly,  the  exploring  party  left  Dehli  in 
boats,  and,  as  they  proceeded,  examined  carefully  both  sides  of 
the  riyer,  until  they  arrived  at  the  spot  where  ^ra  now  stands ; 
and  having  approved  of  it,  communicated  their  selection  to  the 
Sult&n.  Upon  this,  he  left  Dehli  and  marched  to  Mathura, 
where  he  took  boat,  amusing  himself  by  the  way  with  various 
kinds  ef  sport.  When  he  approached  the  site  indicated,  he 
observed  two  elevated  spots  which  seemed  suitable  for  building ; 
and  inquired  of  Mihtar  MulU  Kh&n,  who  was  called  ''Ndiky' 
and  commanded  the  royal  barge,  which  of  those  two  mounds 
appeared  to  him  the  most  suitable.  He  replied,  '^  That  which  is 
A'gra^  or  in  advance,  is  the  preferable  one.^  The  Sultan  smiled, 
and  said,  '^  The  name  of  this  city  then  shall  be  called  i^gra." 
He  then  repeated  the  fdtiha^  and  in  an  auspicious  moment  issued 
orders  for  founding  the  city,  when  portions  of  mauza'  Pashi  and 
mauza^  Poya,  pargana  Ddli,  sarhdr  Bay&na,  were  occupied  for 
that  purpose;  and  the  pargana  of  ^gra  was  henceforward  added 
to  the  fifty-two  parganas  which  comprised  the  sarkdr  of  Bay&na. 
From  that  period  this  city  continued  to  advance  in  population, 
and  became  the  seat  of  government  of  the  Sult&ns  of  Hind. 

The  Sult&n,  after  giving  orders  for  the  construction  of  a  fort, 
went  towards  Dhulpur ;  and  on  entering  the  fort,  transferred  the 
charge  of  it  from  B&i  Bin&ik-deo  to  Malik  Mu'izzu-d  din,  and 
himself  returned  to  ^gra,  giving  his  nobles  leave  to  retire  to 
their  respective  yd^ir«. 

On  Sunday,  the  3rd  of  Safar,  911  (July,  1505  a.d.),  a  violent 
earthquake  occurred  at  Agra,  and  even  the  very  hills  quaked, 
and  lofty  buildings  were  thrown  down.  The  living  thought  the 
day  of  judgment  had  arrived ;  the  dead,  the  day  of  resurrection. 
No  such  earthquake  had  been  known  in  Hinddst&n  since  the 
days  of  Adam,  nor  is  any  such  recorded  in  the  page  of  history. 
One  of  the  able  scholars  of  Hind  has  traced  its  date  in  the 
word  ^^E&zi."     Many  people  say,   that  on  the  self-same  day 

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100  NrAMATU-LLA. 

an  earthquake  was  felt  throaghout  most  of  the  proYmcee   of 
Hind«ist&n.i 

When  the  rains  had  passed,  and  some  tioie  eren  after  the  risiiig 
of  Canopus,  towards  the  close  of  the  year  911,  the  Sult&n  went 
towards  Gwilior.  He  remained  a  month  a^d  a  half  at  Dhulpur, 
and  then  went  to  the  Chambal,  where  he  remained  several 
months  encamped  near  the  ferry  of  Qaur.  Having  left  Prinoe 
Jalil  Kh&n  and  other  !Kh&ns  there,  be  himself  advanced  to 
wage  the  holy  war  and  to  plunder  the  country  of  the  infidels. 
He  butchered  most  of  the  people  who  had  fled  fi>r  refuge  to 
the  hills  and  forests,  and  the  rest  he  pillaged  and  put  in  fetters. 
As  scarcity  was  felt  in  his  camp,  in  consequence  of  the  non- 
arrival  of  the  Banj&ras,*  he  despatched  "Asam  Hum&yun  for 
the  purpose  of  bringing  in  supplies ;  but  when  he  was  on  his 
march,  he  was  attacked  by  the  E&j&  of  Gw41ior  in  an  ambus- 
cade at  Ghatiwar,  about  ten  kas  from  that  phioe.  A  bloody- 
action  followed,  when  D&ud  Khan  and  Ahmad  Kh&n,  the 
sons  of  Kh&n  Jah&n,  displayed  signal  bravery;  and  as  the 
Sult&n's  army  came  up  from  the  rear  to  render  assistance,  the 
B&jputs  were  put  to  flight,  and  many  were  either  slain  or 
taken  captive.  The  Sultdn  bestowed  the  title  of  Malik  D&d 
upon  D&ud^  and  treated  him  with  the  greatest  kindness. 
Afterwards,  in  consequence  of  the  approach  of  the  rainy  season, 
he  bent  his  steps  towards  Agra,  after  leaving  some  of  his  chief 
nobles  at  Dhulpur.  At  the  capital  he  passed  his  time  in  pleasure 
and  amusement. 

In  912,  after  the  rising  of  Ganopus,  the  Sult&n  went  towards 
the  fort  of  Awanl^r,  and  sent  on  'Im&d  Kh&n  Farmuli  and 
Muj&hid  Kh&n,  with  several  thousand  cavalry  and  100  elephants, 
to  reconnoitre  the  place,  while  he  himself  remained  behind.  He 
conferred  the  office  of  chamberlain  on  K&zi  ^Abdu-lla,  the  son 
of  T&hir,  of  K&bul,  a  resident  of  the  town  of  Th&nesar,  and 

1  [See  VoL  IV.,  p.  466.] 

2  Briggs  (toI.  i.,  p.  679)  obsenres  that  thia  is  the  flnt  mention  we  hare  of  Ban- 
jftru  in  Mohanunadan  histoty. 

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MRrKH-I  KHAN-JAHiO^  LODf.  101 

on  Shaikh  'Umar  and  Shaikh  Ibr&him.  E&lpi,  after  the  death 
of  Mahm6d  Eh&n  Lodi,  had  been  bestowed  upon  his  son  Jal&l 
'Khka ;  bat  as  quarrels  arose  between  him  and  his  brothers,  they 
represented  matters  to  the  Salt&n.  Upon  this^  the  Sult&n  sent 
Firoz  Aghw&n  to  bring  into  his  presence  Bhikan  Eh&n  and 
Ahmad  Khfo,  the  brothers  of  Jal&l  Kh&n,  and  on  their  arrival, 
thej  were  receired  by  him  on  the  banks  of  the  Ghambal  with 
royal  faronr  and  kindness. 

On  the  23rd  of  the  month  the  Sult&n  mrested  the  fort,  and 
ordered  the  whole  army  to  put  forth  their  best  energies  to 
ci^tnre  it.  At  the  time  which  the  astrologers  had  declared  to 
be  propitious^  he  himself  advanoed  to  the  attack,  aiid  the  contest 
raged  on  every  sidow  The  bloodthirsty  soldiers  hung  on  the 
walls  like  so  many  ants  or  locusts,  an&  displayed  the  most  daring 
courage.  All  of  a  sudden,  by  the  favour  of  God,  the  gale  of 
Tictoiy  blew  on  the  standards  of  the  Sult&n,  and  the  gate  was 
forced  open  by  Malik  ^ AI&uhI  din.  After  making  a  stout  resist- 
ance, the  garrison  begged  for  quarter,  but  no  one  listened  to 
them.  The  B&jputs,  retiring  within  thehr  own  houses,  continued 
the  contest,  and  slew  their  &milies  after  the  custom  of  jauhar. 
Meanwhile^  an  arrow  pierced  the  eye  of  Malik  'Al&u-d  dfn,  and 
blinded  him.  After  due  thanksgivings  for  his  victory,  the  Sult&n 
gave  over  charge  of  the  fort  to  Makan  and  Muj&hid  Eh&n,  with 
directions  that  they  should  destroy  the  idol-temples,  and  raise 
mosques  in  their  places;  but  on  its  being  represented  that 
Muj&hid  Kh&n  had  received  a  bribe  from  the  B&j&  of  Awantgar, 
on  the  understanding  that  he  was  to  induce  the  Sult&n  to  retire 
from  that  country,  the  Sult&n,  on  the  16th  Muharram,  913  (28th 
May,  1507),  seized  Maul&n&  Juman,  who  was  in  the  special  con- 
fidence of  Muj^hid  Kh&n,  and  made  over  the  fort  to  Malik  T&ju-d 
din,  and  directed  the  Eh&ns  who  were  at  Dhtilptir  to  imprison 
Muj&hid  Kh&n.  The  Sult&n  returned  towards  ^gra  at  the  close 
of  Muharram,  913.  During  this  march  he  made  a  halt  one  day, 
in  consequence  of  the  narrowness  and  unevenness  of  the  road, 
in  order  that  the  people  might  pass  through  without  any  scramble 

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102  NI'AMATTJ.LLA. 

or  precipitation ;  Irat  here  the  whole  camp  was  greatly  distressed 
for  want  of  water,  and  a  large  number  of  men  perished  from  that 
cause,  as  well  as  frem  being  trampled  and  crushed  by  the  beasts 
of  burden,  which  were  all  huddled  together  in  a  oonfused  mass. 
A  jar  of  water  could  not  be  procured  under  fifteen  Sikandari 
tankas.  Some  men  died  from  exhaustion,  and  some,  who  had 
found  water,  quenched  their  thirst  with  such  avidity  that  they 
also  fell  victims  to  their  excess.  When  an  account  was  rendered, 
it  was  found  that  800  men  had  perished.^ 

On  the  27th  of  Muharram,  the  Sult&n  reached  Dhiilpur,  and 
after  some  days  entered  iCgra,  where  he  spent  the  season  of  the 
rains.     On  the  rising  of  Ganopus,  he  started  on  an  expedition 

to  Narwar,  one  of  the  dependencies  of  M&lw&. 

*  •  •    •        •  «  *  « 

8uMn  SikandarU  proceedings  at  Satkant^  Lucknow^  NdgWy  and 
Leai-Sheqpiir. 
After  remaining  one  month  at  the  town  of  Lahair,  where  he 
received  a  visit  from  Ifi'amat  Kh&tdn,  in  the  year  915  <1509  a.d.), 
the  Sult&n  directed  his  route  towards  Hatk&nt,  which  he  scoured 
of  idolaters  and  banditti ;  and  when  he  had  put  to  the  sword  the 
rebels  of  that  quarter,  and  established  small  posts  at  every  place;, 
he  returned  again  to  his  capital.  Soon  after,  information  was 
conveyed  to  him,  that  Ahmad  Kh&n,  son  of  Mub&rak  Eh&n, 
governor  of  Lucknow,  had  associated  with  infidels,  and  even 
apostatized  from  the  true  faith ;  on  which  he  issued  a  farmdn 
to  Muhammad  Kh&n,  a  brother  of  Ahmad  Eh&n,  to  secure  and 
send  him  to  Court.  It  was  also  about  this  time  that  Muhammad 
E^&n,  a  grandson  of  Sult&n  N&siru-d  din  of  M&lw&,  from  dread 
of  his  grand&ther,  sued  for  protection  at  the  Imperial  Court.  A 
farmdn  was  issued  to  Prince  Jal&l  Kh&n,  importing  that  as  Mrkdr 
Chanderi  *  had  been  settled  on  Muhammad  Kh&n,  he  was  to  be 

1  [This  passage  ia  alao  giren  in  the  IHrlkh-%  DdiiM.    See  Vol.  IV.,  p.  466.] 

*  This  means  that  he  had  held  it  as  d,jdgirddr  of  M&lw4,  for  it  belonged  to  that 

kingdom,  not  to  DehlL    And  we  leam  from  the  Makhtan-i  Afghdni  and  this  work^ 

that  Snlt&n  Sikandar  had  two  years  previously  attempted  to  procure  its  surrender  to 

him  by  Shah&bu-d  din,  a  discontented  son  of  the  King  of  M&lw{u    Subsequently  we 


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TABrKH-I  KHAN^AHAN  LODI.  103 

firmly  supported  in  its  possession,  and  that  the  Prince  was  to 
aTert  from  him  any  molestation  on  the  part  of  the  army  of 
M41w&«  The  Solt&n  himself  went  to  Dhulpur,  for  the  purpose 
of  hunting;  and  caused  a  pavilion  and  palace  to  be  erected  at 
each  stage  between  that  place  and  the  capital. 

When,  in  the  year  916  (1510  A.D.),  his  empire  was  firmly 
established  and  prospering,  in  a  fortunate  moment,  while  he  was 
engaged  in  his  field  sports,  another  kingdom  fell  into  his  net. 
The  &cts  were  briefly  as  follows :  'Ali  Kh&n  and  Abd  Bakr,  two 
relations  of  Muhammad  Kh&n,  ruler  of  Nfiger,  concerted  a  plot 
against  their  master,  and  endeavoured  by  stratagem  to  make  away 
with  him,  and  seize  possession  of  his  country.  He,  however, 
being  informed  of  their  treachery,  prevented  them  from  executing 
their  plans,  and  determined  to  inflict  capital  punishment  on  them. 
Upon  this,  both  of  them  effecting  their  escape,  repaired  to  the 
Court  of  the  Sult&n.  Muhammad,  apprehensive  of  the  evil 
consequences  arising  from  the  enmity  of  his  relations,  the  dis- 
affection of  his  intimates,  and  their  having  taken  refuge  with 
this  powerful  Sult&n,  sent  not  only  the  assurance  of  his 
allegiance,  with  a  great  many  valuable  rarities  and  offerings 
to  him,  but  ordered  the  khutha  to  be  read  and  coin  to  be  struck 
at  N&gor  in  the  Sult&n's  name.  The  report  of  this  submission 
gave  the  monarch  such  joy  and  delight,  that  he  sent  Muhammad 
£h&n  a  horse  ajid  honorary  dress.  He  then  left  Dhdlpur,  and 
honoured  the  capital,  i^gra,  with  his  presence,  and  spent  some 
time  in  a  round  of  pleasure  and  filtes,  in  visiting  of  gardens  and 
in  hunting  expeditions. 

It  was  about  this  time  that  ^gra,  formerly  a  dependency  of 
Bayana,  was  fixed  upon  for  the  residence  of  the  sovereign ;  but 
he  soon  after  departed  from  Dhulpur,  and  transmitted  an  order 

shall  find  Bnhjat  Kh&n,  goTenior  on  the  part  of  Mahmtid,  King  of  M&lwii,  placing 
Chandeii  in  tiie  pooBeanon  of  the  Sult&n ;  and  this  work  also  informs  ns  (MS.  p.  172) 
that  early  in  the  reign  of  Snltfcn  Ibr&bSm  he  appointed  Sbaikhzfida  Manjhdr  to  the 
goTemment  of  Chanderi,  and  gave  the  office  otpethtod  to  Salt&n  Muhammad,  grandson 
of  the  King  of  M&lw&.  Dom  has  by  an  oTcrsight  (p.  73)  translated  the  corresponding 
panage;of  the  Maihgan'i  Jfyhdni,  ^*  rmdor  pnhwd  Sult&n  Muhammad." 


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104  NrAMATU-LLA. 

to  Salaim&n,  a  son  of  Eh&n-kh&n&n  Farmali,  to  adv^mce  with 
his  large  army  towards  Awantgar  and  tbe  eonfines  of  Siiisdpar, 
in  support  of  the  new  concert,  Husain,  whose  name  before  was 
B&i  Dungar.  But  Sniaim&n  excused  himself^  by  alleging  that 
he  could  not  prevail  upon  himself  to  be  so  remote  from  the 
Sing's  person.^  The  Sultin  then  went  to  the  town  of  B&n,  and 
made  over  thati^ar^e^na  to  Shaikhz4da  Makan,  having  resumed 
it  from  the  son  of  Mubirak  Eh£n.  Then,  after  staying  interme- 
diately at  Dfadlpdr,  he  returned  to  Agra ;  where,  according  to 
former  custom,  he  issued  fartndns  to  many  of  the  chief  nobles 
on  all  the  frontiers  to  call  them  to  Oourt.  It  was  at  this  time 
that  he  was  taken  ill.  *  *  * 

Eeion  of  Sultan  IsBAHiM  Loni. 

Punishment  of  the  Zdminddrs  of  JartolL — Capture  ofKdipi. 

About  the  time  of  'Azam  Hura4yfin's  junction  with  Ibr&him 
Lodi,  'Umar  Kh&n,  son  of  Sikandar  Kh&n  Sur,  having  lost  his 
life  while  fighting  against  a  body  of  the  zaminddrs  of  Jartoli,  a 
place  dependent  on  Kol,  and  receptacle  of  the  most  notorioas 
vagabonds  and  rebels,  E&sim  Eh&n,  governor  of  Sambhal, 
marched  to  that  place,  and  inflicted  the  merited  punishment  upon 
them.  Having  put  their  leader  to  death,  and  suppressed  the 
rebellion,  he  waited  on  the  Sult&n  at  Kanauj.*  Most  of  the 
nobles  in  the  Ma  of  Oudh,  Jaunpur,  and  Lunknow,  including 
Sa'id  Eh6n  and  Shaikhz&da  Farmuli,  came  likewise  to  pay  their 
respects,  having  abandoned  the  cause  of  Jal&l  Kh&n,  and  were 
enrolled  amongst  the  servants  of  the  State.  In  short,  everything 
seemed  to  promise  success  to  the  Sult&n.     The  Sult&n  soon  after 

1  The  Mahhzan-i  Afghdni  (MS.  p.  118)  says  tbat  the  Snlt&n  transferred  hu>4fyir 
to  Makan  Shaikhz&da,  and  adds  that  the  Snlt&n,  inoensed  at  his  reply,  forthwith,  ^s- 
miased  him  from  his  service,  directing  him  to  quit  the  camp,  bnt,  neTerthelees,  eon- 
ferred  the  revenne  of  Biram  upon  him  for  Ids  fatnre  maintenance. 

'  Dr.  Dom  {HitUry  of  the  Afyhdns,  p.  72)  represents  this  Terj  diiferentij.  Tliat 
'Umar  £h6n  was  himself  the  yiotor,  and  returned  triumphantly  to  Eanauj,  and 
nothing  is  said  of  Malik  K&sim.  As  my  Makhtan-i  Afghdni  (p.  128)  corresponds 
with  the  statement  in  the  text,  I  suspect  there  must  be  an  omission  in  Dr.  Dom's 
manuscript. 


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TABfKH*!  JB[HAN-JAHAN  LODr.  105 

detatched  ^Azam  Hum&ytin  Lodi,  'Azam  Ham&ylin  Sarw&ai, 
and  Naeir  Elh&a  Loh&ni,  with  a  formidable  anny,  and  ferocious 
elephants,  against  Jal&la-d  din,  who  was  at  E&lpi.  PreTions 
to  their  amval,  he  had  left  'Im&du4  Malk,  Malik  Badra*d  din 
Jalw&ni,  and  Ni'amat  Kh&tiin,  together  with  the  family  of  £atb 
'Kb&a  LodI  and  his  whole  harem,  in  the  fort  of  £&lp{,  and 
maidied  himself  towards  the  capital,  with  30,000  cavalry  and 
aereral  elephants,  in  order  that  he  might  spread  alarm  through- 
out the  pnovince,  and  capture,  if  possible,  the  fort  of  ^gra.  The 
nobles  of  the  Sult4n,  on  their  arrival  before  E&lpi,  laid  siege  to 
it,  and  for  some  days  the  contest  was  carried  on  with  cannons 
and  matchlocks ;  but,  in  the  end,  the  gairison  surrendered,  and 
deliyered  up  the  keys  of  the  fort.  The  town  was  plundered,  and 
rich  booty  cs^itured  by  Sult&n  Ibr&h{m''s  troops,  •  •  * 

RebeUion  of  Bahddur  Khdn  in  BiUr.—Of  Daulat  Khdn  Lodi  in 
the  Panjdb. — Bdbar^s  Invasion  of  Sindistdn, 
Kot  long  after,  Daryi  Khin  Loh&ni  [goyemor  of  Bih&r]  died ; 
and  his  son,  Bah&dnr  Kh&n,  succeeding  to  his  father's  dignity, 
assumed  the  new  title  of  Muhammad  Sh&h,  at  the  same  time 
ordering  the  khuiba  to  be  read  and  coin  to  be  struck  in  his  name. 
He  equipped  an  army  of  100,000  horse,  and  having  been  joined 
by  the  nobles  who  were  disaffected  against  the  Sult&n,  they  united 
their  forces  on  the  borders  of  Bih&r.  At  the  same  time,  Ifasir 
£h&n  Loh&ni,  the  governor  of  Gh&zipiir,  who  commanded  the 
Imperial  forces,  sustained  a  defeat,  and  came  in  to  Bah&dur  Kh&n.^ 

1  The  original  fKys  merely,  ^  Naelr  Kh&n  haTing  snetained  a  defeat  from  the  army 
of  the  SuUdn^  came  before  him,"  The  Makktaf^i  Afghdni  (MS.  p.  137)  Bays  pre- 
eieely  the  same.  The  passage  is  Tery  oonftised,  hut  the  Sult&n  alluded  to  is  Ihe  new 
Sultte,  Muhammad  Shfch.  Yet  Dr.  Dom  translates  (p.  77),  <<  Nasir  Eh&n,  after  his 
defeat,  returned  to  the  Solt&n  (» «.  Ihr&him),  but  was  ordered  to  take  the  field  afresh 
with  a  strong  army,  and  to  destroy  the  usurper,"  for  which  there  is  no  authority  in 
his  originaL  The  meaning  is  made  altogether  plain  by  the  WdkCdUi  Mmhtdkl : — 
'^Vi&n  MustaA  plundered  Ohfczlpdr,  whence  he  expeUed  Nasir  Khta,  who  came  to 
Soltfcn  Muhammad."  (MS.  p.  83.)  This  Mi&n  Mustaflk  was  brother  of  Shaikh 
Bfcyaxid  Farmuli,  who  subsequently  made  himself  conspicuous  under  B&bar.  The 
Mi&n  had  been  sent  at  the  head  of  a  large  army  against  Nasir  Eh&n  of  Gb&zipdr, 
and  died  near  the  Soane.  We  find  Nasir  Kh&n  again  in  possession  of  Gh&zipar 
in  B&bar's  time.— ifsmeirs,  p.  849. 


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106  NrAMATU.LLA. 

In  short,  the  whole  country  of  Bih&r  was  reduced  under  the  orders 
of  Sultan  Muhammad,^  aud  Ibr&hlm  raised  a  large  force  to 
repress  this  alarming  insurrection. 

About  the  same  period  the  son  of  Daulat  Kh&n  Lodi,  gOTemor 
of  Lahore,  presented  himself  before  the  Sult&n :  but  inferring 
from  the  usual  proceedings  of  this  monarch,  that  he  would  be 
apprehended,  he  took  to  flight,  and  repaired  to  his  fikther,  to 
whom  he  gave  a  foil  account  of  the  Sult&n's  temper,  and  the 
general  dread  entertained  by  the  nobles.  Daulat  Kh&n,  from 
these  accounts,  perceiving  that  there  was  no  means  of  eyading 
the  Sult&n's  violence,  and  being  sensible  of  his  own  inadequacy 
to  oppose  him,  formed  an  alliance  with  Gh&zi  Kh&n  Lodi,  and 
the  other  nobles  2Jii  jdgirddrs  of  the  Fanj&b;  and  renouncing 
his  allegiance  to  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  addressed  through  'Alam  Kh&n 
Lodi  an  invitation  to  the  Emperor  B&bar  at  £&bul,  to  repair  to 
Hindust&n.  No  sooner  bad  this  monarch  perused  the  letter, 
than  he  despatched  some  of  his  most  distinguished  nobles  with 
'jjQam  Eh&n,  in  advance,  to  subdue  the  country;  who,  when 
they  had  taken  Si&lkot  and  Lahore,  reported  these  conquests  to 
the  Emperor.  Upon  which,  he  himself,  on  the  first  days  of  the 
first  Babi',  in  the  year  932  (December,  1525),  entered  upon  a 
campaign  to  reduce  Hindust&n. 

'Xlsm  Kh&n,  on  his  arrival  at  Lahore,  proposed  to  the  Mughal 
chiefs  that,  as  they  had  been  sent  to  render  him  assistance,  they 
should  advance  with  him  at  once  against  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  and 
take  Dehli,  before  B&bar's  arrival.  But  this  the  Mughals  re- 
fusing to  comply  with,  'Alam  Kh&n  separated  from  them,  and 
marched,  at  the  head  of  40,000  horse,  upon  Dehli,  which  he 
.invested.  When  Sult&n  Ibr&him  received  the  accqunt  of  these 
transactions,  he  hastened  out  of  Xgn,  with  80,000  horse,  and 
pitched  his  camp  at  a  distance  of  six  miles  from  Dehli.  But 
^jjQam  Kh&n  one  night  surprised  him  so  successfully,  that,  his 
army  being  dispersed,  and  he  himself,  with  about  5000  or  6000 

^  Otber  authorities  mention  that  he  obtained  full  poesession  of  all  the  Eastern 
country  from  Sambhal  to  Bih&r. 


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TARIKH-I  KHAN-JAHiCN  LODI.  107 

men,  cot  off  from  the  main  body,  was  compelled  to  withdraw  to 
some  place  of  security.  Early  in  the  morning  he  received  in- 
formation that  'Alam  Kh&n  was  standing  protected  by  only  300 
horse ;  whilst  the  rest  of  his  troops  were  employed  in  plundering 
and  collecting  booty.  That  moment  appeared  to  afford  him  an 
excellent  opportunity  of  gaining  important  advantages  for  him- 
self; so,  vnth  the  rising  of  the  sun,  he  threw  himself  upon  his  foe, 
like  a  hill  of  iron,  who,  incapable  of  parrying  this  charge,  fled 
into  the  Do&b ;  but  the  greater  number  of  his  gallant  men  were 
slain,  and  the  remainder  were  dispersed  in  all  directions,  which 
rendered  the  Sult&n's  triumph  complete. 

About  this  time  B&bar  P&dshah  arrived  at  Lahore;  when 
Qh&zi  Kh&n  and  Danlat  Kh&n,  in  violation  of  the  subsisting 
treaty,  advanced  against  the  fort  of  Bilwat.^  The  prime  minister 
of  the  Mughal  Emperor,  Mfr  Elhali&,  brought  ^^am  Khan  to 
pay  his  respects  to  the  Emperor,  and  he  was  well  received*  After 
some  time,  Daulat  Kh&n  also  presented  himself  in  submission 
before  the  Emperor,  and  his  example  was  imitated  by  Dil&war 
Eh&n. 

The  Emperor  marched  from  Lahore  towards  S&m&na  and 
Sann&m,  and  detached  Tardi  Beg  Kh&n,  with  4000  horse,  in 
advance ;  to  oppose  whom,  the  Sult&n  sent  D&dd  Kh&n,  one  of 
his  principal  anUrSy  at  the  head  of  10,000  cavalry,  besides  a 
train  of  elephants.  Upon  information  of  his  approach,  Tardi 
Beg  marshalled  his  troops,  and  concerted  a  night  attack  upon 
D&ud  Kh&n^s  camp ;  who,  unable  to  sustain  the  shock  of  the 
aggressor,  fell  back,  and  his  troops  were  dispersed  in  all  direc- 
tions, many  of  his  men  were  slain,  and  D&ud  Kh&n  himself,  with 
seyenty  men  of  high  rank,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  *  *  ♦ 

Sher  Shdh^a  dying  regrets. 
On  being  remonstrated  with  for  giving  way  to  low  spirits, 
when  he  had  done  so  much  for  the  good  of  the  people  during  his 
short  reign,  after  urgent  solicitation,  he  said,  ^^  I  have  had  three 


[The  "  MUwat"  of  B&bar.    See  Vol.  IV.,  p.  244.] 


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108  NrAMATTJ-LLA. 

or  four  desires  in  my  heart,  which  still  remain  without  accom- 
plishment, and  cannot  be  eradicated  except  by  death.  One  is, 
I  wished  to  have  depopulated  the  country  of  Boh,  and  to  have 
transferred  its  inhabitants  to  the  tract  between  the  Nil&b  and 
Lahore,  including  the  hills  below  Nindtina,  as  &r  as  the  Siw&Iik ; 
that  they  might  have  been  constantly  on  the  alert  for  the  arriral 
of  the  Mughals,  and  not  allow  any  one  to  pass  from  K&bul  to 
Hind,  and  that  they  might  also  keep  the  mminddrs  of  the  hills 
under  control  and  subjection.  Another  is  to  hare  entirely 
destroyed  Lahore,  that  so  large  a  city  might  not  exist  on  the 
very  road  of  an  invader,  where,  immediately  after  capturing  it 
on  his  arrival,  he  could  collect  his  supplies  and  organize  his 
resources.  Another  is,  to  have  built  two  fleets  of  fifty  lai^ 
vessels  each,^  as  commodious  as  aardiSy  for  the  use  of  pilgrims 
from  India  to  Mecca ;  and  to  have  made  them  so  strong,  that 
wind  and  storm  should  not  have  been  able  to  disperse  them ;  and 
that  all  people  might  go  to  and  irom  that  holy  place  in  ease  and 
comfort.  The  last  is,  to  have  raised  a  tomb  to  Ibr&him  Lodf  in 
P&nipat,  but  on  the  understanding  that  opposite  to  it  there 
should  be  another  tomb  of  the  Ghaghat&i  Sult&ns,  whom  I  may 
have  despatched  to  martyrdom ;    and  to  have  constructed  both 

^  This  18  not  in  strict  accordance  wif^  the  text,  but  may  be  gathered  as  the  real 
meaning  from  a  paasage  which  follows  in  the  same  page.  Ahmad  T&dg&r  (MS.  p.  313) 
says  only  *<two  ships/'  which  is  fiff  too  small  for  such  imperial  aspirations  as  Sher 
Sh&h  entertained ;  and  especially  as  many  more  plied  between  India  and  Arabia  for 
the  transport  of  pilgrims.  Dom,  who  quotes  thia  passage  in  hie  Notes  from  Dr.  Lee*a 
text, resolTes  these  into  "fifty  to  fifty-four  solid  edifices  on  the  road  from  India  to 
Mecca"  (part  ii.|  p.  106).  I  cannot  at  all  concur  in  this  yiew,  and  quote  therefore 
the  passages  from  the  original : — 

and  again  a  little  below : —  *  '         ' 

jcJ»U  <)^1j  ^"^j J  (XvTjtU-  ^\jo 

The  ^>ecific  number  of  fifty-four  sounds  absurd  under  the  oircumstaooes,  and  jaAds, 
'*  ships/'  both  in  this  and  other  authors,  is  too  plain  to  be  overlooked. 


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TJLRTKS'l  KHAN-JAHin^  LODF.  109 

with  such  architectural  embellishments,  that  friend  and  foe 
might  render  their  tribute  of  aj^lause,  and  that  my  name  might 
remain  honoured  upon  earth  until  the  day  of  resurrection.  None 
of  these  aspirations  has  God  allowed  me  to  carry  into  effect,  and 
I  shall  cany  npiy  regrets  with  me  to  my  grave*'' 

Be9umptum  and  iran^er  o/jdgin  by  'AdaU. — Commotion  in  the 
CoundL— Flight  of  Tqj  EMn  Eu-dni 

On»  day  a  distribution  of  jdffirs  was  made  in  'Adali's  ex- 
chequer, which  was  attended  by  all  the  amhrs;  when  ^Adali 
dispossessed  Sh&h  Muhammad  Farmuli  of  his  estates  in  Elanauj, 
and  transferred  them  to  Sarmast  Eh&n  SarwanL  This  induced 
Sikandar  E[h4n,  Farmuli*s  son,  a  young  and  bold  man,  to  ex- 
claim :  *'  To  what  a  pass  have  things  come,  that  our  estates  are 
taken  from  us,  and  settled  on  the  tribe  of  Sarwanis,  who  are 
BO  better  than  sellers  of  dogs ! "  A  stormy  debate  ensuing  from 
both  sides,  Sh&h  Muhammad,  who  was  then  sick,  endeavoured 
to  persuade  his  son  not  to  use  such  abusive  language.  But  to 
this  he  replied :  **  When  Sher  Sh&h  had  one  day  cast  thee  into 
an  iron  cage,  with  the  intention  of  putting  thee  to  death,  Isl&m 
Sh&h  came  and  induced  the  Sh&h,  at  his  intercession,^  to  grant 
ihy  life :  and  now  dost  thou  not  perceive  the  design  of  all  these 
to  ruin  theeP  Why  should  one  brook  such  insult?''  At  this 
moment  Sarmast  Kh&n,  who  was  a  tall  and  robust  man,  placed 
his  hand  fiuniliarly  upon  Sikandar'^s  shoulders,  as  though  to 
pacify  him ;  but,  in  £Mt,  with  the  intention  of  securing  him  in  his 
grasp,  and  said :  '*  My  friend,  what  is  the  reason  of  such  anger 
and  exasperation  P "  However,  Sikandar,  perceiving  his  inten- 
tion, drew  his  dagger,  and  despatched  him  on  the  i^t.  A 
general  uproar  and  tumult  pervaded  the  Council,  and  all  rushed 
upon  Sikandar  to  apprehend  him ;  but  he,  with  a  drawn  sword 
in  his  hand,  cut  down  or  wounded  all  towards  whom  he  turned. 
'Adali,  on  witnessing  this  sanguinary  scene,  ran  off  ip  his  private 

^  So  sayi  the  oorreipondiiig  paauge  of  Makhztu^  Afyhdni,  Imt  Dom  tramUlai  : 
•*  I  indnoed  the  Sh&h  by  my  inteicenioii."— JSTm^.  ofAfghdm^  p.  173. 


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110  NTAMATU-LUL 

apartment,  pnrsaed  by  Sikandar;  whom  he,  howerer,  succeeded 
in  excluding  by  chwiing  the  door.  The  greater  part  of  the 
amirs  had  previously  thrown  away  their  swords  and  fled ;  and 
Sikandar  stalked  about  everywhere  like  a  madman,  and  in  this 
manner  two  hours  elapsed.  At  last,  Ibr&him  Kh&a  Stir,  brother- 
in-law  of  'Adali,  drew  his  sword  and  attacked  Sikandar;  who, 
being  surrounded  on  all  sides,  was  killed;  and  Daulat  Eh&a 
Loh&n{  despatched  Muhammad  Farmuli  with  one  blow.  The 
result  of  these  transactions  was  a  general  dispersion  of  the 
amirs^  ^Adali's  authority  rapidly  declined,  and  ereiy  one  looked 
after  his  own  interest  alone,  as  soon  as  he  had  secured  his  per- 
sonal safety  by  flight. 

Before  this  scene  transpired,  T&j  Kir£ui,  a  brother  of  Sulaim&n, 
having,  from  the  different  expressions  of  the  Council,  foreseen 
what  would  happen,  had  left  the  Council-room,  and  proceeded  as 
far  as  the  gate  of  the  citadel  of  Gw&lior,  by  which  he  was  about 
to  descend,  when  he  met  Sh&h  Muhammad  Farmuli.  He  ex- 
plained to  him  the  uproarious  state  of  the  Council,  and  said  that  no 
respect  was  shown  to  any  one,  and  that  there  was  no  unanimity 
in  their  deliberations ;  it  was  therefore  the  safest  way  not  to 
fi^uent  the  Council  any  more,  but  to  retire  into  private  life :  he 
himself  would  not  appear  any  more.  He  invited  Sh&h  Muham- 
mad to  join  him,  and  repair  to  a  place  affording  security  against 
misery,  till  affairs  took  a  better  turn.  Sh&h  Muhammad  rejected 
this  offer,  in  consequence  of  which  he  was  killed  in  that  riotous 
Council.  T&j  Kir&ni  went  to  his  house,  and  made  all  prepara- 
tions for  flight.  When  he  had  received  intelligence  of  what 
had  passed,  he  set  out  in  the  afternoon  for  Bengal,  and  ^Adali 
despatched  an  army  in  pursuit  of  him.^  ♦  *  * 

Defeat  of  the  Mughah  at  the  pass  of  Oarhi. — Humdydn^s  entry 

into  Gaur. 
The  vanguard  of  the  Mughal  army,  which,  in  seven  divisions, 
had  marched  in  advance  of  the  main  body,  pitched  their  camp  at 

^  [The  details  of  what  transpired  subseqaently  will  be  found  among  the  Extneti 
from  the  Tdrikh^  Ddm,  Vol.  IV.,  p.  506.] 

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TARfKH-I  imJCS-JAEJLV  LODI.  HI 

a  distance  of  three  ka8  from  the  defile  of  Garhi ;  and  ereiy 
morning,  urging  their  horses  at  full  speed  towards  the  entrance 
of  the  pass,  threw  their  arrows  and  clubs  at  its  defenders,  and 
then  retreated.  A  part  of  them,  with  loud  yoicee,  poured  forth 
most  bitter  invectives  against  Jal41  Eh&n,  calling  him  an  un- 
manly coward,  cowering  in  the  defile  like  an  old  woman ;  that  if 
he  were  a  man,  and  the  son  of  a  man,  and  in  the  least  endowed 
with  impetuosity  and  ardour,  he  would  descend  to  the  field  of 
battle  to  measure  strength  with  men,  as  he  had  not  yet  come  in 
contact  with  Mughals.  Similar  invectives  were  repeated  every 
day,  and  a  great  number  of  Afgh&ns  perished  by  the  fire  of  the 
cannons  and  matchlocks.  Jalfl  Kh&n,  being  informed  of  these 
proceedings  by  his  attendants,  went  one  day  to  H&ji  Eh4n, 
explaining  to  him,  with  the  bitterest  complaints,  that  the 
Mughals,  coming  up  eveiy  day  to  harass  them  in  their  position 
by  missile  weapons,  and  then  retreating,  uttered  the  most  abusive 
langnsige  against  him,  which  he  could  not  brook  any  longer,  for 
his  patience  was  quite  exhausted.  He  himself  certainly  was  too 
weak  to  pat  a  stop  to  such  injuries ;  but  if  the  other  chiefi  would 
assent,  they  ought  at  once  to  march  out  and  make  their  attack, 
and  see  what  the  curtain  of  secresy  would  reveal.  H&jf  Eh&n  said, 
**This  is  not  in  accordance  with  your  father^s  command,  with 
which  you  are  well  acquainted.''  Jal&l  Kh&n  went  on  to  assure 
him  that  as  long  as  his  request  should  not  be  complied  with,  he 
was  determined  to  abstain  from  water  and  food.  Upon  which 
H&ji  Eh&n  replied,  that  if  such  was  his  resolution,  he  certainly 
must  yield;  and  every  coward  returning  alive  from  the  battle 
would  suffer  punishment  by  Sher  Kh&n^s  order;  but  in  case 
victory  should  crown  their  enterprise,  all  would  be  right.  He 
then,  in  order  to  insure  success  to  his  enterprise,  read  the  fdtiha^ 
and  Jal&l  Eh&n  withdrew  to  his  own  quarters. 

The  next  morning  the  Mughals,  according  to  custom,  charged 
their  horses,  and  then  retreated  to  their  tents,  and  relieved  them- 
selves of  their  armour.  The  troopers  then  went  out  to  forage, 
whilst  the  officers  resorted  to  the  carpet  of  repose.    Noon  had 

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112  KI'AMATXJ-LLA. 

approached,  when  the  Afgh&is,  opening  the  gate  in  the  defile, 
sallied  forth.  A  few  only  of  the  Mughals,  whose  horses  were  at 
hand,  monnted,  and  put  themeelves  in  an  attitude  of  defence ; 
but  the  greater  part,  being  dtseoncerted  in  the  extreme,  tamed 
their  fiwes  to  flight.  The  action,  nevertheless,  proved  to  be  of 
the  most  obstinate  nature,  and  Mub&rak  Farmuli  and  Abd-1 
Fath  Lang&h,  besides  most  of  the  Mughal  officers,  ML  victims 
to  the  sword.  The  whole  camp  of  the  Mughals,  baggage,  horses, 
camels,  elephants,  etc.,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors ;  and 
nearly  all  were  slain,  with  the  exception  of  a  very  small  number 
of  Kipchi  horsemen.  It  is  related  that  there  was  no  A%h&n 
footman  but  obtained  four  or  five  horses,  valuable  robes,  and 
many  boxes  of  precious  things,  out  of  the  spoils.^ 

Sher  Eh&n  had  such  a  mass  of  wealth  and  treasures  to  cany 
off  firom  Gaur,  that  he  could  not  gather  a  sufficient  number  of 
porters  for  that  purpose,  and  was  at  a  great  loss  how  to  convey 
these  effects  to  Boht&s.  In  the  meanwhile,  he  received  intelli- 
gence from  Jal&l  I[h&n  of  this  victory,  at  which  he  was  exceed- 
ingly rejoiced ;  and  immediately  wrote  to  him,  to  procure,  for  a 
suitable  compensation,  all  the  captured  elephants,  camels,  oxen, 
in  short  all  beasts  of  burthen,  firom  any  person  who  might  possess 
them,  and  to  send  them,  as  he  was  in  much  want  of  them.  Sher 
Eh&n,  upon  the  occasion  of  that  victory,  made  use  of  this  adage, 
^^  That  if  a  cock,  in  a  fight,  had  been  once  beaten,  he  would,  on 
being  brought  into  the  field  a  second  time,  set  up  his  crowing, 
but  never  resume  the  fight.''  JaUl  Kh&n  after  this  exploit 
closed  the  gate,  and  stopped  the  progress  of  Humayun  for  more 
than  a  month — a  circumstance  that  enabled  Sher  Eh&n  at  his 
ease  to  transport  by  way  of  Jh&rkand  all  his  treasures  to 
Boht&s,  whither  he  now  likewise  called  Jal&l  Kh&n. 

The  Emperor  Humaydn,  upon  this,  made  his  entrance  into 
Gaur.     Sher  Eh&n  had  previously  fitted  up  all  the  mansions  of 
that  place  with  an  exquisite  variety  of  ornaments  and  embellish- 
ments, and  rendered  them  a  perfect  gallery  of  pictures,  by  party- 
»  [See  VoL  IV.,  p.  367.] 

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TAEIKH-I  KHiCN-JAHAN  LODF.  113 

eolonred  earpets  and  costly  silk  stuffs,  in  hopes  that  Enm&yun 
efaanned  with  it,  would  he  induced  to  prolong  his  stay  there ;  and 
his  designs  were  unexpectedly  seconded  by  fate,  for  Humdyun 
remained  four  months  in  Gaur,  and  had  no  leisure  for  any  other 
oocnpation  than  pleasure  and  enjoyments 

*♦«*««♦ 

The  Batik  of  Chaunsa. — Capture  ofHumayurC%  Qi^een.^ 
In  this  conflict  Muhammad  Zam&n,  with  a  large  force,  stood 
forth  and  commenced  the  action ;  but  was,  in  one  charge,  not 
only  defeated  and  obliged  to  retreat,  but  killed.  There  was  no 
one  who  could  withstand ;  and  e^ery  one  who  found  his  horse 
ready  turned  his  &ce  to  flight.  A  bridge  of  boats  having  been 
previously  laid  oyer  the  Ganges,  all  the  fugitives,  whether  horse 
or  foot,  endeayoured  to  escape  oyer  it.  Hum&yun  had  not  yet 
performed  his  ablutions,  when  his  troops  were  thrown  into  com- 
plete disorder ;  he  therefore,  immediately  finishing  them,  lent  all 
his  thoughts  to  saye  his  own  person ;  for  to  save  his  favourite 
lady,  with  all  the  other  beauties  of  the  harem^  was  impossible. 
He  sent  Ehw&ja  Mu'azzam,  with  some  other  persons  who  were 
just  at  hand,  in  this  painful  situation,  to  rescue  Begam  Mariam 
Mak&ni  from  her  dangerous  position,  whilst  he  himself  hastened 
to  reach  the  bridge ;  but  it  having  been  broken  down  by  the 
throng  of  the  fugitives,  and  the  pressure  of  the  great  and  small, 
he  plunged  his  horse  into  the  river.  He  was  nearly  drowned,  but 
Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad  Ghaznavi  succeeded  in  extricating  him 
from  that  destructive  element  by  his  skilful  efforts  and  the  aid 
and  £iyour  of  fortune.  In  consequence  of  his  excellent  service, 
Shamsu-^  din's  sons  were  raised  to  high  and  honourable  stations. 
When,  in  the  meanwhile,  Ehwaja  Mu'azzam  had  conyeyed 
himself  as  &r  as  the  entrance  of  the  Imperial  tent,  he  perceived 
that  the  A%h&ns  were  sedulously  employed  in  massacre  and 
plunder,  and  he  could  not  find  an  opportunity  of  rescuing 
the  yeU-coyered  ladies.     Neyertheless,  he  sacrificed  his  life  in 

1  [See  VoL  IV^  p.  874.] 

TOl*.  V-  ® 

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114  NTAICATU-LLA. 

the  execution  of  his  master's  command.  The  greater  part  of 
the  Mughals  perished  in  the  riTcr,  and  an  immense  number 
besides  fell  by  the  sword ;  whilst  the  Afgh&ns,  by  the  rich  booty 
they  captured,  had  all  their  wants  abundantly  supplied.  The 
Imperial  consort  likewise  fell  into  their  hands,  with  all  her 
establishment. 

Constructs  new  Mohtds. — Its  cast. — Khizr  Khan  governor  of 
Bengal 

Sher  Sh&h  threatened  to  construct  such  a  fort  in  that  country 
that  it  should  not  only  effectually  restrain  the  Ghakkars,  but 
also  the  passage  of  the  Mughals.  He  therefore  himself  made  a 
tour  through  the  hiUs  of  Qirjhak  Ninduna  [mountains  circum- 
jacent],^ and  finding  a  fit  spot,  he  laid  the  foundations  of  the  fort, 
which  he  called  Eoht&s. 

Besides  that,  he  sent  a  large  force  against  B4i  S&rang,  the 
Ghakkar,  and  not  only  was  the  country  subdued,  and  the  kiU 
ofBalndth  plundered,  which  was  then  the  residence  of  the  JDdrogha 
of  that  tracts  but  the  daughter  of  its  chief  was  taken  prisoner,  and 
conducted  before  Sher  Sh&h,  who  presented  her  to  Khaw&s  E!h&n ; 
upon  which  R&i  S&rang,  they  relate,  sent  a  quantity  of  [hemp] 
blankets  and  millet  to  Sher  Sh&h,  with  the  remark  that  in  such 
only  consisted  their  raiment  and  food,  besides  which  they  could 
afford  nothing;  according  to  others,  he  sent  a  lion's  skin  and 
some  [arrows]  spears^  which  he  said  was  their  only  property. 
With  this  conduct,  however,  Sher  Sh&h  was  by  no  means  satis- 
fied. S&rang  [S&rang''s  troops]  being  weakened  by  [skirmishes] 
the  attacks  of  the  holy  warriors,  and  greatly  reduced  and 
straitened,  submitted  himself  in  person  to  Sher  Shdh,  who  ordered 
him  to  be  flayed  alive,  and  his  skin  to  be  filled  with  straw,  and  so 
pay  the  penalty  of  his  misdeeds. 

Sher  Sh&h  issued  farmdns  to  complete  the  fortifications  of 
Boht&s;  but  Todar  Ehatri  represented  that  the  Ghakkars,  to 

1  The  panag^  printed  in  iiaUea  in  this  Extinct  ihow  the  Taiiations  from  Dr.  Dora's 
Tenion,  hii  reading  being  retained  in  brackets 


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TARIEH-I  XHiCN-JAHAN  LODT.  115 

whom  that  coantrj  belonged,  woald  not  allow  any  one  to  work  for 
wages ;  and  that  they  bad  agreed  amongst  tbemselves^  upon  oath, 
to  expatriate  eyerj  person  that  should  contrayene  their  wishes. 
Sher  Sh&h,  in  answer,  told  him  [that  he  should  noways  be  allowed 
to  give  up  tbat  work,  wbicb  he  only  wished  to  do  in  consequence 
of  his  greediness  for  gold]  ^  that  the  work  did  not  Hem  to  advanoe 
under  hie  superintendence^  and  that  a  man  who  was  fond  of  money^ 
and  was  alarmed  about  disbursing  it,  would  never  accomplish  the 
king's  designs.  Todar,  on  the  reception  of  this  fresh  command, 
fixed  first  a  golden  ashrcffi  as  tbe  enormous  remuneration  for  one 
stone,  which  induced  the  [Kakers]  Ohakkars  to  flock  to  him  in 
such  numbers  that  afterwards  a  stone  was  paid  with  a  rupee^ 
and  this  pay  gradually  fell  to  five  tankas,  till  the  fortress  was 
completed.* 

Sher  Sh&h,  during  his  stay  in  the  environa  of  [Tatta]  the 
river  Behaty  where  he  amused  himself  with  hunting,  received 
intelligence  that  Khizr  Khan  Surk,  the  governor  of  Bengal, 
had  married  a  daughter  of  Sult&n  MahmM,  and  [maintained  a 
princely  household]  sat  on  the  roof  of  the  palace^  after  the  manner 
of  the  kings  of  Bengal,  at  which  disrespectful  conduct  Sher  Shah 
was  highly  displeased, 

^  Bendes  the  correction  of  the  text,  Sher  Sh&h's  anBwer,  as  g^yen  in  the  Tdrikh^i 
Kkdn-Jahdn,  MS.  p.  178,  shows  that  Todar's  representation  conld  not  have  arisen 
from  avaricious  yiews: — ^You  are  too  eantions  about  the  expenditure  of  money, 
and  do  not  desire  that  my  words  may  be  obeyed.  It  is  right  you  should  show  no 
r^ret  in  disbursing  it,  for  whatever  is  expended  shall  be  repaid  from  my  treasury." 
In  the  same  work  we  are  told  that  when  the  fort  was  finished,  Todar  was  highly  ex- 
tolled for  his  management  and  superrision, 

'  From  a  rupee  it  fell,  after  some  time,  to  ten  tankas  [the  black  tonka,  equal  to 
»thnjp«],  until  it  reached  as  low  as  a  Bakloli  [=^th  rupee^—TdHkh-i  Khdn- 
J^kdn,  US.  p.  178.    [See  Thomas's  Chronicles  of  the  Path&n  ^ngs,  pp.  360,  366.] 


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116 


XXXVI. 

07 

KHONDAMrk 

[This  is  the  last  work  of  the  historian  Khondamfr.  It  records  an 
event  in  Zi-1  ka'da  at  the  end  of  940  h.,  and  the  writer  died  in 
the  following  year  941  (1534-6  a.d.).^  The  book  seems  to  have 
received  little  notice,  and  remains  almost  unknown.  It  is  in  all 
probability  the  same  as  the  Kdnicn^i  Humdyiini  quoted  by  Abd-1 
Fazl  in  the  Akbar-ndma.  It  shows  that  Khondamir  had  become 
quite  a  courtier  in  his  old  age,  and  had  abandoned  the  studies 
of  the  historian  to  become  a  royal  panegryist.  His  work  also 
shows  that  he  was  high  in  favour  at  Court,  and  he  gives 
specimens  of  odes  and  verses  which  he  composed  on  occasions 
of  royal  festivity.  He  records  how  various  attendants  of  the 
Court  received  titles  of  honour  descriptive  of  their  characters, 
and  that  which  he  received  was  Amir-i  Akhbdr^  ''the  noble 
historian."  Notwithstanding  the  high-flown  strain  of  eulogy 
in  which  the  work  is  written,  it  contains  some  points  of  interest, 
and  a  few  Extracts  follow. 

Sir  H.  Elliot  did  not  procure  a  copy  of  the  MS.,  and  the 
Editor  has  had  no  copy  to  consult.  The  Extracts  which  follow 
have  been  selected  from  what  appears  to  be  a  complete  translation 
made  by  Sir  H.  EUiot'^s  private  munahi  from  a  manuscript  in 
the  possession  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal.] 

EXTRACTS. 

Origin  of  this  Work. 

When  this  humble  and  insignificant  slave,  Ghiy&su-d  din,  son 
of  Hum4ma-d  din,  alias  Khondamir, — may  God  £EM$ilitate  all 
1  [See  anti  VoL  lY.,  p.  143,] 


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HUMXTUN-NAMA.  117 

difficulties  to  him  ! — obtained  the  honour  of  meeting  this  great 
king,  and  the  rays  of  royal  kindness  shone  on  the  surface  of  his 
hopes  and  circumstances,  he  conceived  the  desire  and  entertained 
the  idea  in  his  mind  that  he  would  describe,  as  a  memorial  for 
future  days,  some  of  the  works  and  inyentions  of  this  monarch ; 
because  the  histories  of  kings,  by  means  of  the  black  water  of 
ink,  which  has  the  effect  of  the  water  of  life,  are  immortalized, 
and  the  great  names  and  writings  of  clever  authors,  by  virtue  of 
their  praises  of  celebrated  kings,  are  stamped  on  the  page  of  time. 
For  instance,  the  excellencies  of  Mahmud  were  described  by  TTtbi 
and  ^lJnsur{,  and  the  poems  of  Mu'izzi  and  Anwari  celebrated 
the  character  of  Sanjar» 

"  Who  would  remember  Hakim  Anwari, 
Had  he  not  spoken  about  Sanjar  and  his  works  ? 
Because  'Utbi  oooferred  praises  on  Mahmud, 
Therefore  he  obtained  the  object  of  his  desire. 
Shaiaf  was  celebrated  in  the  world, 
Because  he  wrote  the  eulogy  of  Timur  Q^rgan." 

Although  the  compiler  of  this  book,  on  account  of  his  having 
little  knowledge  and  possessing  no  ability,  withheld  his  tongue 
from  commencing  the  history  of  this  renowned  monarch's  ex- 
ploits and  deeds,  and  did  not  allow  the  pen  which  possessed  two 
tongues  to  describe  the  character  of  this  most  prosperous  king, 
yet  he  always  entertained  that  desire  in  his  iaithful  heart,  and 
the  intention  never  forsook  his  mind.  One  night  which  was  AiU 
of  light,  this  insignificant  man  (the  author),  having  obtained  the 
honour  of  being  present  in  His  Majesty'^s  Oourt  at  Ghr&lior,  was 
ordered  to  sit  down,  and  the  fingers  of  the  generosity  of  that 
sun  of  the  heaven  of  glory  opened  the  gates  of  kindness  to  him, 
and  the  tongue  of  that  king  of  kings,  who  was  as  dignified  as 
Alexander  the  Ghreat,  pronounced  these  pleasing  words :  "It  seems 
proper  and  desirable  that  the  inventions  of  my  auspicious  mind, 
and  the  improvements  of  my  enlightened  understanding,  should 
be  arranged  in  a  series,  and  written  down,  in  order  that  in  future 

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lis  KHONDAlfhl 

ages  the  light  of  these  happy  works  may  shine  among  the  people 
of  countries  near  and  remote.^  Consequently  the  writer,  who  was 
wishing  for  a  long  time  that  such  an  order  might  pass,  engaged, 
like  his  pen,  in  writing  these  veiy  interesting  subjects;  and 
having  commenced  to  mention  the  wonderful  inyentions,  he  has 
imparted  eloquence  to  the  pen  which  possesses  two  tongues.  He 
hopes  that  through  the  &your  of  the  Almighty  God,  these  pages, 
which  contain  useful  things,  will  meet  the  approbation  of  the 
most  clever  characters  of  the  high  Court,  and  that  they  will  view 
these  lines  of  the  book  of  eloquence  with  the  eye  of  acceptance, 
and  overlook  the  mistakes  which  may  have  been  committed 
therein  by  the  deficient  tongue  of  the  pen. 

Acceamn  of  Humdyitn. 

In  the  beginning  of  Jum&da-l  awwal,  a.h.  937,  when  the 
King,  who  was  as  dignified  as  Sulaim&n^  whose  seat  is  now  in 
Paradise,  viz.  Zahfru-d  din  Muhammad  B&bar,  left  the  throne 
of  this  world  for  the  eternal  heaven,  the  celestial  herald  of  the 
Supreme  Lord  raised  the  pleasing  cry,  '*  We  made  you  king  on 
the  earth,''^  to  the  ears  of  this  rightful  prince,  and  the  hand  of 
the  kindness  of  the  Creator  of  souls  and  substances  put  the 
happy  robe  of  royalty  on  the  person  of  this  able  monarch,  the 
Conqueror  of  the  World. 

"  The  hope  which  was  excited  by  prosperity  is  now  realissed; 
The  desire  which  the  world  entertained  is  satisfied." 

On  Friday,  the  9th  of  the  said  month,  in  the  Jama*  manjid 
at  Agra,  the  khutba  was  read  in  the  name  and  title  of  this  noble 
king,  and  the  noise  of  congratulations  which  arose  from  the  crowd 
of  the  people  reached  beyond  the  heavens. 

Awginciom  Omens. 

Among  the  other  wonderful  accidents  which  happened  to  the 
great  Naw&b,  one  was  that  in  the  year  in  which  the  late  king, 
who  was  as  dignified  as  Sulaim&n  and  destined  to  enter  paradise. 

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HUMiCTUN-NAMA.  119 

marched  with  prosperity  from  K&bul  towards  Kandah&r,  he  left 
this  sun  of  the  heayen  of  royalty  and  power  (Humdydn)  iu 
trust  of  the  goyemment  duties.  One  day  the  latter  rode  on 
his  horse,  and  went  to  ramble  about  in  the  forest,  hills,  gardens, 
and  meadows.  On  the  road  he  wished  to  take  an  omen,  and 
haying  called  the  great  Maul&na,  Masfhu-d  din  Euhu-Ua,  who 
was  his  tutor,  he  told  him  it  had  just  entered  his  mind  that 
he  shoxdd  ask  any  three  persons  who  might  first  come  before  him 
their  names,  and  take  an  omen  from  them.  The  Maul&nd  said  it 
would  be  proper  if  he  asked  only  one  man's  name ;  but  the  King 
was  firm  in  his  resolution.  After  they  had  gone  a  little  distance, 
they  saw  a  man  about  forty  years  of  age ;  and  on  their  asking  him 
his  name,  he  replied,  *^Mur&d  Khw&ja."  After  him  another 
person,  driying  an  ass  loaded  with  wood,  came  before  them  ;  and 
when  they  inquired  of  him  for  his  name,  he  said,  ''Daulat 
Blhwija.'*  On  this  it  passed  from  the  secret-telling  tongue  of 
the  Xing  that  if  the  name  of  the  third  person  who  might  happen 
to  meet  them  should  be  Sa'&dat  Ehw&ja,  it  might  be  considered  a 
yery  curious  accident ;  and  the  star  of  success,  according  to  the 
omen,  would  rise  from  the  horizon  of  prosperity.  At  this  moment 
a  boy,  who  was  leading  cattle  to  graze,  came  in  sight ;  and  when 
they  asked  him  what  was  his  name,  he  answered,  ^^Sa'&dat 
Elhw&ja."  This  excited,  of  course,  great  wonder  and  surprise  in 
all  the  people  who  accompanied  the  King,  and  they  were  all  sure 
that  this  prosperous  prince  would  soon,  by  the  Divine  assistance, 
attain  the  highest  pitch  of  fortune  and  glory ;  and  the  hand  of 
the  fayour  of  God  would  open  to  him  the  gates  of  success  in  all 
his  sacred  and  worldly  hopes. 

Clamfication  of  the  People. 
When  the  auspicious  throne  of  royalty  was  filled  by  this 
dignified  and  braye  monarch,  all  the  officers  of  the  State  and 
inhabitants  of  the  kingdom  were  divided  into  three  classes.  The 
brothers  and  relations  of  the  King,  the  nobles  and  ministers,  as 
well  aa  the  military  men,  were  called  AhUi  Daulat  (officers  of  the  ; 

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120  KHONDAMnL 

State),  because  it  is  evident  that — ^according  to  the  words, "  There 
can  be  no  dominion  without  men  ''^ — no  degree  of  wealth  and 
prosperity  can  be  attained  without  the  assistance  of  this  class  of 
braye  and  courageous  people ;  and  no  one  can  obtain  the  throne 
and  power  without  the  aid  of  warriors  and  heroes. 

"  Kings,  with  the  assistance  of  their  army, 
Place  their  feet  upon  the  throne  of  empires. 
He  alone  can  obtain  wealth  and  rank 
Who  is  assisted  by  his  army." 

The  holy  persons,  the  great  mwhaihhs  (religious  men),  the 
respectable  saiyids^  the  literati,  the  law  officers,  the  scientific 
persons,  poets^  besides  other  great  and  respectable  men,  formed 
the  second  class,  and  were  denominated  Ahl-i  Sa^ddat  (good 
men),  because  to  obserye,  honour,  and  regard  these  people,  and 
to  associate  with  such  men,  secures  eternal  prosperity,  and  enables 
men  to  rise  to  high  dignities  and  ranks. 

"  Virtue  is  the  gift  of  Qod : 
It  is  not  in  the  power  of  the  mighty  man  to  obtain  it. 
If  you  wish  to  obtain  fortune, 
You  must  associate  with  virtuous  men." 

Those  who  possessed  beauty  and  elegance,  those  who  were 
young  and  most  lovely,  also  clever  musicians  and  sweet  singers, 
composed  the  third  class,  and  the  appellation  of  Ahl-i  Murdd 
(people  of  pleasure)  was  conferred  on  them,  because  most  people 
take  great  delight  in  the  company  of  such  young-looking  men, 
of  rosy  cheeks  and  sweet  voices,  and  are  pleased  by  hearing  their 
songs,  and  the  pleasing  sound  of  the  musical  instruments,  such 
as  the  harp,  the  sackbut,  and  the  lute. 

"  The  hope  of  the  heart  of  lovers 
Is  never  realized  but  when  they  meet  persons  whose 

oheeks  are  rosy. 
He  who  is  fond  of  hearing  songs  and  musio 
Has  the  gates  of  happiness  opened  for  himself." 


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HUMmm-NAMA.  121 


Apportionment  of  Time. 


According  to  this  classification,  the  wise  King  also  divided  the 
days  of  the  week,  and  appointed  one  day  for  each  of  these  three 
chksses.  Thns,  Saturdays  and  Thursdays  were  fixed  for  pious 
men,  and  visits  were  received  on  these  days  from  literary  and 
religious  persons.  On  these  two  days  the  tree  of  the  hope  of 
this  estimable  body  of  the  people  produced  the  fruit  of  pro- 
sperity by  their  obtaining  audience  in  the  paradise-resembling 
Court.  The  reason  why  these  two  days  were  appointed  for  this 
class  was,  that  Saturday  is  ascribed  to  Saturn^  who  is  the  pro- 
tector of  good  and  religious  men  and  persons  of  old  respectable 
families ;  and  Thursday  is  appropriated  to  Jupiter,  who  is  the 
preserver  of  the  saiyids,  the  learned  men,  and  the  strict  followers 
of  the  Muhammadan  law.  Sundays  and  Tuesdays  were  fixed 
for  the  State  officers ;  and  all  the  government  business  and  duties 
connected  with  the  management  of  the  country  were  discharged 
on  these  days.  The  King,  the  destroyer  of  enemies,  sat  in  the 
public  court,  and  consequently  all  the  nobles  and  plebeians 
were  able  to  obtain  the  honour  of  seeing  him.  The  advantage  in 
appointing  these  two  days  for  opening  the  Court,  and  attending 
to  the  State  afiairs  was,  that  Sunday  belongs  to  the  Sun,  to 
whom,  according  to  the  will  of  God,  is  attached  the  fates  of  all 
rulers  and  kings;  and  Tuesday  is  the  day  of  Mars,  who  is 
the  patron  of  warriors  and  brave  men.  Hence  it  is  evident 
that  to  adorn  the  throne  of  sovereignty  in  the  public  court-hall 
by  his  royal  sessions  on  these  two  days,  and  to  devote  himself 
to  the  discharge  of  the  government  duties,  was  very  proper. 
Amongst  the  other  customs  which  were  introduced  by  this  just 
and  generous  King,  and  were  observed  on  the  days  of  the 
sessions,  one  was,  that  when  he  adorned  the  throne  of  royalty 
by  sitting  on  it,  drums  were  beaten,  to  inform  the  people,  who, 
immediately  on  hearing  their  noise,  came  to  see  him  ;  and  when 
he  left  the  Court,  the  gunners  fired  guns  to  let  the  people  know 
that  they  might  retire.     Also  on  those  days  the  keeper  of  the 

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122  EHONDAMTB. 

wardrobe  used  to  bring  some  suits  of  fine  apparel,  and  the 
treasurer  several  purses  of  money,  and  they  placed  them  in  the 
Court  in  order  that  rewards  and  robes  might  be  given  to  any  one 
from  them,  and  no  delay  should  take  place.  Also  that  seyeral 
persons  who  resembled  Bahr&m,  having  put  on  coats  of  mail,  and 
taken  blood-drinking  swords  in  their  hands,  stood  before  the  throne 
tQ  seize  and  punish  those  who  might  be  proved  guilty.  Mondays 
and  Wednesdays  were  allotted  for  pleasure  parties,  and  on  these 
days  some  of  the  old  companions  and  chosen  friends  were  con- 
vened, and  a  band  of  musicians  and  singers  was  called,  and  they 
were  all  satisfied  in  their  wishes.  The  cause  of  appointing  these 
days  for  this  purpose  was,  that  Monday  is  the  day  of  the  Moon, 
and  Wednesday  of  Mercury  5  and  it  was  therefore  reasonable 
that  on  these  days  he  should  keep  company  with  young  men 
beautiful  as  the  moon,  and  hear  sweet  songs  and  delightful  music. 
On  Fridays,  as  the  name  (juma*)  imports,  he  called  together 
all  the  assemblies,  and  sat  with  them  as  long  as  he  found  leisure 
from  his  other  duties. 

Symboh  of  Office. 

Another  invention  of  this  King  was,  that  he  got  three  arrows 
of  gold  made,  and  called  them  each  after  the  name  of  the 
three  classes  above  mentioned.  Each  of  these  was  given  to  one 
of  the  most  confidential  persons  of  the  respective  classes,  and  this 
person  was  to  manage  all  the  afiairs  of  that  class.  As  long  as 
the  man  who  was  entrusted  with  the  arrow  conducted  the  duties 
attached  to  him  with  such  care  as  to  insure  the  pleasure  of  God 
and  satisfaction  of  the  King,  he  was  mainUuned  in  the  trust.  But 
when  he  was  intoxicated  by  the  efiect  of  the  wine  of  arrogance 
and  pride,  or  when  his  foresight  was  obscured  by  the  dimness  of 
negligence,  and  he  did  not  look  after  his  business,  but  through 
his  misfortune  thought  only  of  collecting  riches,  then  the  arrow 
of  his  wishes  failed  to  hit  the  point  of  success,  and  he  was 
ordered  to  be  removed  from  office  by  the  pen  of  destiny  for  his 
insolent  deeds.  *  *  * 


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HUMjrnrN.NAMA.  128 

Oradaiums  qf  Bank. 

Among  the  customs  introduced  by  this  King,  one  was,  that  of 
the  distribution  of  arrows,  by  means  of  which  the  distinction 
of  ranks  and  stations  among  serrants  of  the  throne  was  marked. 
Hie  pen  of  eloquence  thus  writes  a  fiiU  detail  of  this  particular 
head.  According  to  the  different  standards  of  gold,  the  ranks 
of  all  the  people  composing  the  three  classes  were  divided  into 
twelve  orders  or  arrows,  and  every  one  received  a  grade  and 
rank  suitable  to  himself.  The  twelfth  arrow,  which  was  made 
of  the  purest  gold,  was  put  in  the  auspicious  quiver  of  this 
powerful  King,  and  nobody  could  dare  to  touch  it.  The  eleventh 
wrow  belonged  to  His  Majesty^s  relations  and  brethren,  and  all 
the  Sult&ns  who  were  in  the  government  employ.  Tenth,  to 
the  great  mushaikhs,  saii/tds^  and  the  learned  and  religious  men. 
Ninth,  to  the  great  nobles.  Eighth,  to  the  courtiers  and  some 
of  the  King'^s  personal  attendants.  Seventh,  to  the  attendants  i 
in  general.  Sixth,  to  the  harems  and  to  the  well-behaved  female* 
attendants.  Fifth,  to  young  maid-servants.  Fourth,  to  the 
treasurers  and  stewards.  Third,  to  the  soldiers.  Second,  to 
the  menial  servants.  First,  to  the  palace  guards,  camel-drivers, 
and  the  like.  Each  of  these  arrows  or  orders  had  three  grades ; 
the  highest,  the  middle,  and  the  lowest. 

Government  D^artments. 

Another  of  the  arrangements  of  this  King  was,  that  he  divided 
all  the  affairs  of  government  into  four  departments,  after  the 
number  of  the  four  elements,  viz.  the  Ataahi,  JIawdi,  Abi^  and 
JKhdki;  and  for  conducting  the  business  of  these  departments  he 
appointed  four  ministers.  The  department  to  which  belonged 
the  artillery  and  the  making  of  arms,  weapons  of  war,  and 
various  sorts  of  engines  and  other  such  things  in  which  assistance 
was  taken  from  fire,  was  called  A'taaM  ;  and  the  superintendence 
of  this  department  was  placed  under  Khw&ja  'Amidu-1  Mulk, 
and  the  fire  of  his  care  inflamed  the  ovens  of  the  hearts  of  those 

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124  KHONDAMTR. 

who  were  employed  on  these  works.  The  duties  connected  with 
the  wardrobe,  kitchen,  stable,  and  other  great  and  important  offices 
belonged  to  the  Hawdi  department,  and  the  care  of  them  was 
entrusted  to  Khwaja  Lutf-uUa.  The  Sharbat-ihana,  Sdji-khdna^ 
the  digging  of  canals,  and  all  the  works  which  related  to  water 
and  rivers,  were  comprised  in  the  Ahi  department,  and  its  super-'" 
intendent  was  Ehw&ja  Hasan.  Agriculture,  erection  of  buildings, 
resumption  of  Khdlka  lands,  and  some  household  affairs  formed 
a  department  which  was  called  Khdkiy  and  this  was  placed  under 
the  management  of  Khw&ja  Jal&lu-d  din  Mirz&  Beg.  Formerly 
one  of  the  nobles  was  ordered  to  look  after  each  department. 
For  instance,  Amir  N&sir  Euli  supervised  the  fire  department, 
and  he  always  used  to  put  on  red  clothes.  After  his  death,  the 
cypress  of  the  garden  of  dignity  and  grandeur,  Mir  Nih&l,  was 
appointed  to  the  same  duty.  But  in  the  days  when  the  com- 
piler wrote  these  pages,  the  supervision  of  all  the  four  depart- 
ments was  entrusted  to  the  care  of  the  best  of  nobles,  the  most 
learned  man.  Amir  Wais  Muhammad. 

Building  of  IHnpandh. 

Another  great  work  of  this  just  and  generous  King  was  the 
city  of  Dinpan&h,  which  was  really  the  asylum  of  religious  men. 
The  musk-resembling  pen  perfumes  the  minds  of  good  people  by 
writing  an  account  of  its  foundation.  In  the  month  of  Sha'b&n, 
A.H.  939  (1533  A.D.),  when  the  fort  of  Gw&lior  was  made  the 
object  of  envy  to  the  high  revolving  heavens  by  the  royal  presence, 
the  great  King  one  night  sat  there  on  the  Imperial  throne,  and 
having  ordered  all  his  great  courtiers  and  learned  companions  to 
sit  down,  conversed  with  them  on  various  topics.  In  this  discourse 
he  poured  from  his  tongue  the  secrets  of  the  pearls  of  these 
words,  that  long  time  since  it  was  his  intention  to  found  near 
the  capital  of  Dehli  a  large  city,  the  ramparts  of  which  from  their 
loftiness  might  open  the  tongue  of  reproach  and  scorn  at 
Khawamak  and  Sawir,  the  palaces  of  Bahr&m,  and  that  the 
keeper  of  its  bastions  might  claim  equality  with  Saturn.     Also 

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HUMATITN-NAMA.  125 

that  in  this  city  a  magnificent  palace  of  seyen  storeys  should 
be  erected,  surrounded  by  delightful  gardens  and  orchards,  of  such 
elegance  and  beauty,  that  its  &me  might  draw  people  from  the 
remotest  comers  of  the  world  for  its  inspection.  That  the  city 
should  be  the  asylum  of  wise  and  intelligent  persons,  and  be 
called  Dinpan&h.  Those  who  were  present  in  the  assembly 
which  resembled  paradise,  opened  their  tongues  in  approba- 
tion and  applause  of  such  a  scheme.  At  the  same  time,  it  was 
discoyered  by  the  most  witty  and  cleyer  Maulfin&  Shahfibu-d  din 
Ahmad  Mu'amm&i,  that  the  numerical  yalue  of  the  words 
Shahr-i  pddshdh  Dinpandh  was  940,  and  he  said  that  if  the  city 
were  built  in  that  year  it  would  be  a  yery  remarkable  fact.  The 
same  moment  these  words  were  brought  to  the  notice  of  the 
£ing,  who,  as  well  as  all  the  officers  of  the  high  Court,  was 
greatly  struck  with  them.  All  persons  that  were  present  at  the 
time  began  to  sing  with  their  tongues  the  following  stanza  before 
His  Majesty^  who  understood  the  excellencies  of  poetry  well : 

''The  picture  which  your  imagination  draws  on  your  mind, 
Nothing  contrary  to  it  is  done  by  the  hand  of  destiny. 
What  your  understanding  writes  on  a  leaf 
Agrees  with  the  book  of  the  WiU  of  God." 

In  short,  the  King  accordingly  fixed  the  resolution  in  his  en- 
lightened mind.  After,  under  the  protection  of  the  Almighty 
God,  he  had  returned  from  Gw&Iior  to  ^gra,  he  turned  the  reins 
of  his  world-trayelling  horse,  in  the  beginning  of  the  month  of 
Zi-1  hijja,  A.H.  939,  towards  the  city  of  Dehli.  When  he  had 
reached  the  city,  which  was  as  beautiful  as  heayen,  safe  under  the 
care  of  God  from  all  eyils,  and  had  taken  omens  and  religious 
adyice,  a  rising  ground  adjacent  to  the  banks  of  the  stream 
of  Jumna,  about  three  koB  from  the  city,  was  selected  for  the 
foundation  of  the  city  of  Dinpan&h. 

In  the  middle  of  the  month  of  the  sacred  Muharram,  a.h.  940, 
at  an  hour  which  was  prescribed  by  the  most  cleyer  astrologers 
and  the  greatest  astronomers,  all  the  great  musAaikhs  (religious 

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126  EHOKDAMIB. 

men)  the  respectable  saiyids^  the  learned  persons,  and  all  the 
elders  of  the  city  of  Dehli,  accompanied  the  King,  ii?ho  was  as 
generous  as  the  ocean,  to  the  spot,  prayed  the  Almighty  God 
to  finish  the  happy  foundation  of  that  city,  and  to  strengthen 
the  basis  of  the  King's  wealth.  First,  His  Majesty  with  his 
holy  hand  put  a  brick  on  the  earth,  and  then  each  person  from 
that  conconrse  of  great  men  placed  a  stone  on  the  ground^  and 
they  all  made  such  a  crowd  there  that  the  army,  people,  and  the 
artists,  masons,  and  labourers  found  no  room  or  time  to  carry 
stones  and  mud  to  the  spot.  On  the  same  date  work  was  also 
commenced  in  the  Eing^s  own  palace. 

At  this  time,  ue.  the  latter  part  of  the  month  of  Shaww&l  of 
the  same  year,  the  walls,  bastions,  ramparts,  and  the  gates  of  the 
city  of  Dinpan&h  are  nearly  finished. 


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127 


Xxxvii. 
T^RfKH.!   RASHror 

OP 

HAIDAB    MIRZA   DOGHLAT. 

[The  writer  of  this  Talaable  work  was  the  son  of  Muhammad 
Husain  Mirzd,  who  was  the  eldest  son  of  Haidar  Mirzi  Doghlat, 
Amir  of  K&shghar.  Muhammad  Husain  married  the  younger 
sister  of  the  Emperor  Bihar's  mother.  So  our  author,  Haidar 
Mira&,  was  first  cousin  of  B&bar,  and  he  seems  to  have  inherited 
from  his  mother  no  small  share  of  that  ability  and  vigour  whieh 
distinguished  his  more  eminent  relative.  His  fiither,  Muhammad 
Husain,  was  put  to  death  at  Hir&t  in  914  (1508  a.d.),  under 
the  orders  of  Shaib&ni  Eh&n.  Haidar  Mirzi  himself  was  also 
doomed,  but  he  was  concealed  and  saved  In  the  following  year 
B&bar  sent  for  him  to  E&bul,  and  there  received  him  with  con- 
siderate and  generous  affection,  of  which  the  Mirz&  speaks  in  the 
warmest  terms  of  gratitude.  '*  It  was  a  sad  day,^  says  he, 
"that  deprived  me  of  my  &ther;  but,  through  the  unremitting 
kindness  of  the  Emperor,  I  never  felt  the  loss.  *  *  During  the 
whole  time  of  my  stay  with  him,  he  always  conducted  himself 
towards  me  with  parental  observance  and  affection.'' 

Haidar  Mirzi  was  as  bold  and  adventurous  as  B&bar  himself 
and  played  a  notable  part  in  widely  distant  places.  He 
was  actively  engaged  as  a  military  leader  in  Badakhsh&n  and 
!E&shghar,  and  seems  to  have  there  given  proo&  of  eminent 
military  talents.  Nor  was  he  at  all  deficient  in  that  literary 
ability  which  distinguished  his  cousin.  He  saw  much,  and  he 
observed  and  recorded  what  passed  under  his  own  eyes,  and  what 
he  learnt  from  diligent  inquiry.     ^^  The  TdrikA^i  Bashidi/*  says 

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128  HAIDAB  MIBZA. 

Mr.  Erskine,^  well  deserres  to  be  published  in  the  original  or 
translated.  It  is  the  production  of  a  learned  and  accomplished 
man ;  and,  in  the  two  latter  parts,  of  a  contemporary,  intimately 
acquainted  with  the  men  and  events  he  describes.'' 

"The  history  of  the  Khans  of  the  Mughals,  and  of  the 
Amirs  of  K&shghar,  subsequent  to  Timur  Tnghlik  Kh&n,  forms 
the  proper  subject  of  the  first  two  books.  These  details  are  the 
more  valuable  as  the  succession  of  the  Mughal  Kh&ns  and  of 
the  Amirs  of  K&shghar  from  that  period  is  not  contained  in  any 
other  work  with  which  I  am  acquainted."  In  the  writer's  own 
time,  "  Central  Asia  was  in  a  transition  state,  which  ended  in 
the  settlement  of  the  Uzbeks  in  Transoxiana,  of  the  Kirghiz 
confederacy  in  Mughalist&n,  and  of  the  Ghaghat&i  Turks  in 
India.  The  minute  details  which  the  author  gives  of  his  own 
sufferings,  and  of  the  sufferings  of  his  nearest  relations,  during 
the  period  that  followed  the  ascendancy  of  Shaib&ni  Kh&n  in 
M&war&u-n  nahr  and  Khur&san,  of  their  escapes,  adventures, 
successes,  and  discomfitures,  let  us  more  into  the  condition  of  the 
country  and  ^feelings  of  the  inhabitants  of  these  states  and  of 
K&ahghar  at  that  crisis,  than  perhaps  any  other  monument 
extant.  A  portion  of  the  last  book  relates  to  the  history  of 
Kashmir  and  Hindust&n,  and  the  whole  work  is  interspersed 
with  geographical  accounts  of  countries,  especially  to  the  east  of 
M&war&u-n  nahr,  little  known  in  Europe.  The  rise^and  fall  of 
several  tribes,  or  associations  of  tribes,  in  the  desert,  are  recorded 
with  much  clearness  and  a  perfect  acquaintance  with  their  ex- 
ternal and  internal  policy.  It  would  form  a  most  valuable 
accompaniment  to  the  Commentaries  of  Bfibar,  which  it  illos- 
trates  in  every  page.  The  two  royal  cousins  are  worthy  of  each 
other,  and  do  honour  to  their  age." 

Haidar  Mirz&^s  notices  of  India  are  fragmentary,  and  are  con- 
fined to  what  passed  under  his  own  observation ;  but  they  give  a 
vivid  picture  of  the  disorder  and  incapacity  which  marked  the 
early  reign  of  Hum&yun,  and  were  the  causes  of  his  downfall.  In 
1  SeeYol.  I.,p.  193. 


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TABrKH-I  EASHIDr.  129 

the  course  of  his  adyentorous  life  Haidar  Mirz&  had  served  in 
Kashmir,  and  while  he  was  acting  as  goyemor  of  Lahore  on  behalf 
of  Prince  E&mr&n,  a  number  of  malcontent  nobles  of  that  conntrj 
endeaYoiired  to  obtain  his  aid  in  dethroning  their  unpopular 
ruler.  He  entered  warmly  into  the  project,  but  the  troubles  of 
Hindust&n  delayed  its  execution.  After  passing  into  the  service 
of  Hum&yun,  and  witnessing  the  disastrous  rout  of  Elanauj, 
described  in  one  of  the  following  Extracts,  he  endeavoured  to 
induce  Hum&yun  to  secure  a  refuge  and  a  vantage-ground  in 
Kashmir.  The  Emperor  was  inclined  to  follow  his  advice,  and 
sent  some  forces  to  enter  upon  the  conquest  of  that  country.  But 
his  plans  were  thwarted  by  his  brother  K&mr&n,  and  he  was 
compelled  to  fly  beyond  the  Indus.  Haidar  Mirz&  soon  showed 
the  practicability  of  the  advice  he  had  tendered.  With  a  force 
of  only  4000  men  he  marched  against  Kashmir,  and  evading  the 
troops  drawn  up  to  oppose  him,  he  made  his  way  secretly  by 
unfrequented  routes  to  Srinagar  the  capital,  and  captured  it 
without  opposition  in  Bajab,  947  (November,  1640).  The  whole 
country  fell  into  his  possession,  and  he  successfully  resisted  the 
attempts  of  the  dethroned  prince  to  recover  his  kingdom,  although 
Sher  Sh&h  aided  the  exile.  Haidar  Mirz&  ruled  the  land  which 
he  had  won  with  great  wisdom  and  ability,  and  so  recruited  its 
resources  that  it  was  restored  to  prosperity  and  happiness.  He 
reigned  for  eleven  years,  and  was  eventually  killed  in  a  night 
attack  by  a  party  of  conspirators  in  958  (1551  a.d.).  To  his 
honour  be  it  recorded,  he  did  not  in  his  prosperity  forget  his 
unfortunate  kinsman  the  Emperor  Hum&yun,  but  urged  him  to 
come  to  Kashmir,  and  to  make  that  country  a  paint  cCappui  for 
the  recovery  of  his  lost  empire. 

The  MS.  used  is  a  small  4to.  belonging  to  the  Nawab  of 
Jhajjhar,  containing  729  pages,  of  fourteen  lines  each.  There  is 
a  transcript  of  this  MS.  among  Sir  H.  Elliot'^d  MSS.  It  seems 
to  differ  occasionally  from  the  MS.  used  by  Mr.  Erskine,  as  may 
be  seen  by  comparing  the  following  Extracts  with  those  given  by 
Mr.  Erskine.] 

VOL.  T.  9 

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130  HAIDAB  MIRZA. 

EXTRACTS. 

Defeat  of  Humdyitn  at  Kanauj. 
.  [When  all  the  brothers  were  assembled,  they  conferred  together 
upon  the  state  of  affairs.  The  discussion  was  protracted,  but  no 
profitable  decision  was  arrived  at ;  in  fact,  nothing  was  proposed 
that  was  worthy  of  the  occasion,  for  as  it  is  said,  *^When 
Fortune  ^s  adverse,  minds  are  perverse.'*^  K&mr&n  Mirz&  was 
very  anxious  to  return,  but  Humayun  disregarded  all  his'  repre- 
sentations. Seven  months  were  wasted  in  weary  indecision,  until 
the  opportunity  was  lost,  and  Sher  Eh&n  was  on  the  Ganges 
ready  for  war.  In  the  midst  of  this  concision  K&mr&n  Mirz& 
became  very  ill.  The  climate  of  Hindustan  had  brought  on  some 
serious  disorders.^  When  he  had  thus  suffered  for  two  or  three 
months,  he  lost  the  use  of  his  hands  and  feet.  As  no  medicine  or 
treatment  relieved  him,  he  became  the  more  desirous  of  depart- 
ing to  Lahore.  At  length  his  maladies  so  increased,  that  he 
made  up  his  mind  to  return  thither.  This  departure  of  E&mr6n 
Mirzd  was  the  turning-point  in  the  rise  of  Sher  Eh&n  and  the 
downfall  of  the  Ghaghat&i  power.  The  Emperor  greatly  urged 
him  to  leave  some  of  his  officers  and  forces  as  auxiliaries,  but 
E&mr&n  Mirz&,  on  the  contrary,  did  all  he  could  to  induce  all  the 
men  of  A!gra  to  go  away  with  him,  and  strenuously  rejected  the 
proposal  to  leave  his  own  army  behind.  Mir  Ehw&ja  Eal&n, 
who  was  his  prime  minister,  also  exerted  himself  to  the  same 
purpose.  K&mr&n  Mirz&  sent  him  on  in  advance,  and  then 
followed  in  person. 

While  this  was  passing,  Sher  Eh&n  advanced  to  the  banks  of 
the  Ganges,  and  passed  his  army  over.  Kutb  Kh&n,  his  son, 
marched  towards  Et&wa  and  K&lpi.  These  territories  were  the 
ikta's  of  Husain  Sult&n,  who  was  one  of  the  Uzbek  Sult&ns,  and 
Y&dg&r  N&sir  Mirz&,  son  of  N&ir  Mirz&,  the  brother  of  the 
Emperor  B&bar.  Part  of  K&lpi  belonged  to  E&mr&n  Mirzi, 
and  he  had  sent  to  that  district  Iskandar  Sult&n  as  his  represen- 
tative. These  three  persons  marched  against  Eutb  Eh&n,  who 
^  [The  TariouB  oomplioatioiis  are  specified.] 

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TABrKH-I  BASHror.  131 

was  slain  in  the  battle^  and  they  gained  a  complete  victoiy. 
The  Emperor  now  marched  fix)m  i^gra  towards  the  Ganges 
against  Sher  Eh&n.  [The  writer  goes  on  to  explain  at  length 
his  reasons  for  learing  E&mr&n,  and  joining  the  Emperor.] 
Althoogh  Min&  K&mr&n  would  not  consent  to  my  parting  from 
him,  I  remained  behind  withont  his  consent.  £&mr&n  Mirza 
himself,  shamefully  learing  only  Iskandar  Sult&n  with  about 
1000  men  as  auxiliaries,  went  off  to  Lahore,  taking  with  him  all 
the  men  of  Agra  he  could  carry  with  him ;  thus  giving  strength 
to  the  enemy  and  preparing  defeat  for  his  friends.  The  Imperial 
army  reached  the  banks  of  the  Oanges  in  the  best  way  that*  it 
could.  There  it  encamped  and  lay  for  about  a  month,  the 
Emperor  being  on  one  side  of  the  rirer,  and  Sher  Kh4n  on  the 
other,  facing  each  other.  The  armies  may  have  amounted  to 
more  than  200,000  men.  Muhammad  Sult&n  Mirz&,  of  the 
house  of  Timur,  and  grandson  by  a  daughter  of  Sultdn  Husain 
(of  Khnr&B&n),  had  come  to  India  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor 
B&bar,  and  had  been  received  with  every  mark  of  kindness  and 
kingly  favour.  After  Bdbar's  death  he  had  several  times  revolted 
against  Hum&yun ;  but  being  imsuccessfiil,  he  had  sought  forgive- 
ness, and  had  been  pardoned.  Now  having  colluded  with  Sher 
Eh&n,  he  deserted.  A  new  way  was  thus  opened.  Everybody 
began  to  desert,  and  the  most  surprising  part  of  it  was,  that 
many  of  those  who  deserted  did  not  go  over  to  Sher  Kh&n,  and 
80  could  expect  no  &vour  from  him.  A  heated  feeling  ran 
through  the  army,  and  the  cry  was,  **  Let  us  go  and  rest  in  our 
own  homes/'  A  number  also  of  K&mr&n's  auxiliary  forces 
deserted  and  fled  to  Lahore. 

Among  the  equipments  which  were  in  the  train  of  the  Emperor 
were  700  carriages  {gardun)y  each  dawn  by  four  pairs  of  bullocks, 
and  carrying  a  swivel  {zarb-zan),  which  discharged  a  ball  (kalola)^ 
of  500  miskdla  weight.  I  myself  several  times  saw  that  from 
the  top  of  an  eminence  they  unfailingly  (be-khatd)  struck  horse- 
men who  slightly  and  unsuspectingly  exposed  themselves.  And 
there  were  twenty-one  carriages,  each  drawn  by  eight  pairs  of 

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132  HAIDAB  MIRZA. 

bullocks.  Stone  balls  were  of  no  use  in  these,  but  the  shots 
were  of  molten  brass,  and  weighed  5000  miakdls^  and  the  cost  of 
each  was  200  miskdb  of  silver.  They  would  strike  anything 
that  was  visible  at  the  distance  of  a  paraeang. 

As  the  army  had  taken  to  desert,  it  was  judged  better  to  risk 
a  battle  than  to  see  it  go  to  ruin  without  fighting.  If  the  result 
was  un&vourable,  in  that  case  we  could  not  at  least  be  accused  of 
having  abandoned  an  empire  like  Hindtist&n  without  striking  a 
blow.  Another  consideration  was,  that  if  we  passed  the  river, 
desertion  would  be  no  longer  possible.  We  therefore  crossed  over. 

•Both  armies  entrenched  themselves.  Every  day  skirmishes 
occurred  between  the  adventurous  swaggering  spirits  of  both 
sides.  These  proceedings  were  put  an  end  to  by  the  monsoon 
rains,  which  came  on  and  flooded  the  ground,  rendering  it  unfit 
for  a  camp*  To  move  was  indispensable.  Opinions  were  eKpressed 
that  another  such  a  deluge  would  sink  the  whole  army  in  the 
abyss  of  despair,  and  it  was  proposed  to  move  to  a  rising  ground 
which  the  inundation  could  not  reach,  and  which  lay  in  firont  of 
the  enemy.  I  went  to  reconnoitre,  and  found  a  place  suitable 
for  the  purpose.  I  said  that  we  would  on  the  morrow  try  the 
enemy  on  the  touchstone  of  experience,  for  he  ought  not  to 
attack  while  we  were  on  the  march,  as  the  arraying  of  an  army 
at  the  time  of  marching  is  contrary  to  sound  judgment.^  The 
morrow  was  the  10th  of  Muharram,  and  we  must  keep  our 
forces  well  under  control  until  we  see  if  the  enemy  comes 
out  of  his  trenches  and  advances  against  us.  Then  at  last  a 
regular  pitched  battle  will  be  fought  between  us.  The  proper 
plan  for  us  is  to  place  the  mortars  {deg)  and  swivels  (zarb-zan) 
in  front;   and  the  gunners,  nearly  6000  in  number,  must  be 

Mr.  Erakine  or  bb  MS.  makes  better  sense  of  this  passage,  bat  the  words  of  our  MS. 
will  not  admit  of  the  interpretation.  His  Tersion  runs  thus :  <^  I  represented  that 
when  we  did  march,  it  would  be  desirable  to  divert  the  attention  of  the  enemy  by 
engaging  them  in  skirmishes,  as  it  would  not  do  to  be  drawn  into  a  general  action, 
when  the  army  was  marching  to  change  its  ground."] 


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TABrKH.I  EASHrDr.  133 

stationed  with  the  guns.  If  he  does  eome  out  to  attack  us,  there 
is  no  time  or  place  more  suitable  than  this  for  battle.  If  he  does 
not  come  out  of  his  entrenchments,  we  must  remain  drawn  up 
till  about  mid-day,  and  then  return  to  our  position.  Next  day 
we  must  act  just  in  the  same  way.  Then  the  baggage  must  move 
to  the  new  position,  and  we  must  follow  and  occupy  the  place. 
This  scheme  of  mine  met  with  general  approbation. 

On  the  10th  Muharram,  949  h.,  we  mounted  to  carry  the  plan 
into  effect,  and  formed  our  array.  As  had  been  determined,  the 
carriages  {gardUn)  and  mortars  {de^  and  small  guns  {tapakckiydn) 
were  placed  in  the  centre.  The  command  of  the  guns  was  given 
to  Muhammad  Eh&n  Bdmi,  the  sons  of  Ust&d  'Ali  EuK,  Ust&d 
Ahmad  Bdmi,  and  Husain  Khalifa.  They  placed  the  carriages 
and  mortars  (deg)  in  their  proper  positions,  and  stretched  chains 
between  them.  In  other  divisions  there  were  amirs  of  no  repute, 
men  who  were  amirs  only  in  name.  They  had  got  possession  of 
the  country,  but  they  had  not  a  tincture  of  prudence  or  know- 
ledge, or  energy  or  emulation,  or  nobility  of  mind  or  generosity 
^-qualities  from  which  nobility  draws  its  name.  The  Emperor 
had  posted  the  author  of  this  work  upon  his  left,  so  that  his 
right  flank  should  be  on  the  Emperor's  left.  In  the  same 
position  he  had  placed  a  force  of  chosen  troops.  On  my  left,  all 
my  retainers  were  stationed.  I  had  400  chosen  men,  inured  to 
war&re  and  familiar  with  battle,  fifty  of  whom  were  mounted 
on  horses  accoutred  with  armour.  Between  me  and  the  river 
(Jid'bdr)  there  was  a  force  of  twenty-seven  amirs,  all  of  whom 
carried  the  tigh  banner.  In  this  position,  also,  were  the  other 
components  of  the  left  wing,  and  they  must  be  judged  of  by  the 
others.  On  the  day  of  battle,  when  Sher  Kh&n,  having  formed  his 
divisions,  marched  out,  of  all  these  twenty-seven  t&gh  banners 
not  one  was  to  be  seen,  for  the  great  nobles  had  hidden  them  in 
the  apprehension  that  the  enemy  might  advance  upon  them. 
The  soldiership  and  bravery  of  the  amirs  may  be  conceived  from 
this  exhibition  of  courage. 

Sher  Kh&n  came  out  in  five  divisions  of  1000  men  each,  and 


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134  HAIDAB  MfBZA. 

in  advance  of  him  {peshtar  i  o)  were  3000  men.  I  estimated  the 
whole  as  bebg  less  than  15,000,  but  I  calculated  the  Ghaghat&i 
force  as  about  40,000,  all  mounted  on  tipchdk  horses,  and  clad 
in  iron  armour.  They  suited  like  the  waves  of  the  sea,  but  the 
courage  of  the  amira  and  officers  of  the  army  was  such  as  I  have 
described.  When  Sher  Kh&n's  army  came  out  of  its  entrench- 
ments, two  divisions  (jauk),  which  seemed  to  be  equal  to  four 
divisions,  drew  up  in  that  place,  and  three  divisions  advanced 
against  their  opponents.  On  our  side  I  was  leading  the  centre, 
to  take  up  the  position  which  I  had  selected;  but  when  we 
reached  the  ground,  we  were  unable  to  occupy  it :  for  every  amir 
and  wazir  in  the  Ghaghat&i  army,  whether  he  be  rich  or  poor, 
has  his  ghuldms.  An  amir  of  note  with  his  100  retainers  and 
followers  has  500  servants  and  ghuldms^  who  in  the  day  of 
battle  render  no  assistance  to  their  master  and  have  no  control 
over  themselves.  So  in  whatever  place  there  was  a  conflict,  the 
ghuldms  were  entirely  ungovernable.  When  they  lost  their 
masters,  they  were  seized  with  panic,  and  blindly  rushed  about 
in  terror.^  In  short  it  was  impossible  to  hold  our  ground.  They 
so  pressed  upon  us  in  the  rear,  that  they  drove  the  centre  upon 
the  chains  stretched  between  the  chariots,  and  they  and  the 
soldiers  dashed  each  other  npon  them.  Those  who  were  behind 
so  pressed  upon  those  who  were  in  front,  that  they  broke  through 
the  chains.  The  men  who  were  posted  by  the  chains  were  driven 
beyond  it,  and  the  few  who  remained  behind  were  broken,  so 
that  all  formation  was  destroyed. 

Such  was  the  state  of  the  centre.  On  the  right  Sher  Eh&n 
advanced  in  battle  array;  but  before  an  arrow  was  discharged,  the 
camp  followers  fled  like  chaff  before  the  wind,  and  breaking  the 
line  they  all  pressed  towards  the  centre.  The  ghuldms  whom 
the  commanders  had  sent  to  the  front  rushed  to  the  lines  of 
chariots,  the  whole  array  was  broken,  and  the  mir  was  separated 
from  his  men,  and  the  men  from  the  mir.  While  the  centre 
was  thus  thrown  into  disorder,  all  the  fugitives  from  the  right 
^  [Thia  idea  is  expressed  by  a  simile  borrowed  from  fiilconry.] 

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TABrKH-I  EASHror.  135 

bore  down  upon  it.  So  before  the  enemy  had  discharged  an 
arrow,  the  whole  army  was  scattered  and  defeated.  I  had 
estimated  the  Ghaghatai  army  as  numbering  40,000  men,  ex- 
cluding the  camp  followers  (ghuldm)  and  workmen  {ahdgird' 
pesha).  They  fled  before  10,000  men,  and  Sher  Eh&n  gained 
a  victory,  and  the  Ghaghat&is  were  defeated  in  this  battle-field 
where  not  a  man,  either  friend  or  foe,  was  wounded.  Not  a  gun 
was  fired,  and  the  chariots  {gard&n)  were  useless. 

When  the  Ghaghat&is  took  to  flight,  the  distance  between 
their  position  and  the  Ganges  might  be  nearly  Vkparasang.  All 
the  afMr%  and  braves  {boAddurdn)  fled  for  safety  to  the  river, 
without  a  man  of  them  having  received  a  wound.  The  enemy 
pursued  them,  and  the  Ghaghat&is,  having  no  time  to  throw  off 
their  armour  and  coats,  plunged  into  the  river.  The  breadth  of 
the  river  might  be  about  five  bowshots.  Many  illustrious  amirt 
were  drowned,  and  each  one  remained  or  went  on  at  his  will. 
When  we  came  out  of  the  river.  His  Majesty,  who  at  mid-day 
had  17,000  workmen  in  attendance  upon  his  Gourt,  was  mounted 
upon  a  horse  which  had  been  given  to  him  by  Tardi  Beg,  and 
had  nothing  on  his  head  or  feet.  *'  Permanence  is  from  God, 
and  dominion  is  from  God."  Out  of  1000  retainers,  eight 
persons  came  out  of  the  river;  the  rest  had  perished  in  the 
water.  The  total  loss  may  be  estimated  from  this  fact.  When 
we  reached  i^ra,  we  made  no  tarry,  but,  broken  and  dispirited, 
in  a  state  heart-rending  to  relate,  we  went  on  to  Lahore.  On 
the  new  moon  of  Babfu-l  awwal,  947  h.,  the  princes,  amirs^ 
and  people  had  drawn  together  at  Lahore.  The  throng  was  so 
great  that  it  w«a  difficult  to  move  about,  and  still  more  difficult 
to  find  a  lodging.  Every  one  acted  as  his  fears  or  his  interests 
led  him.] 


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136 


xxxvni. 

TAZKIRATU-L    W^KI'^T 

OF 

JAUHAB. 

Thesb  are  the  private  Memoirs  of  the  Emperor  Hum&ydn 
written  by  his  dftdbcU^  or  ewer-bearer,  Jauhar.  They  have  been 
translated  into  English  by  Major  Stewart,  and  published  by  the 
Oriental  Translation  Fund  Lond.  (1832).  [The  MS.  used  by 
Stewart  bore  the  above  title,  under  which  the  work  has  become 
generally  known,  but  in  Sir  H.  Elliot's  copy  of  the  MS.  the  author 
is  made  to  name  the  work  HutnAyun  ShdhL  It  is  also  called 
Tdrikh'i  Humdyin."]  These  Memoirs  afford  much  amusement 
from  the  naive  and  simple  style  in  which  they  are  written.  The 
author  was  a  constant  attendant  upon  the  Emperor,  both  during 
his  adversities  and  successes,  and  is  so  devoted  an  admirer  of 
his  patron,  that  he  rarely  sees  anything  to  reproach  in  his  con- 
duct. He  gives  the  most  trivial  details  with  the  utmost  candour 
and  gravity,  thinking  nothing  too  insignificant  to  relate  of  so 
great  an  Emperor,  *'  Let  no  one,^  says  Dion,  after  recording 
(lib.  Ixxii.  18,  18)  some  of  the  public  exposures  and  debaucheries 
of  Gommodus — '*  Let  no  one  reprove  me  for  degrading  the  im- 
portance of  history  because  I  write  such  thingsi  In  another 
case  I  would  not  have  written  them ;  but  since  they  were  done  by 
an  Emperor^  and  I  myself  saw  and  heard  them,  I  thought  it  right 
to  conceal  nothing,  and  to  transmit  these  matters  for  the  in- 
formation of  posterity,  as  if  they  had  been  of  the  utmost 
consequence.'' 

Of  himself  Jauhar  says,  ^*  I  was  at  all  times,  and  in  all 
stations^  in  constant  attendance  on  the  royal  person ;  it  there- 
Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TAZKIEATU-L  WAKI'AT.  137 

fore  oeeurred  to  me  as  desirable  that  I  should  write  a  narrative 
of  all  the  events  to  which  I  had  been  an  eye-witness,  that  it 
may  remain  as  a  record  of  the  past  interesting  occurrences.  I 
have  endeavoured  to  explain  them  to  the  best  of  my  humble 
ability,  although  in  a  style  very  inferior  to  the  dignity  of  the 
subject.  I  commenced  this  work  in  the  year  995  (a.d.  1587), 
and  have  named  it  the  TazkircUu-l  WdkCdt^  '  Relation  of  Occur- 
rences/ It  is  not  my  intention  to  narrate  all  the  occurrences 
which  have  taken  place  during  the  late  reign,  but  I  shall  confine 
myself  to  those  operations  in  which  His  Majesty  was  personally 
eoneemed.  I  shall  therefore  commence  this  work  with  I[um&- 
yun's  ascending  the  throne,  and  shall  conclude  with  his  return 
from  Persia  and  his  regaining  the  sovereignty.  I  shall  further 
explain  with  what  fortitude  and  perseverance  the  Emperor  en- 
countered so  many  hardships  and  difiSiculties,  and  through  the 
fiivour  of  the  Almighty  God,  thereby  recovered  his  dominions, 
in  the  hope  that  this  book  may  hand  down  the  name  of  the 
author  to  posterity,  and  inform  mankind  of  these  extraordinary 
events.** 

[The  Memoirs  bear  all  the  appearance  of  truth  and  honesty, 
and  are  to  a  great  degree  exempt  from  that  exaggeration  and 
fulsome  eulogy  to  which  Oriental  biographers  are  prone.  But 
the  fact  of  their  having  been  commenced  full  thirty  years  after 
the  death  of  Hum&ydn  greatly  diminishes  their  claim  to  be 
considered  a  faithful  and  exact  account  of  the  occurrences  they 
record.  They  are  not  contemporary  records  of  the  events  as 
they  occurred,  but  reminiscences  of  more  than  thirty  years' 
standing,  so  that,  whatever  the  sincerity  and  candour  of  the 
writer,  time  must  have  toned  down  his  impressions,  and  memory 
had  doubtless  given  a  favourable  colour  to  the  recollections  he 
retained  of  a  well-beloved  master.  The  conversations  and  obser- 
vations attributed  to  the  various  personages  who  figure  in  his 
Memoirs  must  therefore  contain  quite  as  much  of  what  the 
author  thought  they  might  or  ought  to  have  said  as  of  what 
really  was  uttered. 


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138  JAUHAR. 

When  Hum&jdn  recoyered  Lahore,  he  immediately  divided 
the  appointments  of  the  province  among  his  adherents,  and 
Jauhar  was  appointed  collector  of  the  Tillage  of  Haibatpdr. 
Before  he  departed,  the  King  told  him  a  familiar  story  as  a 
warning  against  extortion.  Jauhar  made  a  courtly  reply,  and 
proceeded  to  his  charge.  Fpon  arriving  in  the  district,  he 
found  that  it  had  been  the  custom  of  the  A%h&n  &rmerB  to 
give  their  wives  or  children  in  pledge  to  the  EQndd  bankers  for 
money  advanced  on  account  of  the  collections.  Therefore,  the 
first  thing  he  did  was  to  collect  all  the  grain  that  had  been 
hidden  in  dry  pits,  and  having  sold  it,  he  paid  the  bankers  and 
liberated  the  &milies  of  the  peasants!  On  hearing  of  this  affair. 
His  Majesty  was  much  pleased,  and  promoted  him  to  the  col- 
lectorship  of  the  villages  belonging  to  the  Afgh&n  chief,  T&t&r 
Kh&n  Lodi.  Soon  after  he  had  an  opportunity  of  displaying 
his  energy  and  determination.  The  Panj&b  having  been  left 
without  troops,  in  consequence  of  Hum&ydn's  onward  march, 
a  body  of  400  Afgh&ns  entered  the  province  of  Lahore,  and 
began  to  plunder.  The  collectors  met  to  consult,  and  by 
Jauhar^s  advice  they  collected  all  the  men  they  could,  and 
placing  themselves  under  the  command  of  a  brave  and  active 
young  man,  they  fell  upon  them  by  surprise,  defeated  them, 
and  took  five  of  their  chiefe  prisoners.  Jauhar  does  not  tell  us 
what  position  he  held  when  he  wrote  his  Memoirs,  but  it  is 
evident  that  he  became  a  man  of  some  mark.  Ab6-1  Fazl  men- 
tions his  appointment  to  the  district  of  Haibatp6r,  and  aabse- 
quently  speaks  of  him  as  ^^Mihtar  Jauhar,  treasurer  of  the 
Panjdb."] 

EXTRACTS. 

HumdyUfC%  conquest  of  CAundr. 

His  Majesty  then  inquired  fit>m  his  ministers  and  nobles  what 
intelligence  there  was  of  Sher  Kh&n  Afgh&n,  where  he  was, 
what  he  was  doing,  and  what  he  was  intent  nponP  He  was 
informed  that  Sher  Kh&n  had  taken  the  fort  of  Boht&s  and 

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TAZKIRATU-L  WAKI'AT.  139 

Bahrkunda,  that  he  had  been  for  some  time  besieging  the  capital 
of  Bengal,  and  was  upon  the  point  of  taking  it.  Upon  hearing 
this  untoward  news,  His  Majesty  exclaimed  to  his  nobles,  *'  To 
what  a  pitch  the  daring  of  these  Afgh&ns  has  reached ;  please 
Gk>d,  we  will  to-morrow  march  to  the  fort  of  Ghun&r."  His 
Majesty  then  questioned  Btimi  Kh&n  as  to  the  powers  of  resist- 
ance of  the  fortress,  and  he  replied  that  by  the  Emperor's  good 
fortune,  and  the  favour  of  the  Almighty,  they  would  take  the 
fortress  by  force.  Thereupon  the  Imperial  forces  marched  to- 
wards Chun&r,  and  on  the  Shab-i  hardt  they  came  to  five  ko% 
distance  from  the  fort.  The  engineer  (Rumi  Kh&n)  then  debated 
with  himself  how  he  could  find  out  the  exact  condition  of  the 
fortress,  what  bastion  he  ought  to  attack,  and  on  which  side 
he  should  mine.  He  had  a  slave  named  Khal&f&t,  whom  in 
furtherance  of  his  plan  he  so  flogged  that  the  weals  were  visible 
upon  his  body.  He  then  directed  him  to  go  into  the  fortress, 
and  say  that  he  was  the  slave  of  Bdmi  Kh&n,  and  that  his 
master  had  so  beaten  him  without  any  cause  that  he  had  fled 
and  sought  protection  with  them.  So  he  was  to  find  out  the 
particulars  of  the  fortress  and  return.  He  acted  in  accordance 
with  these  instructions.  When  the  Afgh&ns  saw  his  condition, 
and  the  marks  of  the  chastisement  plainly  visible  on  his  body, 
they  believed  him,  and  strove  to  heal  his  wounds.  One  day 
the  slave  proposed  to  the  Afgh&ns,  that  if  they  saw  no  objection 
they  should  show  him  the  defences  of  the  fortress,  and  he  would 
advise  as  to  the  best  means  of  resisting  the  guns  which  Bdmi 
£h&n  had  planted,  so  that  the  garrison  might  be  safe.  The  . 
A%h&ns  complied  with  this  proposition.  After  staying  a  few 
days  in  the  fortress,  and  making  his  observations,  the  slave  made 
his  escape,  and  returned  to  his  master,  whom  he  acquainted  with 
the  exact  condition  of  the  fortress.  He  advised  him  to  attack 
the  bastion  on  the  river-side,  and  to  construct  a  mine  on  that 
same  side.  Bumi  Kh&n  brought  up  his  guns,  and  battered 
that  bastion,  and  he  placed  other  batteries  under  his  various 
officers.  •  •  ♦ 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


140  JATIHAR. 

Bdm(  Eb&n  then  sought  His  Majesty's  permission  to  con- 
stmct  a  floating  battery,  by  means  of  which  he  proposed  t^  cot 
the  garrison  off  from  the  water,  and  prevent  them  from  being 
able  to  maintain  life.  The  royal  order  was  given  for  him  to  do 
what  he  deemed  expedient.  Under  this  authority  he  employed 
himself  for  six  months  in  constructing  a  battery  upon  three 
boats,  so  high  that  on  the  top  of  it  all  the  soldiers  of  the  gar- 
rison were  plainly  discernible.  When  it  was  completed,  he 
sought  the  royal  authority  to  move  his  battery,  make  it  fast  to 
the  fortress,  and  carry  the  place  by  storm.  Permission  being 
given,  the  attack  was  kept  up  till  mid-day,  and  the  royal  army 
lost  nearly  700  men.  For  all  their  efforts  they  could  not  take 
the  place,  and  the  garrison  by  their  fire  smashed  one  portion  of 
the  battery.^  Next  morning  Btimi  Kh&n  again  prepared  his 
battery.  The  Afgh&ns  saw  that  the  assailants  were  resolute 
and  vigorous,  and  that  the  place  must  soon  fall,  so  they  pnx- 
posed  to  capitulate.  Under  His  Majesty's  command  the  garrison 
marched  out,  and  the  royal  forces  took  possession  of  the  fortress. 
B6mi  Elh&n,  being  very  irate  and  furious,  cut  off  both  hands  of 
300  gunners  and  others  who  had  formed  part  of  the  garrison. 
When  His  Majesty  was  informed  of  this,  he  was  very  angry 
with  Biimf  £h&n,  and  declared  that  no  injury  ought  to  be 
inflicted  on  men  who  had  surrendered.  After  the  capture  of  the 
fort  a  grand  banquet  was  given  and  great  rejoicings  were  made ; 
rewards  were  distributed  and  great  honours  were  bestowed.  His 
Majesty  then  asked  Riimi  Kh&n  as  to  the  fortress  and  to  the 
way  he  would  deal  with  it.  The  Sh&n  replied,  that  if  the  place 
were  in  his  hands  he  would  not  allow  a  Beng&li  to  approach 
within  a  ko%  of  it.  And  upon  His  Majesty  asking  who  ought  to 
be  placed  in  command  of  it,  he  replied,  that  he  knew  of  no  one 
fit  for  the  position  but  Beg  Mirak.  Upon  this  advice  His 
Majesty  placed  Beg  MIrak  in  command  of  the  fortress.  This 
counsel  so  incensed  all  the  nobles  against  B6mi   Kh&n,  that 

^  [Mukhdlifdn  ax  nutrdtih'i  ior^hob  mikddr'i  yak  tar-kobrd  basarb-i  aang  dmr  hmm 
ihikoittaid,'} 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TAZnBATU-L  WAKTAT,  141 

they  conspired  against  him,  and  caused  poison  to  be  placed  in  his 
enp,  BO  that  he  died« 

Sumdf/iin  in  Bengal.^ 
The  King  mored  forward  with  the  whole  army,  and  in  four 
days  with  little  difficulty  took  possession  of  Gaur,  the  capital  of 
Bengal,  and  drove  away  all  the  Afghans.  After  cleansing  and 
repairing  the  city,  the  first  act  of  His  Majesty  was  to  divide  the 
province  into  jdgirs  among  his  officers ;  after  which  he  very 
unaccountably  shut  himself  up  in  his  harem,  and  abandoned 
himself  to  every  kind  of  indulgence  and  luxury.  While  the 
King  had  thus  for  several  months  given  himself  up  to  pleasure 
and  indolence,  information  was  at  length  conveyed  to  him  that 
Sher  Khfin  had  killed  700  Mughals,  had  laid  siege  to  the 
fortress  of  Ghun&r,  and  taken  the  city  of  Benares ;  and  had 
also  sent  forward  an  army  along  the  bank  of  the  Ghmges  to 
take  Eanauj ;  that  he  had  further  seized  the  &milies  of  several 
of  the  officers,  and  sent  them  prisoners  to  Boht&s. 

Defeat  of  Humdydn  at  CMipa-ghdt.^ 

As  soon  as  the  peace  was  concluded,  the  treacherous  Sher 
'Kh&a  summoned  his  principal  officers  and  said  to  them,  ^^  Is 
there  any  of  you  brave  enough  to  go  and  storm  the  Mughal 
eampP"  At  first  not  one  of  the  Afgh&n  officers  would  under- 
take the  task.  At  length  a  person  called  Khawds  Eh&n  '  said, 
**  If  he  would  give  him  a  detachment  of  good  soldiers  and  a 
number  of  war-elepbants,  he  would  attempt  it,  and  exert  himself 
to  the  utmost ;*"  adding,  ''  this  is  a  business  of  chance;  but  let 
us  see  to  whom  God  will  give  the  victory.*" 

Sher  Eh&n  was  much  pleased  with  Khaw&s  Kh&n's  proposal, 
and  gave  him  his  choice  of  all  the  troops  and  several  war- 
elephants;    but  although  the  detachment    marched  from  the 

1  [Stewart^  p.  13.] 

*  [Stewart's  Traiulatioii,  p.  17.] 

>  [Of  the  JChd9ia-kAaa.^}AS.] 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


142  JAUHAE. 

camp  at  ten  o'clock  of  the  morning,^  the  artful  general  loitered 
about  till  night.  In  the  mean  time  Shaikh  Ehalil  sent  oflf  a 
messenger  to  His  Majesty,  cautioning  him  to  be  on  his  guard ; 
but  "  when  fete  descends,  caution  is  vain.""  •  •  ♦ 

The  King  would  not  believe  the  information,  or  that  Sher 
Eh&n  would  be  guilty  of  such  a  breach  of  honour  and  religion, 
and  passed  the  night  without  taking  any  precautions.  But  just 
as  the  sun  rose  next  morning,  the  Afgh&ns  entered  the  rear  of 
our  encampment,  made  a  dreadful  uproar,  and  caused  the  greatest 
confasion  both  among  the  troops  and  followers.  His  Majesty,  on 
hearing  the  noise,  ordered  the  kettle-drums  to  be  beaten,  and  in  a 
short  time  about  300  cavalry  assembled  around  him.  In  a  few 
minutes  one  of  the  enemy's  war-elephants  approached;  on  which 
His  Majesty  made  a  sign  to  Mir  Bajka,  who  was  celebrated  for 
his  valour,  and  who  with  his  two  sons,  Garg  ^Ali  and  Tatta  Beg, 
one  of  whom  carried  the  [King's  double-barrelled  gun  and  the 
other  the  royal  spear,  to  attack  the  elephant;  but  as  none  of 
them  had  the  heart  to  do  it,  His  Majesty  snatched  the  spear 
from  the  hand  of  Garg  'All,  spurred  on  his  horse,  and  struck 
the  elephant  with  such  force  on  the  forehead  that  he  could  not 
draw  out  the  spear  again.  In  the  mean  time  an  archer  who  was 
seated  on  the  elephant  discharged  an  arrow,  which  wounded  the 
King  in  the  arm,  and  the  enemy  began  to  surround  him.  His 
Majesty  then  called  to  his  troops  to  advance  and  charge  the 
enemy,  but  no  one  obeyed ;  and  the  Afgh&ns  having  succeeded 
in  throwing  everything  into  confusion,  one  of  the  King'^s  followers 
came  up,  seized  his  bridle,  and  said,  "  There  is  no  time  to  be 
lost ;  when  your  friends  forsake  you,  flight  is  the  only  remedy." 
The  King  then  proceeded  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  although 
followed  by  one  of  his  own  elephants,^  he  urged  his  horse  into 
the  stream,  but  in  a  short  time  the  horse  sank.     On  seeing 

1  [The  MS.  sayB,  namdz^i  digar,  "  afternoon  prayer."] 

'  [The  MS.  says,  <<  He  came  to  the  bank  of  the  river,  and  his  elephant  Oard-^dM 
was  along  with  him.  He  ordered  the  elephant-driver  to  break  down  the  bridge,  and 
then  he  urged  his  horse  into  the  stream,  with  the  intention  of  swimming  over ;  bat 
the  current  was  rapid,  and  the  horse  was  carried  away  £rom  him."] 


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TAZKIBATU.L  WXKI'AT.  143 

this  eyent,  a  water-carrier,  who  had  distended  his  leathern  bag 
(maaai)  with  air,  offered  it  to  His  Majesty,  who  by  means  of  the 
bag  swam  the  rirer.  On  reaching  the  northern  bank,  he  asked 
the  man  his  name ;  he  said,  ^'  Niz&m.^'  The  King  replied,  '^  I 
will  m^Le  your  name  as  celebrated  as  that  of  Niz&mu-d  din 
Aaliya  (a  &mons  saint),  and  you  shall  sit  on  my  throne.'^  •  •  « 
Soon  after  the  King  had  remoanted  his  throne,  the  water- 
carrier  who  had  enabled  him  to  cross  the  Gkmges  paid  his 
respects;  and  His  Majesty,  remembering  his  royal  promise, 
seated  him  for  two  hoars  upon  the  throne,  and  desired  him  to 
ask  for  whatever  he  wished. 

Mumdyiin's  defeat  at  Kanauj\^ 

After  the  battle  had  raged  for  some  time,  information  was 
brought  to  His  Majesty  that  the  Prince  Hindal  had  discomfited 
the  Afghans  opposed  to  him,  but  that  the  left  under  'Askari  was 
compelled  to  retreat.  Mirz&  Haidar  represented  that  in  order 
to  let  the  fugitives  pass,  it  was  requisite  to  loose  the  chains  of 
the  carriages  {^ardba)^  which  formed  a  barricade  in  front  of  the 
centre.  His  Majesty  unfortunately  complied  with  this  advice, 
and  the  chains  being  unloosed,  the  runaways  passed  through  the 
line  of  carriages  in  files. 

During  this  time,  an  Afgb&n  clothed  in  black  advanced  and 
struck  the  King's  horse  on  the  forehead  with  a  spear,  on  which 
the  animal  turned  round  and  became  unmanageable.' 

His  Majesty  afterwards  related  that  as  soon  as  he  could 
control  his  horse,  he  saw  the  Afgh&ns  employed  in  plundering 
the  carriages,  and  wished  to  have  charged  them,  but  some  person 
caught  the  reins  of  the  steed,  and  led  him  to  tbe  bank  of  the 
river.  Here,  while  undetermined  how  to  act,  he  saw  an  old 
elephant  which  had  belonged  to  the  late  Emperor.     He  called 

1  [Stewart,  p.  21.] 

2  [Instead  of  thu  paragraph,  the  words  of  Sir  H.  Elliot's  MS.  simply  say,  <<  A  man 
doifacd  in  black  came  and  seized  my  bridle  ifilau),  and  so  turned  the  reins  (indn)  of 
my  horse.'*] 

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144  JAUHAB. 

to  the  driver  to  bring  the  elephant  to  him,  who  did  so.  He  then 
mounted,  and  asked  a  eunuch  who  was  in  the  hotcdahj  what  was 
his  name.  He  replied^  ^^Kafur."  His  Majesty  then  orclered 
the  driver  to  carrj  him  across  the  river,  but  the  fellow  refused, 
and  said  the  elephant  would  be  drowned.  On  which  the  eunuch 
whispered,  that  he  suspected  the  driver  wished  to  carry  them 
over  to  the  enemy ;  it  would  therefore  be  advisable  to  take  off 
the  fellow'^s  head.  The  King  said,  ^^  How  shall  we  then  make 
the  elephant  cross  the  river  P"  The  eunuch  replied,  that  he 
understood  something  of  driving  an  elephant.  Upon  hearing 
this,  His  Majesty  drew  his  sword  and  so  wounded  the  driver 
that  he  fell  off  into  the  water,  and  the  eunuch  stepped  down 
from  the  howdah  on  the  neck  of  the  animal,  and  caused  him  to 
pass  the  river.  His  Majesty  further  related,  that  when  he 
arrived  near  the  bank,  it  was  so  steep  that  he  could  not  find  a 
place  to  ascend.  At  length,  some  of  the  camp  colour-men,^  who 
were  on  the  look  out  for  him,  tied  their  turbans  together,  and 
throwing  an  end  of  the  cloth  to  him,  he  with  some  difficulty 
climbed  up.  They  then  brought  him  a  horse,  on  which  he 
mounted  and  proceeded  towards  ^gra.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

The  King  having  been  joined  by  the  Princes  Hind&l  and 
'Askari  and  the  Mirz&s  T&dg&r  Nisir,  etc.,  proceeded  joyfully 
towards  j^gra.  When  they  reached  the  village  of  Bhain-g&nw, 
the  peasants,  who  were  in  the  habit  of  plundering  a  defeated 
army,  stopped  up  the  road,  and  one  of  them  wounded  Mirz& 
Yddg&r  with  an  arrow.  On  which  the  Mirz&  said  to  the  Prince 
^Askari,  '^  Do  you  go  on  and  punish  these  villagers,  while  I  stop 
to  dress  my  wound.**"  The  Prince  was  displeased  at  this  request, 
and  gave  the  Mirz&  some  abuse,  on  which  the  other  retorted  in 
harsher  language,  and  the  Prince  struck  him  three  times  with 
his  horsewhip,  which  was  returned  with  interest  on  the  other 
side.  When  intelligence  of  this  unpleasant  fracas  reached  the 
King,  he  said,  ^'  They  had  better  have  vented  their  spite  on  the 
robbers  than  on  each  other.  What  has  happened  cannot  be 
1  [The  word  is  tiiffh-bdndn,  «  nobles  of  the  ^tft^A-haaner.**] 


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TAZKIRATU-L  WAKI'AT.  145 

recalled,  but  let  us  hear  no  more  of  it."     In  short,  the  King 
reached  jA^gra  in  safety. 

Battk  of  ETipehdk} 

One  of  the  scoundrels  of  the  enemy  approached  the  King,  and 
struck  him  on  the  head  with  his  sword,  and  was  about  to  repeat 
the  blow,  when  His  Majesty,  looking  at  him,  said,  '*  You  wretch, 
how  dare  you  ?  " — upon  which  the  fellow  desisted ;  and  some  other 
officers  coming  up,  led  the  King  out  of  the  battle ;  but  he  was 
so  severely  wounded,' that  he  became  weak  fipom  loss  of  blood, 
and  therefore  threw  off  his  jahba  (quilted  coat),  and  gave  it  in 
charge  of  an  Abyssinian  servant ;  but  his  servant  being  obliged 
to  make  his  escape  from  the  battle,  threw  away  ihejabba^  which 
having  been  found  by  some  of  K&mr&n'*s  followers,  it  was  brought 
to  the  Prince,  who  immediately  proclaimed  that  the  King  was 
killed. 

At  this  time  there  only  remained  with  His  Majesty  eleven 
persons,  including  servants,  and  the  author  of  these  pages.  We 
therefore  took  him  out  of  the  battle ;  and  as  his  own  horse  was 
unquiet,  we  mounted  him  on  a  small  ambling  steed,  two  of  the 
chiefs  supporting  him  on  either  side,  and  endeavouring  to  console 
liim  by  anecdotes  of  former  princes  who  had  suffered  similar 
adversity,  and  encouraged  him  to  exert  biaiself,  as  it  was  pro- 
bable the  enemy  might  pursue  him.  On  hearing  this,  he  resumed 
liis  fortitude,  and  proceeded  towards  the  pass  of  Sirtun.  On  the 
inarch  we  were  joined  by  some  of  the  chiefs,  and  at  nightfall 
reached  the  entrance  of  Sirtun.  As  it  was  then  very  cold,  and 
His  Majesty  suffered  much  from  weakness,  a  sheepskin  cloak 
was  brought  and  put  on  him. 

In  the  morning  we  reached  the  top  of  the  pass ;  and  as  it  was 
then  getting  warm,  the  King  dismounted  on  the  bank  of  the 
river,  performed  his  ablutions,  ai^d  washed  his  wound ;  but  as 
there  was  no  carpet  for  prayer  to  be  found,  the  humble  servant, 
Jaohar,  brought  the  cover  of  a  stool  of  scarlet  cloth,  and  spread 

Stewart,  p.  94. 
VOL.  v.  10 

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146  JAUHAE. 

it  for  His  Majesty,  who  knelt  thereon,  and  performed  his  devo- 
tions, and  sat  down  facing  the  kU>la  (Mecca).  •  •  • 

The  King  again  mounted,  and  rode  on  to  Parw&n,  where  he 
alighted.  At  this  place  the  only  tent  that  could  be  procured  was 
a  small  shamiydna  (canopy),  sufficient  only  to  screen  one  person ; 
under  this  His  Majesty  lay  down  and  slept.  In  the  morning 
the  author  of  these  pages  awoke  His  Majesty,  and  told  him  it 
was  the  hour  of  morning  prayer.  He  said,  "  My  boy,  as  I  am 
so  severely  wounded,  I  cannot  bear  to. purify  myself  with  cold 
water."  I  represented  that  I  had  got  sobie  warm  water  ready 
for  him;  he  then  arose,  performed  his  ablutions,  and  said  his 
prayers.  He  afterwards  mounted  his  horse,  but  had  not  ridden 
far  when  he  complained  that  the  clotted  blood  on  his  clothes  hurt 
him,  and  asked  of  the  servants  if  they  had  no  jama  (coat)  they 
could  lend  him.  Bah&dur  Kh&n  replied,  he  ^^  had  a  jdma^  but 
it  was  one  His  Majesty  had  discarded  and  given  to  him,  and  he 
had  worn  it."  The  King  said,  "  Never  mind  that,  bring  it."^ 
He  then  put  it  on,  and  gave  the  dress  which  was  stained  with 
blood  to  this  humble  servant,  Jauhar,  the  dftdbchi^  and  said, 
"  Take  care  of  this  dress,  and  only  wear  it  on  holy  days." 

From  Parw&n  we  proceeded  to  Kahamrud,  where  T&hir 
Muhammad  had  the  honour  of  paying  his  respects.  He  had 
pitched  an  old  tent  for  the  King,  and  had  prepared  an  enter- 
tainment for  him ;  but  the  blockhead  did  not  bring  any  present, 
not  even  a  spare  dress.  His  Majesty  ordered  his  followers  to 
partake  of  the  dinner,  but  went  himself  to  the  edge  of  a  fountain, 
where  they  pitched  an  old  tent,  grimed  with  smoke  and  soot,  for 
him ;  but  as  there  was  no  necessary  tent,  the  humble  servant 
went  and  procured  two  hurdles,  which  he  fixed  up  as  a  privy. 
At  this  time  an  old  woman  came  and  offered  His  Majesty  a  pair 
of  silk  trousers.  He  said,  ^'  Although  these  are  not  proper  for 
a  man  to  wear,  yet,  as  my  owq  are  defiled  with  blood,  I  will  put 
them  on."  He  then  inquired  what  the  woman  had  for  her 
support ;  and  on  being  informed,  wrote  an  order  to  the  collector 
not  to  demand  any  tribute  from  her  in  future. 

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TAZKIRATU-L  WAKI'AT.  147 

Surrender  of  Kabul  to  Kdmrdn} 

When  His  Majesty  left  K&bul,  he  bestowed  the  goyernment 
on  K&sim  'Ali,  who  had  formerly  been  a  servant  of  E&mr&n'*s ; 
bat  notwithstanding  this  circumstance,  he  for  some  time  refused 
to  give  up  the  fortress,  till  assured  by  E&mr&n  that  the  King 
was  dead,  who  in  proof  thereof  produced  the  jcAha  or  quilted 
coat ;  in  consequence  of  which  the  Prince  was  allowed  to  enter 
the  fort,  and  again  took  possession  of  the  young  Akbar.  *  ♦  After 
remiuning  a  month  and  twenty  days  at  Andar&b,  *  *  the  King 
determined  on  marching  to  oppose  the  rebels ;  but  he  first  as- 
sembled all  his  chiefs^  and  proposed  to  them  to  take  the  oath  of 
allegiance.  H&ji  Muhammad  Kh&n  said,  ^^  It  was  also  incumbent 
on  His  Majesty  to  take  the  oath  of  confederacy.'^  The  Prince 
Hind&l  said,  ^'  Such  a  proceeding  was  highly  improper.*"  But 
the  King  said,  ^^  If  the  chiefs  wished  it,  he  would  take  the  oath 
to  satisfy  them.''  In  short,  the  oaths  were  ratified  on  both  sides ; 
and,  to  give  the  ceremony  more  solemnity,  the  King  fibsted  all 
that  day. 

Kdmrdn  surrendered  by  the  Qakhars,  and  blinded.* 

The  Eling  received  letters  fix>m  Sult&n  Adam,  chief  of  the 
Grakhars,  stating  that  '^tbe  Prince  K&mr&n  was  now  in  his 
territory,  and  that  if  EQs  Majesty  would  take  the  trouble  of 
coming  there,  he  would  give  him  up."  ♦  ♦  ♦  The  Prince  arrived, 
and  advanced  with  great  humility.  The  King,  however,  received 
him  graciously,  and  pointed  to  him  to  sit  down  on  the  bed  on 
his  right  hand.  His  Majesty  then  sat  down  on  the  bed  also, 
having  the  young  Prince  Akbar  on  his  left  hand.  Sult&n  Adam, 
'Abdu-1  Ma'&li,  and  the  other  chie&  were  also  seated  in  due 
order.  After  some  time.  His  Majesty  called  for  a  water-melon, 
one-third  of  which  he  took  and  divided  with  his  brother.  *  *  * 
Preparations  having  been  made  for  an  entertainment,  the  whole 
night  was  passed  in  jollity  and  carousing.  *  *  *  [Four  days  after], 

»  Stewart,  p.  99.  »  Stewart,  p.  103. 

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148  JAUHAR. 

the  business  of  Mirza  K&mr&n  was  taken  into  consideration,  and 
it  was  resolved,  in  the  first  place,  to  remove  all  his  servants  &om 
him.  Then  the  King  ordered  five  of  his  own  people  [natne8]j 
and  his  hamble  servant  Jauhar,  to  attend  upon  the  Prince,  and 
he  said  to  me,  "  My  boy  (ghuldm)^  do  you  know  where  you  are 
sent?"  I  said,  "Yes,  and  I  know  Your  Majesty'^s  (wishes)." 
He  replied,  "  Your  business  is  to  take  care  of  the  interior  of  the 
tent,  you  are  desired  not  to  sleep  for  a  moment."  ♦  ♦  • 

Early  in  the  morning  the  King  marched  towards  Hindust&n, 
but  before  his  departure  determined  that  the  Prince  should  be 
blinded,  and  gave  orders  accordingly ;  but  the  attendants  on  the 
Prince  disputed  among  themselves  who  was  to  perform  the  cruel 
act.  Sult&n  'All,  the  paymaster,  ordered  'Ali  Dost  to  do  it* 
The  other  replied,  "  You  will  not  pay  a  Sh&h-Rukhi  (3«.  6d.)  to 
any  person  without  the  King's  directions ;  therefore,  why  should 
I  commit  this  deed  without  a  personal  order  from  His  Majesty  P 
Perhaps  to-morrow  the  King  may  say,  '  Why  did  you  put  out 
the  eyes  of  my  brother  P '  What  answer  could  I  give  P  Depend 
upon  it  I  will  not  do  it  by  your  order."  Thus  they  continued  to 
quarrel  for  some  time.  At  length,  I  said,  "  I  will  go  and  inform 
the  King."  On  which  I  with  two  others  galloped  after  His 
Majesty.  When  we  came  up  with  him,  'Ali  Dost  said,  in  the 
Ghaghat&i  Turki  language,  '^  No  one  will  perfoim  the  business.'^ 
The  King  replied  in  the  same  language,  abused  hiui,  and  said, 
"Why  don't  you  do  it  yourself?" 

After  receiving  this  command,  we  returned  to  the  Prince,  and 
Ghul&m  ^Ali  represented  to  him,  in  a  respectful  and  condoling 
manner,  that  he  had  received  positive  orders  to  blind  him.  The 
Prince  replied,  "  I  would  rather  you  would  at  once  kill  me." 
Ghul&m  'All  said,  "  We  dare  not  exceed  our  orders."  He  then 
twisted  a  handkerchief  up  as  a  ball  for  thrusting  into  the  mouth, 
and  he  with  the  fardsh  seizing  the  Prince  by  the  hands,  pulled 
him  out  of  the  tent,  laid  him  down,  and  thrust  a  lancet  into  his 
eyes  (such  was  the  will  of  God).  This  they  repeated  at  least 
fifty  times ;  but  he  bore  the  torture  in  a  manly  manner,  and  did 

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TA2KIRATir-L  WAKF  AT.  149 

not  utter  a  single  groan,  except  when  one  of  the  men  who  was 
sitting  on  his  knees  pressed  him.  He  then  said,  '^  Why  do  you 
sit  npon  my  knees^P  What  is  the  use  of  adding  to  my  pain  P  " 
This  wa»  all  he  said,  and  he  acted  with  great  courage,  till  they 
squeezed  some  (lemon)  juice  and  salt  into  the  sockets  of  his  eyes. 
He  then  could  not  forbear,  and  called  out,  *^0  Lord,  O  Lord,  my 
GK>d,  whatever  sins  I  may  have  committed  have  been  amply 
punished  in  this  world,  have  compassion  upon  me  in  the  next." 
♦  ♦  ♦  The  author  of  these  pages,  seeing  the  Prince  in  such  pain 
and  distress,  could  no  longer  remain  with  him.  I  therefore  went 
to  my  own  tent,  and  sat  down  in  a  very  melancholy  mood.  The 
King  having  seen  me,  sent  J&n  Muhammad,  the  librarian,  to  ask 
me,  ^'If  the  business  I  had  been  employed  on  was  finished,  and 
why  I  had  returned  without  orders?"  The  humble  servant 
represented  that  ^^  the  business  I  had  been  sent  on  was  quite 
completed."  His  Majesty  then  said,  *'He  need  not  go  back, 
let  him  get  the  water  ready  for  me  to  bathe.*^] 


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150 


XXXIX. 
HKnrKU-I   ALFT 

OF 

MAUL^NA  AHMAD,  AND    OTHERS. 

This  work  comprehends  a  History  of  Muhamroadan  nations  up 
to  the  thousandth  year  of  the  Hijra  era.  It  is  firom  this  cir- 
cumstance that  it  obtains  i&  name,  Alf  signifying  in  the  Arabic 
language  one  thousand.  The  Emperor  Akbar  directed  its  com- 
pilation by  several  learned  men,^  and  may  have  perhaps  fixed 
upon  this  particular  period  of  one  thousand  years,  in  conformity 
with  a  notion  he  is  said  to  have  entertained  and  expressed,  that 
the  Muhammadan  religion  would  be  abolished,  after  lasting 
that  period.' 

At  the  eommencement  of  the  work,  many  different  authors 
were  employed,  but,  subsequently,  the  chief  labour  devolved 
upon  Maul&ni  Ahmad,  the  son  of  die  K&il  of  Thatta,^  and  the 
author  of  Kfiuldsatu-l  Haydty  "  the  Essence  of  Life."  An  in- 
teresting account  of  the  different  parties  engaged  on  it  is  given 
by  'Abdu-1  K&dir  Bad&uni  in  the  following  passage  from  his 
Muntahhabu't  Tawdrikh. 

''About  this  time  (a.h.  990),  MuUfi  Ahmad,  of  Thatta,  a 
bigot,  who  had  the  impertinence^  to  call  himself  a  physician, 

^  Two  hundred  years  before  a  siinilar  Bcheme  was  executed  by  Gathrie  and  G-rey, 
and  there  was  one  before  theirs.  See  Oeaoh,  tL  ieh,  £edek.  Fenims,  p.  353.  P.  Cychp, 
Tol.  xi.,  p.  197, 

^  Troyer  and  Shea,  Dabittan,  toI.  iii.,  p.  98. 

'  His  birthplace  is  differently  given  by  others.  Dr.  Bird  calls  him  son  of  Naarallah 
of  Nineyeh.  General  Briggs  calls  him  Mull&  Ahmad  of  Nineyeh.  See  Muloiy  of 
Ouzeralf  p.  88.    Firishta,  yol.  i.,  p.  xlix.    Dabistan^  yol.  iL,  p.  160. 

^  The  author  of  the  Ma-dnru-l  Umard,  who  was  himself  a  Shi'a,  speaks  more 
tenderly  of  these  absurdities.  He  says  the  Mull&  was  partial  to  religious  oontroYeiBy, 
and  rarely  missed  an  opportunity  of  indulging  his  propensity,  even  in  mixed  societies. 


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MRIKH-I  ALFr.  151 

came  from  the  Dekhin,  and  was  presented  at  Goart.  His  ances- 
tors, who  resided  in  Sind,  were  Fdrikls  of  the  Hanifah  sect,  and 
MulU  Ahmad  used,  in  consequence  of  his  apostacj,  to  shower 
anathemas  upon  those  unfortunate  persons.  *  *  *  In  the  time 
of  Sh&h  Tahm&sp  he  associated  in  'Ir&k  with  some  heretic 
frftnians,  but  he  even  exceeded  them,  notwithstanding  their 
notorious  heresy.  When  Sh&h  Ism'ail  II.  deserted  the  &ith 
of  his  &ther,  and  became  a  Sunni,  and  persecuted  the  heretic 
Shi'as,  MuIU  Ahmad  accompanied  Makhdum  SharkI  (an  un- 
compromising Sunni,  who  wrote  the  KUdhu^n  Nawdfiz)  on  a 
pilgrimage  to  Mecca.  Thence  he  proceeded  to  the  Dekhin,  and 
afterwards  to  Hindust&n,  and  finding  no  opposition  to  the  pro- 
secution of  his  designs,  he  began  to  teach  his  absurd  doctrines,^ 
and  invite  converts  to  the  Shi^a  persuasion ;  but  in  a  short  time 
he  met  the  penalty  of  his  evil  deeds.  He  had  as  yet  had  no 
interview  with  Shaikh  Fiuzi,  and  had  not  yet  assumed  that  air 
of  confidence,  with  which  his  intimacy  with  that  minister  in- 
spired him,  when  I  saw  him  one  day  in  the  bdzaty  where  some 
'^Ir&kis  took  the  opportunity  of  mentioning  my  name  to  him  in 
terms  of  praise.  Upon  this,  he  addressed  me,  and  said,  '  I  see 
the  mark  of  a  Shi^a  stamped  on  your  forehead.**  *Just  as 
much,'  I  replied,  ^  as  I  see  Sunni  stamped  upon  yours.'  The 
bystanders  laughed,  and  were  much  gratified  at  the  retort.  I 
shall,  please  God  !  notice  the  close  of  his  life  in  the  proper  place.*^ 
"  The  year  1000  of  the  Hijra  era,  which  is  in  general  use, 
being  now  completed,'  the  Emperor  Akbar  ordered  a  history  to 
be  written  of  all  the  Muhammadan  kings,  and  directed  that  such 
a  name  should  be  given  to  the  work  as  to  denote  the  year  of  its 
composition.  It  was  for  this  reason  that  the  work  was  entitled 
Atfi.    He  further  ordered  the  word  RihkU  (death)  to  be  sub- 

1  The  Ma-dnru'l  Vmard  does  not  giTO  bo  sorry  an  account  of  his  daim  to  be  a 
physician,  as  wiU  be  seen  below. 

'  This  is  said  in  the  paulo-post  fhtnre  sense,  because  the  order  for  the  composition 
of  the  Tdrikk-i  Alfi  is  recorded  as  one  of  the  events  of  990  h.,  and  we  find '  Abdn-l 
K&dir  going  to  Lahore  to  revise  it  in  1000  h.  The  translation  of  the  MaKdbhdrata 
was  also  ordered  in  990  h. 

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152  MAULANA  AHMAD. 

fitituted  for  Hijra  (flight)  in  the  diflFerent  dates,  and  employed 
seven  persons  to  undertake  the  compilation  from  the  date  of 
the  decease  of  the  Prophet  to  the  present  day,  and  to  mention 
therein  the  events  of  the  whole  world."" 

"  He  assigned  the  first  year  to  Nakib  Kh&n,  the  second  to 
Sh4h  Fath-ulla,  and  so  on  to  Hakim  Hum&m,  Hakim  'AH, 
H&JL  Ibr&him  Sirhindi  (who  had  just  then  arrived  from  Gujar&t), 
Mirz&  Niz&mu-d  din,  and  myself;  so  that  by  such  distribution 
thirty-five  years  were  finished  in  the  course  of  a  week.'^ 

"  Daring  the  period  that  I  was  compiling  the  events  of  the 
seventh  year,  and  was  engaged  on  the  life  of  Ehalif  'XJmar,  the 
model  of  purity  (may  God  be  propitious  to  him !),  I  had  just 
completed  an  account  of  the  foundation  of  Eu&,  and  the  destruc- 
tion of  Mad&-in,  from  the  ruins  of  which  the  new  city  was 
embellished,  and  the  marriage  of  Ammi  Eulsum,  the  daughter 
of  the  Amiru-1  muminin  'All  ^  (may  God  be  propitious  to  him  !), 
as  well  as  the  institution  of  five  stated  times  for  prayer,  the 
fall  of  the  city  of  Nasibin,  and  the  large  black  scorpions  which 
were  made  use  of  to  effect  its  capture,  when,  one  night,  Mirza 
J'afar  iCsaf  Kh&n  thought  proper  to  dispute  the  correctness  of 
these  facts.'  Notwithstanding  this.  Shaikh  Abu-1  Fazl  and 
Ghdzi  Eh&n  Badakhshi  confirmed  my  assertions.  Shortly  after- 
wards, when  I  was  asked  whence  I  got  this  information,  I  replied 
that  I  had  seen  it  in  books,  and  had  written  accordingly,  and 
that  it  was  not  my  own  invention.  Immediately  the  Rauzatu-l 
Ahbdb  and  other  historical  books  were  called  for  from  the  library, 
and  given  to  Nakib  Kh&n  to  verify  the  accuracy  of  the  state- 
ment, which,  by  €k>d's  grace,  being  found  correct,  I  was  relieved 
from  the  charge  of  invention.*' 

"  At  the  recommendation  of  Hakim  Abu-1  Fath,  the  compila- 

^  Sprenger  calls  her  the  fifth  child  of  MuhAmmad,  and  ipells  her  name  **  Omm 
Kolthum."  Muhammad  had  both  wife  and  daughter  of  the  name.  Bainaud. 
Blacaa,  toI.  ii.,  p.  128.  Univ.  Biti.,  7ol.  i,  p.  176.  Ockley,  p.  270.  Irring's 
SueceuoTi  of  Mahomet,  p.  133.  Weil,  toI.  i.,  144,  and  for  others,  see  Index  to  Weil, 
♦♦Umm  Kolthum." 

^  See  note  in  Appendix. 

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TARIKH-I  ALPr.  153 

tion  of  the  work  from  the  thirty-sixth  year  was  entmsted  solely 
to  Mulld  Ahmad  of  Thatta,  who,  however,  wrote  whatever 
coincided  with  his  sectarian  prejudices — a  fiEtct  which  is  well 
known.  The  compilation  of  two  volumes  was  finished  up  to  the 
time  of  Ghangiz  Eh&n,  when  Mirz&  Ful4d,  one  night,  pretend- 
ing that  the  King  had  sent  for  Mull&  Ahmad,  summoned  him 
from  his  house,  and  murdered  him  in  a  street  of  Lahore,  in 
revenge  for  some  injury  which  he  had  suflFered  at  his  hands,  as 
well  as  because  he  was  violently  opposed  to  him  in  matters  of 
religion.     For  this  act  he  was  sentenced  to  death.'' 

*'  The  remainder  of  the  work  was  written  by  JiasS  Eh&n,  up 
to  the  year  997  ^  h.  In  the  year  1000  h.*  I  was  ordered  to 
proceed  to  Lahore,  to  revise  the  composition,  to  compare  it 
with  other  histories,  and  to  arrange  the  dates  in  their  proper 
sequence.  I  compared  the  first  two  volumes  in  one  year,  and 
entrusted  the  third  to  XasS  KhAn."« 

In  another  part  of  his  History  (a.h.  1003),  'Abdu-1  E&dir 
again  speaks  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi  being  divided  into  three  books, 
two  composed  by  Mull&  Ahmad,  "  the  heretic,  may  he  meet  with 
his  deserts !"  and  the  third  by  ^saf  Kh4n  (J'a&r  Beg).*  Major 
C.  Stewart,  however,  in  his  Catalogue  of  Tipu  Sult&n's  Library, 

<  Not  haTing  seen  the  last  part  of  the  History,  I  am  not  able  to  aieertain  whether 
it  extendi  only  to  997  h.  The  Ma-dnru-l  Umard  uaes  the  oame  expretnon.  Bird's 
Gmerutf  p.  88,  says  it  was  completed  in  996  h.  The  Hyderabad  copy  goes  to  974  of 
the  Biklat,  and  a  copy  belonging  to  Wil&yat  Hnsain  goes  to  984  of  MihUU  or  994  h. 

*  In  another  portion  of  his  History  he  says,  that  he  presented  the  first  Tolnme  of 
the  edition,  which  had  been  reTised  by  him,  in  the  39th  year  of  the  reign,  correspond- 
ing widi  A.H.  1003,  in  which  labour,  his  friend,  Mnll&  Mnstafl^  a  fiunons  copyist  of 
Lahore,  had  been  associated  with  him.  He  was  then  asked  by  Akbar  to  reyise  the 
second,  as  it  was  fnll  of  the  religions  opinions  of  Mnll&  Ahmad,  bnt  he  excused  him- 
idf  from  doing  more  than  merely  revising  the  style,  without  altering  the  sense,  or 
eorreetiag  the  dates ;  in  order  that  his  enemies  might  not  say  he  had  been  introducing 
his  own  sentiments  instead  of  those  of  the  author,  and  substituting  one  set  of  pre- 
judiees  for  another.  As  the  IHrikk-i  Alfi  is  quoted  in  the  Tabakdi-i  Akbaf%  which 
is  brought  down  only  to  the  end  of  the  38th  year  of  the  reign,  corresponding  with 
1002  H.,  it  is  erident  it  must  have  been  ayailable  before '  Abdu4  K&dir  had  rerised  it 

>  Bespecting  him  see  Mirdi-i  Jahdn^umd,  p.  692,  and  Bagk-i  nCdni,  s.t.,  where  he 
is  said  to  have  written  the  annals  of  400  years.  See  also  Ikbdi-ndma  Jahangiri^  third 
volume,  Mirdt'i  *Jthm.    Sprenger's  Biil.,  p.  57. 

«  TaiaMt'^  8hdA  Jahdn,  f.  267,  286. 

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154  MAUUCNX  AHMAD. 

says  it  is  divided  into  five  books,  and  that  it  extends  firora  a.d. 
622  to  1592.  The  error  of  making  it  oommence  from  A.D.  622 
arises  from  his  supposing  that  its  dates  refer  to  the  Flight,  instead 
of  the  Death,  of  Muhammad  [making  a  difference  of  ten  years 
and  two  months].  This  alteration  of  a  universal  era,  and  the 
substitution  of  one  especially  for  this  work,  is  a  very  objection- 
able feature  of  the  TdrikA^i  Affi^  excellent  as  it  is  in  many  other 
respects. 

It  will  be  observed  that  'Abdu-1  K&dir  promised  to  relate 
further  particulars  of  Mull&  Ahmad  in  their  proper  place,  and 
he  fiilfils  that  promise  in  the  following  passage,  which  affords  as 
amusing  an  instance  of  odium  theologieum  as  is  to  be  met  with 
in  any  country. 

''During  this  month  (Safar,  996  a.h.)  Mirz&  Ful4d  Birl&s 
persuaded  the  heretic  Mull&  Ahmad,  who  was  always  openly 
reviling  the  first  Khali/s,  to  leave  his  own  house  at  midnight 
under  some  pretence,  and  then  assassinated  him.  The  chrono- 
grams of  which  event  are,  'Bravo!  Ful&d^s  stiletto!^  and 
'Hellish  hogP^  and  indeed  when  I  saw  that  dog  in  the  agonies 
of  death,  I  observed  his  countenance  to  be  exactly  like  that  of  a 
hog:  others  also  observed  the  same.  (May  God  protect  me 
from  such  a  dreadful  &te!)^  Mirz&  Ful&d,  was  bound  alive 
to  the  leg  of  an  elephant  in  the  city  of  Lahore,  and  thus  attained 
martyrdom. 

'^  When  Hakim  Abu-1  Fath  sent  some  one  to  inquire  of  him, 
whether  sectarian  prejudices  had  induced  him  to  kill  MulU 
Ahmad,  he  replied  that  had  that  been  the  reason,  he  would  have 
selected  a  more  noble  victim  than  the  MuIU.  The  Sakim 
reported  this  speech  to  the  King,  who  remarked  that  Mirz& 
Ful&d  was  an  implacable  villain,  and  ought  to  suffer  death. 
He  therefore  ordered  him  to  be  drawn,  while  yet  living,  by 
an  elephant,  although  he  was  very  nearly  obtaining  a  pardon 

1  Id.,  f.  225. 

'  A  Shi'a,  who  marked  the  rahrics  on  the  margin  of  the  copy  I  hare  nsed,  takes  a 
most  Bummary  reyenge,  hy  heading  this  passage  thus :  "  The  asBasrination  of  the 
blessed  Mq11&  Ahmad  by  the  ruthless  dagger  of  an  aocureed  son  of  a  pig." 

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TARTKH-I  ALFF.  155 

through  the  intereession  of  the  ladies  ^  of  the  royal  household. 
The  Mull&  expired  three  or  four  days  after  the  Mirz&. 

*^  It  is  said,  that  ivhen  the  Shi'as  were  bathing  the  Mall&  pre- 
vious to  burial,  they  fixed,  according  to  the  observances  of  their 
religion,  a  tent  peg  in  his  back,  and  dipped  him  several  times 
in  the  river,  and  that  when  he  was  buried,  Shaikh  Faizi  and 
Sluukh  ^Abu-1  Fazl  appointed  watchmen  to  guard  his  tomb ; 
notwithstanding  which,  when  the  Ooort  departed  for  Kashmir, 
the  people  of  Lahore  disinterred  his  vile  carcase,  and  burnt  it.*" 

The  author  of  the  Jfo-o^'ru-/  Umard  adds  a  few  particulars 
respecting  Mulli  Ahmad,  in  his  biography  of  Ful&d  Kh&n.  He 
says  that  the  accomplice  of  Mirza  Ful4d  personated  one  of  the 
loyal  meseengers,  and  summoned  the  Mull&  to  the  King's  pre- 
sence ;  that  when  the  Mull&  had  left  his  house,  he  was  attacked, 
and  had  «ne  of  his  hands  cut  off  by  a  sword ;  that  the  assassins, 
mistaking  it  for  his  head,  ran  oS^  satisfied  that  their  work  was 
accomplished;  that  he  fell  from  his  horse,  and  when  he  had 
recovered  a  little,  picked  up  his  own  hand,  and  went  to  the  house 
of  Hakim  Hasan  for  succour;  that  when  Fdl&d  Kh&n  was  seized, 
he  confessed  the  crime  before  Abu-1  Fazl,  Eh&n-kh&n&n,  and 
Asaf  Ek&n« 

He  says  also  that  Mulld  Ahmad  went  in  his  twenty-second 
year  to  Meshhed,  and  thence  to  Yezd  and  Shir&z,  where,  under 
the  instructions  of  the  physicians  Eam&lu-d  din  Husain  and  Muil& 
Mirz&  Jin,  he  entered  on  a  course  of  medical  study,  and  read  the 
KulydUi  Kdniin  of  Avicenna,  and  the  Sharfhi  TajHdy  with  all 
the  commentaries.  He  then  went  to  Eazwin,  where  he  had  an 
interview  with  Sh&h  Tahm&sp,  and  when  Shah  Ism'&il  the 
Second  was  converted  to  the  Sunni  doctrine,  he  went  to  ^Ir&k-i 
^Arab  and  Mecca,  and  after  mixing  with  several  celebrated 

1  The  Ma-dnru-l  Umard  says  <'  by  the  nobles  of  tbe  State."  The  determination 
to  cany  the  sentence  into  effect  shows  the  stern  jnstiee  of  the  Emperor.  The  Birlfrs 
tribe  bad  serred  his  for  eight  generations,  and  Mirz&  F61&d  had  himself  been  selected 
by  Akbar  to  accompany  an  embassy  to  'Abdu-Ua  Khka  Uzbek,  in  the  twenty-second 
year  of  the  reign*  Mod.  Unut,  HUL,  toL  iii.,  pp.  333,  340;  Shqjrat  ul  Atrak^ 
p.  61 ;  MatUu-^  Sa'dain,  p.  260 ;  HUL  Qmeah^.  d,  Tatars^  p.  152. 

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156  MAULANX  AHMAD. 

scholars  in  those  parts,  proceeded  to  the  Dekhin,  to  the  Court 
of  Kutb  Sh&h  of  Gt)Iconda,  and  in  the  twenty-seventh  year  of 
Akbar'^s  reign  came  to  Fathpur  Sikri,  where  he  received  orders 
to  compile  the  Tdrikh-i  Al/L 

He  used  to  read  out  his  composition  to  Akbar,  who  asked  him 
upon  one  occasion,  why  he  had  dwelt  so  long  upon  E^halifii 
'TJsm&n's  reign.  He  replied  openly,  says  the  Ma-dsiru-l  Umard^ 
before  all  the  Tdr&ni  nobles,  who  were  Sunnis,  that  that  period 
is  the  ^^HauzafU'S  Shuhadd  "  ^  of  the  Sunnis,  and  to  abridge  it 
would  give  offence. 

The  inconvenience  respecting  the  introduction  of  a  novel  era 
in  the  Tdrikh-i  Al/i  has  already  been  noticed.  Another  very 
serious  accusation  has  been  laid  against  this  work,  of  leaving 
out  several  important  events  during  the  period  it  embraces  ; 
and  the  omission  of  the  decisive  battle  of  Gadesiah  in  a.d.  636, 
which  preceded  the  final  subjugation  of  Persia,  has  been 
especially  commented  on  as  a  proof  of  carelessness.  But  a 
much  greater  objection  ta  be  made  to  the  Tdrikh^i  Alfi  m  the 
plan  of  the  work:  it  is  constructed  in  the  form  of  Annals, 
like  the  tedious  Historical  Library  of  Diodorus ;  and  thus  we 
are  compelled  to  turn  over  page  after  page  of  this  voluminous 
history,  before  we  can  trace  the  connexion  of  events  in  any 
particular  country  which  may  happen  to  be  the  subject  of  our 
investigation.  Nothing  but  an  excellent  Index  could  remedy 
such  a  defect.  There  is  confusion  also  sometimes  about  the 
dates.  And  protracted  affairs  are  grouped  under  one  year,  the 
exact  dates  of  their  various  phases  not  being  sufficiently  stated. 

The  compilers  appear  to  have  availed  themselves  of  all  the 

best  sources  of  information  open  to  them;    for  there  is  no 

historical  work,  Arabic  or  Persian,  of  any  celebrity  amongst 

modem  European  scholars,  which  they  do  not  quote;    often 

applying  a  very  judicious  criticism  in  selecting  the  most  trust- 

^  The  Bauxatu-t  Shuhaddy  "  the  garden  of  xnartTis/'  is  the  name  usually  given  to 
works  recounting  the  tragical  fate  of  the  sons  of  'AU.  The  author  eyidently  oon- 
siden  the  remark  of  the  MuU&  to  be  witty  and  seyere.  He  also  quotes  the  retcnt,  of 
which  'Abdu-1  Kfidir  boasts  abore,  at  p^  151. 

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TAErXH-I  ALFr.  157 

worthy  records,  and  rejecting  the  fabulous  legends  with  which 
so  many  of  them  abound.  The  authorities  quoted  on  Indian 
affiiirs  are  few^  but  more  may  be  mentioned  in  the  Preface, 
which  was  written  by  Abu-1  Fazl,  according  to  his  own  ac- 
knowledgment. 

The  work  is  not  often  quoted,  but  it  was  greatly  used  by 
Elaidar  E&zi. 

I  have  seen  no  notice  of  the  existence  of  this  work  in  European 
libraries.^  Parts  of  it  are  to  be  met  with  in  India,  but  not  one 
library,  which  I  know  of,  contains  a  perfect  copy.  It  is  a  work 
of  great  size.  The  portion  I  have  seen  was  a  folio  of  1646 
pages,  with  40  lines  to  a  page,  and  it  was  very  incomplete.  At 
Haidar&bad  there  is  a  copy  in  two  volumes,  which,  though  im- 
perfect, contains,  in  the  first  volume,  1336  pages  of  19  lines 
each,  and,  in  the  second,  2066  pages  of  31  lines  each.  One  of 
the  best  manuscripts  is  in  the  possession  of  the  JN^aw&b  of 
Murshid&b&d,  which  is  thus  described  : 

The  second  volume  consists  of  976  pages  of  20  lines,  and 
contains  the  events  from  the  year  127  to  500,  after  the  death 
of  Muhammad. 

The  third  volume  consists  of  640  pages  of  20  lines,  and 
contains  the  events  from  the  year  501  to  672. 

The  fourth  volume  consists  of  1092  pages  of  21  lines,  and 
contains  the  events  from  the  year  673  to  974. 

Two  more  volumes  therefore  are  required  to  make  this  work 
complete.  I  was  anxious  to  make  further  inquiries  about  the 
Naw&b's  copy,  but  the  librarian  seemed  indisposed  to  furnish  any 
more  information  respecting  it,  and  gave  evasive  answers  i  evincing 
thereby  a  suspicion,  which,  if  anywhere,  is  certainly  excusable  in 
the  neighbourhood  of  Calcutta,  where  commercial  profligacy  has 
brought  the  European  character  into  very  low  repute.^ 

^  [There  are  sereral  Tolumes  of  the  work  in  the  Library  of  the  East  India  Office.] 
*  It  wiU  be  observed  at  p.  154  that  the  author,  Mull&  Ahmad,  was  inveigled  out 
€i  his  house  by  a  man  who  personated  one  of  the  royal  messengers.    This  official  is 
called  in  the  original  by  the  Turkish  word  Chdits,  which  was,  and  is,  except  meta- 
phorically, rarely  used  in  India.     Chdiu^  or  Chdwuih,  signifies  a  lictor,  a  king's 

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158  MATJUCSK  AHMAD. 

[The  Extracts  which  follow  afford  ample  means  of  judging  of 
the  character  of  the  work.  The  earliest  of  them,  preceding  the 
reign  of  Akbar,  appeared  with  some  others  in  Sir  H.  EUiot's 
original  pubh'cation,  and  they  record  events  which  have  been 
passed  oyer  without  notice  by  the  historians  quoted  in  the  earlier 
volumes  of  the  present  work.  The  passages  relating  to  the  reign 
of  Akbar  have  been  selected  and  translated  by  the  Editor  as  in- 
teresting in  themselves,  and  as  affording  the  means  for  comparing 
the  TdHkhri  Al/i  with  the  Tabakdt-i  Akhari.  The  twa  works  are 
generally  very  much  in  accord,  bat  their  language  and  style 
are  different.  Still  the  resemblance  of  the  two  works  is  such 
as  to  induce  a  belief  that  one  author  had  access  to  the  work  of 

Sergeant,  an  Officer  of  the  Court.  His  proceedings  upon  this  occasion  confirm  the 
had  reputation  of  a  class,  from  which,  only  a  few  years  afterwards,  we  were  enabled 
to  coin  oar  expressive  word  ehoute.  In  a.d.  1609,  a  Chdiit  from  the  Grand  Signim' 
committed  a  gross  fraud  upon  the  Turkish  and  Persian  merchants  resident  in  England, 
hy  cheating  them  out  of  4000/.  (Oifford's  Ben  Jonton,  It.  27).  Hence,  from  the 
notoriety  of  the  circumstance,  came  the  expression  to  ekou$e^  just  as  in  the  preseiit 
century  we  have  got  to  Inirke,  and  some  other  very  significant  terms. 

The  authors  of  the  period  caught  gladly  at  the  expression,  and  familiarized  it  to 
after  ages  by  making  frequent  use  of  it.    Richardson  gives  the  following  instanoes : — 

Gul  or  Mogul, 
Tag  rag,  or  other  hogen-mogen,  yarden, 
Ship-jacks,  or  chouses. 

Ford,  Zady*s  Trial,  iL  2. 

Dap.  What  do  you  think  of  me,  that  I  am  a  Chiaus  ? 
Face.  Whar'sthatP 

Lap.  The  Turk  was  here.    As  one  would  say,  do  you  think  I  am  a  Turk  ? 
Face.  Come,  noble  doctor,  pray  thee,  let's  prevail ;  this  is  the  gentleman,  and  he  is 
no  Chiaus. 

Ben  Jonson,  Alchemist,  i.  1. 

He  stole  your  cloak  and  piek*d  your  pocket, 
Chous*d  and  caldes'd  ye  like  a  blockhead. 

Butler,  Hudibras,  ii;  8. 

It  is  obvious  to  remark,  that  if,  in  the  age  of  our  forefathers,  cheating  to  the 
extent  of  only  4000/.  was  sufficient  to  consign  a  whole  class  to  an  immortality  of 
infamy,  how  many  more  expressive  words,  dissyllables  as  well  as  monosyllables,  might 
not  the  transactions  of  1847-48  encourage  us  to  add  to  our  vocabulary,  since  even 
40,000/.  is  not  sufficient  to  satiate  the  voracity  of  a  Calcutta  CAo'^.—See  Chnrehill 
(chap.  viii.  p.  248),  where  Captain  Robert  Coverte  (1609)  says,  "  The  governor  pat 
him  in  a  house  with  a  chouse  or  keeper."  See  also  Marsden's  Marco  Polo,  p.  348 
Mod.  Univ.  Hi»t.,  vol.  x.,  p.  202;  Gibbon,  chap.  Ivii.,  note  49;  Cantemir's  <7«A. 
Smp.,  p.  17 ;  [Trench's  English  Fast  and  Fresent,  p.  62.] 


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TAETKH-I  ALFr.  159 

the  other,  or  that  both  works  were  based  upon  the  same  original 
materials.  The  MSS.  used  bj  the  Editor  have  been  a  small 
one  prepared  for  Sir  H.  Elliot,  containing  only  the  passages 
lelaiing  to  India ;  and  a  fine  large  one  belonging  to  the  Library 
of  the  East  India  Office,  written  in  a  variety  of  hands.  This 
commences  with  the  year  485  h.,  and  is  not  quite  complete  at 
the  end.  XJnfortanately  the  mbrics  of  the  dates  hare  been 
filled  in  only  in  the  earlier  part  of  the  volume.] 

EXTRACrS. 

Anno  68  after  the  death  of  Muhammad  (Hijra  78  =  697  A.n.).^ 

When  '^Abdn-Ua,  the  son  of  Abubakr,  arrived  at  Nimroz, 
Hajjaj  sent  a  message,  requesting  him  not  to  linger  in  Sijist&n, 
but  to  march  without  delay  towards  K&bul,  as  signs  of  rebellion 
and  disaffection  had  exhibited  themselves  in  the  chief,  Baibal.' 
He  had  formerly  entered  into  a  treaty  with  the  Muhammadans, 
and  agreed  to  pay  a  tribute  annually  into  the  treasury,  and  as 
long  as  he  found  the  Muhammadans  powerful,  he  paid  the 
tribute,  but  whenever  they  were  engaged  in  other  affairs,  or 
exhibited  weakness,  he  withheld  it.  'Abdu-lla,  in  obedience  to 
the  commands  of  Hajj&j,  turned  towards  Kabul  with  the  armies 
of  £u&  and  Basra,  and  as  fast  as  the  Muhammadans  advanced, 
Baibal  retreated  towards  Hindust&n.  D&dah  Sharaih,  one  of 
the  officers  of  'Abdu-Ua,  pursued  Bdibal  seventeen  parasangs. 
At  this  time,  the  ruler  of  K&bul  sent  persons  to  some  of  the 
nobles  and  well-wishers  of  the  State,  desiring  them  to  secure 
those  roads,  by  which  the  Muhammadans  had  entered  the 
country,  in  such  a  manner  that  they  should  neither  obtain  any 
supplies,  nor  have  the  opportunity  of  retracing  their  steps. 
The  consequence  was,  that  after  a  few  days  such  a  famine  broke 
out  in  the   Muhammadan  camp,  that  every  one  despaired  of 

^  [Mahammad  died  on  the  12th  Rabi'u-1  awwal,  in  the  eleventh  year  of  the  Hijra, 
A.i>.  632,  or  according  to  some  writers,  ten  days  earlier.  The  era  of  the  Rihlat  or 
death  is,  therefore,  ten  years  two  months,  and  a  few  days  in  arrear  of  the  Hijra.  So 
an  equation  of  ten  years  will  generally  bring  the  two  into  agreement.] 

»  See  VoL  II.,  p.  416. 


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160  MAULANA  AHMAD. 

life.  XJpon  this,  'Abdu-Ua  said  to  Sharaih  Hani,  "  It  is  advis- 
able for  us  to  treat  with  the  infidels,  and  to  offer  them  70,000  ^ 
dirhaim  to  remove  from  our  way,  so  that  we  may  betake  ourselves 
to  a  place  of  security."'*  Sharaih  replied,  "  Whatever  amount 
you  offer  to  the  infidels,  the  diwdn  will  place  to  your  individual 
account."  ^Abdu-lla  rejoined,  ''Such  a  demand  even  would  be 
preferable  to  the  alternative  of  starvation  in  these  dreadfiil 
places.**'  Sharaih  said,  "  My  age  exceeds  a  hundred  years,  and 
I  never  expected  to  arrive  at  this  period  of  existence.  It  has 
long  been  my  prayer  before  the  throne  of  Gh)d  that  I  might 
suffer  martyrdom,  and  the  time  for  its  accomplishment  has  now 
arrived.'*'  Saying  this,  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  exclaimed, 
"  0  Musulm&ns,  ye  who  have  a  desire  to  be  martyrs,  follow  me  !  *' 
Upon  which,  a  few  men  came  forward,  and  joined  him,  and  with 
boldness  rushing  to  the  battle-field,  they  charged  the  infidels, 
and  kept  on  fighting  till  they  were  slain. 

'Abdu-Ua,  after  paying  70,000  dirhama  to  the  enemy,  returned 
with  his  followers.  When  they  arrived  at  the  Muhammadan 
firontier,  food  was  served  out  to  them ;  and  so  iamished  were 
they,  that  those  who  satisfied  their  appetite  died  immediately. 
When  this  was  known,  they  appeased  their  hunger  more  mode- 
rately, and  were  thus  by  degrees  restored  to  their  former  strength.' 

Anno  426  after  the  death  of  Muhammad^  (436  h.=1044  a.d.). 

One  of  the  events  of  this  year  was,  that  three  of  the  principal 

K&j&s  of  Hind,  having  formed  a  confederacy,  with  an  intent  to 

deliver  Lahore  from  the  Muhammadans  who  had  risen  up  in 

rebellion  against  Maudud,  son  of  Mas'ud,  laid  siege  to  the  city. 

Upon  seeing  this,  the  commander  of  the  Muhammadan  forces  in 

Lahore  again  made  submission  to  Maudud,  and  collected  together 

the  entire  Muhammad  m  force.    When  the  B&j&s  learnt  that  the 

Muhammadans  had  again  submitted  to  Maudud,  son  of  Mas'ud, 

^  In  another  passage  this  is  700,000  in  the  original. 

'  See  Niebuhr,  toI.  iii.,  p.  211 ;  Price,  vol  i.,  p.  263 ;  Weil,  toI.  i.,  p.  449. 

»  [See  Vol.  IV.,  p.  201.] 

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TAKrKH-I  ALFr.  161 

two  of  them,  in  dread  of  him,  withdrew  to  their  country,  but  the 
third,  whose  name  was  Deop&l  Hamama,  delayed  his  retreat  a 
little,  in  order  to  try  his  strength  with  the  Muhammadans.  The 
latter,  when  satisfied  of  their  superiority,  made  a  sally,  com- 
pelled the  Hiji  to  fly  before  them,  and  killed  many  infidels  in 
the  pursuit.  The  B&j&  retired  within  a  stronghold,  which  the 
Muhammadans  invested  and  pressed  vigorously.  The  fort  was 
a  small  one,  and  the  troops  which  accompanied  the  B&j&  to 
that  place  amounted  to  5000  horsemen  and  70,000  foot  soldiers. 
The  infidels  found  themselves  on  the  verge  of  destruction,  and 
sent  deputies  to  the  Muhammadans  begging  for  quarter;  but 
the  Muhammadans  would  not  consent,  unless  the  infidels  sur- 
rendered every  one  of  their  fortresses.  At  length,  when  the 
infidels  had  no  other  alternative  than  to  yield,  they  accepted 
the  conditions,  and  saved  their  lives.  The  property  and 
treasure  of  all  their  forts  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Muham- 
madans, together  with  5000  Muhammadans  who  were  im- 
prisoned in  them.  These,  having  been  set  free,  joined  the 
victorious  army. 

When  the  Muhammadan  army  had  settled  affairs  with  B&j& 
Deopfl  Ham&ma,  who  was  superior  to  all  the  kings  of  Hind  in 
power  and  grandeur,  they  directed  their  attention  to  another 
!R&j&,  named  M&b  B&lri,  who,  when  he  received  the  intelligence 
thereof,  set  his  troops  in  order,  and  advanced  with  a  determina- 
tion to  fight  with  the  Muhammadans.  Upon  the  meeting  of  the 
two  armies,  the  fire  of  battle  was  kindled ;  and  notwithstanding 
the  inferiority  of  the  Muhammadan  forces,  which  did  not  amount 
to  one-tenth  of  those  opposed  to  them,  by  the  help  of  Providence 
their  victorious  banners  prevailed.  The  BAjk  was  sent  to  perdi- 
tion, and  5000  of  his  army  fell  on  the  field  of  battle.  The 
Muhammadans  took  considerable  booty  and  many  prisoners. 
When  the  chiefs  of  Hind  were  informed  of  these  circumstances, 
they  gave  in  their  submission,  and  by  assenting  to  pay  tribute, 
kept  themselves  free  from  the  destructive  swords  of  the  Mu- 
hammadans. 

TOL.  T.  11 

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162  MAULANA  AHMAB. 

Anno  471  qfler  the  death  o/Muhammmi^  (481  H.r=:1088  a.d.). 

When  Ibr&hfm,  son  of  Mas'ud,  was  satisfied  that  there  was 
no  apprehension  of  any  opposition  from  the  SaljukianSi  he 
despatched  an  army  towards  Hindust&n»  and  conqaered  seyeral 
places  that  had  not  been  captured  by  hia  predecessors,  notwith- 
standing their  power.  One  of  the  places  which  submitted  to 
the  conqueror  was  the  fort  of  Jud,'  which  surpassed  all  others 
in  strength  and  extent.  It  was  situated  120  parasange  distant 
from  Lahore,  and  at  the  time  when  Ibr&hfm  commenced  opera- 
tions against  the  fort,  there  was  a  garrison  in  it  of  10,000  men, 
who  fought  long  and  yaliantly  against  the  invader.  Finding 
Ibr&hlm's  efforts  and  resources  to  capture  the  fort  very  great, 
the  garrison  became  dispirited ;  and  although  they  had  sufficient 
supplies  and  plenty  of  water,  they  nevertheless  surrendered, 
on  condition  that  their  lives  should  be  spared.  After  capturing 
this  fort,  Ibr&him  directed  his  attention  towards  another,  called 
Dam&l,'  which  was  situated  on  the  summit  of  a  high  hill  on  the 
borders  of  Hindtist&n  ;  on  one  side  of  this  fort  there  was  a  large 
river,  reported  to  be  impassable ;  and  on  the  other,  a  large  thorny 
jungle,  into  which  nothing  but  the  rays  of  the  sun  could  pene- 
trate. The  jungle  was,  moreover,  infested  with  venomous  serpents 
and  flies,  and  abounded  with  elephants  of  enormous  size.  It 
was  inhabited  by  a  race  of  Hindds  of  gigantic  form,  and  it  was 
the  most  celebrated  of  all  the  places  in  Hindtist&n.  At  the  foot 
of  the  hill  there  was  no  level  ground  suited  for  his  operations. 
Ibr&him,  nevertheless,  with  his  usual  courage,  made  an  attempt 
to  take  the  fort,  and  through  the  aid  of  G^od,  soon  captured  it. 
He  took  possession  of  an  immense  quantity  of  property  and 
jewels,  the  like  of  which  had  never  been  seea. 

1  [The  oonquests  recorded  in  tiu0  Extract  are  not  mentioned  ather  in  the  TabakH^i 
Ndtirl  or  the  Eabibu^  Siyar,  hiut  they  are  related  hy  Firiehta,  who  placee  them  in 
the  year  472  (1079  a.d.).]  *  [Firishta  says  it  waa  «*  Ajodhan/'J 

s  [Called  hy  Firishta  "  Rdp&l "  or  <'  Rddpfil/'}  ProhaUy  the  place  sahsaqoeniiy 
called  Ntirpdr,  which  hae  a  fort  huilt  of  stonee  and  mud  on  an  eminence  about  200 
feet  highf  at  the  hase  of  which  flows  a  small  riyer,  a  feeder  of  the  B&tI,  which  it 
joins  about  thirty  miles  lower  down.— Thornton's  Oautteer,  vol.  ii.,  p.  8S. 

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UCBTKH-I  UJT.  163 

Ibrilif m  next  oiaEebed  towards  Denipdr^  in  HinddfltiD, »  place 
whieh  many  great  emperors  had  finmd  it  impracticable  to  con- 
quer. Seyeol  tmatwortkj  kictories  state  that  this  place  was 
iafaabited  hf  the  descendants  of  tiie  people  of  Khnr&s&n,  wliO) 
frr  their  disloTal  and  robeliions  conduct,  had  been  long  before 
banished  the  country  by  Afir&siab,  Emperor  ct  Tdr&a.  Thie 
place  was  densefy  popolaited,  and  was  of  considerable  stMigfth. 
There  was  a  krge  resecroir  of  water  in  it,  the  diameter  of  which 
was  half  ^patmang;  and  though  both  men  and  beasts  used  to 
drink  of  the  water  throi^hout  the  year,  yet  bo  decMase  was 
perceptible.  Daring  tiie  time  the  people  alladed  t#  dwelt  in  this 
place,  the  rders  of  Hindust&n  nerer  dared  to  attack  it^  from  a 
conviction  of  its  impregnable  strength.  •  When  Salt&n  Ibr&him 
heard  the  accoant  of  this  country,  he  resolved  to  conquer  it,  and 
marched  against  it  with  a  large  army.  The  inhabitants  heard 
<ii  hie  approadiy  and  made  ready  to  oppose  him.  A  fierce 
struggle  ensued,  but  Ibrihim  at  length  gained  the  victory,  and 
slew  many  of  ihemu  Those  who  escaped  fled  to  the  jungles^ 
Neasly  100^000  of  tkeir  women  and  diildren  were  taken  prisoners, 
and  an  incalculable  amount  of  booty  was  secured. 

Anno  692  after  the  Oeath  of  Muhammad^  (602  h.=1205  a.d.). 

It  ia  mentioned  in  authentic  histories  that  when  Shah&bu'd 
din  was  defeated  by  the  Turks  of  Khit&,  on  his  return  from 
Ehw&rizm,  it  was  currently  reported  throughout  the  kingdom, 
that  Shah&bu-d  din  had  been  missed  in  the  field  of  battle,  and 
there  was  no  certainty  whether  he  had  perished  or  escaped. 
Consequently,  enemies  rose  up  on  all  sides,  and  every  one 
encroached  upon  his  territories.  Among  other  enemies,  one 
named  Bii  S&I,  who  lived  in  the  mountains  between  Lahore 
and  K&bul,  having  united  with  a  number  of  Kokars,  who  dwelt 
in  those  parts  and  paid  tribute  to  the  treasury  of  Shah&bu-d 
din,    excited   a  rebellion,  began    to   jJunder   that   tracts  and 

^  [See  Firishta,  Briggs,  toL  I,  p.  182.] 

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164  UAVUCSA  AHMAD. 

intercepted  the  oommunications  between  Lahore  and  Ghazni,  so 
that  no  one  could  pass  from  one  to  the  other. 

Fpon  the  return  of  Shahabu-d  din  to  Ghazni  m  safety 
from  his  campaign,  he  was  informed  of  these  transactions,  and 
consequently  resolved  to  proceed  to  Hinddst&n,  and  punish 
the  rebellious  apirits  of  that  country.  For  this  purpose,  he 
sent  an  order  to  Amir  Muhammad,  son  of  AM  "^Ali,  whom 
he  had  appointed  Governor  of  Lahore  and  Mult&n,  desiring 
them  to  despatch  the  tribute  of  the  year  601  h.  as  soon  as  pos- 
sible, as  it  was  necessary  to  make  preparations  for  an  expedition 
to  Khit4.  Muhammad,  son  of  ^Ali,  wrote  in  answer,  that  the 
tribute  of  the  year  had  been  collected  and  was  ready,  but  that 
the  Kokars  and  B&i  S&t,^  who  were  in  possession  of  the  hills 
of  Jddi,  had  stopped  the  communication  between  Lahore  and 
Ghazni  in  such  a  manner  that  nobody  could  travel  on  the  road. 
When  this  account  reached  the  ears  of  Shah&bu-d  din,  he  wrote 
to  Eutbu-d  din,  his  slave,  who  was  the  commander  of  the  army 
of  Hind,  desiring  him  to  send  some  person  to  the  Eokars  to 
dissuade  them  from  persisting  in  such  evil  courses,  and  to  inform 
them,  that  if  they  repented  of  their  disobedience  and  came  again 
under  allegiance,  he  would  pardon  their  past  offences. 

When  Kutbu-d  din  Aibak,  according  to  the  order  of  Shah&bu-d 
din  sent  a  person  to  the  Eokars,  desiring  them  to  submit  them- 
selves and  to  be  obedient  to  the  Sult&n,  the  son  of  Eokar^ 
replied,  that  Eutbu-d  din  had  nothing  to  do  with  the  matter, 
that  Sult&n  Shah&bu-d  din  should  have  sent  a  special  messenger 
of  his  own,  and  fiirther,  that  if  he  were  really  alive,  he  should 
have  sent  direct  for  the  tribute,  when  the  Eokars  would  have 
despatched  it  to  him.  The  ambassador  replied,  '^  You  are  not 
of  sufficient  consequence  for  Sult&n  Shah&bu-d  din  to  send  any 
messenger  to  you ;  it  is  a  great  honour  to  you  that  he  has  sent 
even  me,  who  am  his  slave's  slave.**  The  son  of  Eokar  replied, 
*'  This  is  a  mere  story,  Shah&bu-d  din  is  no  longer  alive.'"  The 
ambassador  rejoined,  *^It  may  easily  be  ascertained  by  your 

^  [u0,  the  chief  of  the  Eokara.]  >  Tod,  voL  ii.  p.  25. 

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n 


TABrKH-I  ALPr*  165 

sending  any  one  of  jrottr  confidential  serrants  who  can  go  to 
Ghazni,  and  see  with  his  own  eyes  whether  Shah&bn-d  din  be 
alive  or  not."  In  short,  the  son  of  Kokar  being  determined  not 
to  listen  to  the  ambassador,  remained  firm  in  his  rebellious  dis- 
position. When  the  ambassador  of  Kutbn-d  dm  returned,  and 
gave  an  accomit  of  what  he  had  seen  and  heard,  Eutbu^d  dm 
oommimicated  the  circumstances  to  Sult&n  Shah&bu-d  din,  who 
ordered  him  ta  collect  the  several  armies  of  Hindiist£n,  to  pro* 
eeed  against  the  Sokars,  and  to  utterly  exterminate  the  rebel 
tribe.  Wh^i  this  mandate  reached  Eutbu-d  din,  be  was  engaged 
in  preparing  his  forces,  and  was  about  to  march  against  that 
nation.  In  the  mean  time,  Shah&bu-d  din  deferred  his  expedi- 
tion to  Ehit&,  and  caused  his  army  to  return.  Gomplainlis  of 
the  violence  and  oppression  of  the  Eokars  were  frequently  coming 
in,  accompanied  with  such  accounts  of  their  great  and  increasing 
power,  that  he  considered  it  his  duty  to  repulse  these  people  and 
punish  them  severely,  before  marching  his  forces  to  any  other 
quarter.  For  this  reason  Shah&bu-d  dfn  gave  up  the  idea  ot 
proceeding  to  Ehit&,  and  encamped  in  the  neighbourhood  of 
Ghaznf. 

On  the  5th  of  Babf-ul  awwal  of  the  same  year,  Sult&n 
Shah£bu-d  din  set  forth  firom  Ghazni  towards  Hindust&n. 
After  some  days  he  arrived  at  Persh&war,  and  learned  that 
the  Eokars  had  taken  up  a  position  between  Jilam  and  Sodra,^ 
with  a  large  army.  Having  marched  from  Pershdwar  on 
Thursday  the  25th  of  the  said  month,  he  attacked  them 
unawares,  and  the  battle  lasted  from  morning  till  the  time  of 
afternoon  prayer.  The  Eokars  fought  so  valiantly,  that  the 
Sult&n,  with  all  his  kingly  power  and  glory,  was  very  near 
being  compelled  to  retreat;  but  Eutbu-d  din  Aibak  arrived 
unexpectedly  with  the  army  of  Hindustdn,  and  began  to  make 
havoc  among  the  Eokars.     His  forces  were^  fresh  and  vigorous, 

^  Sodia  abore  Wiueerlibfid.  Jilam  therefore  u  the  town  and  not  the  riyer,  and 
the  scene  oonld  not  hare  been  far  from  onr  glorions  field  of  Goojerat. — See  Ind. 
AlUrihmuhmd$j  toI.  i.,  p.  799. 

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166  lUULICirA  ASKAS). 

mi  the  Kokars,  beis^  unable  to  wUheiwd  them,  took  to  ii^kL 
The  MmhapnwMidaiifl  pwraainf;*  dealt  slaughter  among  them  ia 
a  maimer  vhich  4€fie8  all  description.  Those  who  escaped  the 
sword  fled  to  the  forest.  The  Mnhammadans  set  fire  to  their 
retreat  on  all  sides,  aod  the  iofidels,  resoMng  to  perish  in  the 
flames  rather  than  smrendw  to  the  Mohammadans,  threw  them- 
selves into  the  fire.  In  this  manner  all  who  had  taken  refbge 
in  the  woods  perifilied.  When  the  mind  of  the  SaU&n  was 
relieved  from  the  anxiety  of  this  outbreak,  he  marched  towards 
Lahore,  and  gave  lea^e  to  his  soldiers  to  return  to  their  homes, 
ordering  them  to  maFch  to  Ehitd  after  a  few  days'  repose.^ 

Anno  698  after  the  death  of  Muhammad^  (708  h.=1308  a.d.) 

In  this  year  Sultin  'AlAu-d  din.  King  of  Hindust&n,  pro- 
ceeded to  Siw&na'  on  a  bunting  expedition,  when  the  chief  of 
that  place  took  to  his  fort  and  offered  -opposition.  The  fort  was 
soon  captnred,  and  this  was  the  first  occasion  that  it  had  been 
taken.  S&mal  Deo^^  the  chief  {Mukaddam)^  perished,  with  several 
thousands  of  Hindiis.  In  the  same  year,  the  fort  of  £&lwar 
came  into  the  possession  of  'Al&u-d  din's  officers.    The  detail 

1  This  tribe  ii  rarioiuly  denommated  by  Muhamrnadan  anthon,  Ktfkar,  Kokar, 
Oakkar,  Ohikar,  Ghakar.  The  last  appears  to  be  the  most  eonreet.  ShoHilj  after 
this  expedition  they  were  oonverted  to  Isl&m,  their  chieftain  having  obtained  his 
release  from  captivity  by  becoming  a  proselyte,  and  promising  to  nse  his  endeayoun 
to  eoDTert  his  tnbe.  They  often  iqipear  solMeqnently  upon  the  stage  ol  Indian 
hiitory,  and  rarely  .^at  as  tavbnlent  and  rapadoos  maranders.  Their  descendants 
have  somewhat  receded  from  their  old  hannts,  and  now  occupy  the  oonntry  to  the 
aonth  and  east  of  the  npper  oonrse  of  the  Behat  They  eall  themselTes  desoeodnts 
of  the  Kajftnians,  but  polyandry  and  some  other  of  their  customs  wonld  seem  to 
indicate  a  Tartar  origin.  Elphinstone  in  his  Cabnl,  page  78,  says  that  on  the  spot 
they  caQ  themselTes  Gakkh6r ;  Ehokars  are  quite  different  But  it  is  evident  that 
in  thii  passage,  as  in  others,  the  Kokaxs  are  meant  for  the  Ghakan.  In  one  of 
Khtisr6's  poems  they  are  called  Khokars,  where  nothing  but  Ghakars  can  be  meant 
Khto6*B  KhauUn. 

^  [Zi&u^  din  Ban!  does  not  reeoid  the  matters  described  in  this  £xtraci»  bnt  see 
Firishta,  Briggs,  voL  i.,  p.  870.] 

*  Tod  (voL  ii.,  p.  298)  places  this  Siw&na  in  Mewar,  not  in  Hozriaoa.  It  is 
described  in  the  London  Olograph.  Journal,  vol.  iv.,  p.  129. 

*  ["SltalDeo,*'Firishte.] 


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of  ibe  came  is  this :  Eithar  Deo,  goTomor  of  the  fbit  of  K41war,^ 
had  apon  one  oocsasion  gone  to  the  Siilt4n  to  pay  his  reqpecis, 
when  the  Sultin  boasted  that  there  iras  no  tamhMr  at  that 
time  in  Hind4Bt&n  who  had  power  to  withstand  his  tioope. 
Upon  this,  E&thar  Deo^  with  exceeding  folly,  replied,  that  he 
would  die  rather  than  stibmit  tacitly  to  sudi  an  assamption» 
The  Sult&n  being  enraged  at  this,  dismissed  him,  and  he  re* 
tamed  to  his  own  coontiy.  The  Sultin  then  sent  a  female 
slave,  named  Gnl  Bihishty  against  him*  €hil  Bihisht  had  a  son 
called  Malik  Sh&hia,  who  accompanied  her  on  the  expedition, 
and  they  besieged  K&thar  Deo.  Just  as  the  garrison  were 
beginning  to  despair,  Gul  Bihisht  happened  to  die,  and  K&thar 
Deo,  sallying  from  the  fort,  attacked  Malik  Sh&hin  and  killed 
him.  Upon  the  death  of  both  the  son  and  mother,  the  command 
of  the  army  devolved  on  Kam&lu-d  din,  who  took  the  fort,  and 
put  K&thar  Deo  to  death. 

Cficatior. 

[The  campaign  against  Gwalior  was  one  of  the  events  of  this 
year  (the  third  of  the  reign).  The  fort  of  G waller  is  one  of 
the  most  renowned  in  Hinddst&n,'  and  Salim  Kh&n  Afgh&n 
(Isl&m  Sb&h)  made  it  his  residence.  Up  to  the  present  time  it 
remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Afgh&ns,  and  ^Adali  had  placed 
Snhail,*  one  of  Salim's  slaves,  in  command  of  it.  At  this  time, 
when  His  Majesty  took  up  his  residence  at  Agra,  he  gave  the 
parganas  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Gwalior  as  a  jdgir  to  Kiy& 
Kh&n.  After  a  while,  the  Elh&n  collected  an  army  and  invested 
GKralior,  but  the  place  was  so  strong  that  he  could  make  no 
impression  upon  it.  Suhail  was  a  man  of  experience,  and  he 
saw  veiy  clearly  that  it  would  be  impossible  to  hold  the  fort 
against  the  growing  power  of  his  Imperial  neighbour.  So  he 
sent  a  messenger  to  B>&m  Sh&h,  who  belonged  to  the  family  of 

>  ["Nahr  Deo,  B&j&  of  Jalwar/'  Firishta.] 

>  [The  MS.  calb  him  *<BabhaI,'*  hut  the  other  anthotitifif  have  the  more  likely 
«»8uhML"] 


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168  MAULiCNA  AHMAD. 

B&jd  M&n  Singh,  the  old  ruler  of  Gwalior,  offering  to  surrender 
to  him  the  fort,  the  ancient  seat  of  his  ancestors,  on  receipt  of 
a  suitable  payment.  Suhail  at  the  same  time  acknowledged  that 
he  was  unable  to  cope  with  the  Imperial  forces.  B&m  Sh&h, 
who  had  been  watching  for  such  a  chance,  took  with  him  the 
money  that  he  had,  and  went  to  Gwalior.  Kiy&  Eh&n,  the 
jdgirdar,  attacked  him,  and  a  battle  was  fought,  in  which  many 
on  both  sides  were  killed.  B&m  Sh&h  was  defeated,  and  escaped 
with  difficulty,  and  went  to  the  Bind  of  (XJdipur)].^ 

Mdlwa. 

[In  this  year  the  Emperor  sent  Bah&dur  Eh&n,  brother  of 
£h&n-zam&n,  to  effect  the  conquest  of  M&lwa,  which  was  in  the 
possession  of  B&z  Bah&dur  Afgh&n.  Sult&n  Bah&dur  Gnjar&ti  had 
wrested  this  country  out  of  the  hands  of  the  Khilji  monarchs, 
and  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  took  this  country  from  Gujar&t. 
When,  by  the  will  of  fate,  Hinddst&n  passed  into  the  hands  of 
the  Afghans,  M&lwa  also  came  into  their  possession,  for  the 
Gujaratis  were  unable  to  hold  it.  Shuj&wal  Kh&n,^  one  of  the 
khassa-khail  of  Sher  Kh&n  (Sher  Sh&h),  was  appointed  governor 
of  the  province.  After  the  death  of  Sher  Kh&n,  Shujawal  Khan 
went  to  visit  Salim  Kh&n  (Isl&m  Sh&h),  and  dissensions  having 
arisen  between  them,  he  fled  to  M&lwa.  Salim  Kh&n  marched 
to  M&Iwa  against  him,  and  Shuj&wal  Kh&n,  being  unable  to 
resist,  fled  to  the  mountains  of  Dhungarpdr.  Finally,  after 
vows  and  compacts  were  made,  he  joined  Salim  Kh&n,  who  took 
him  to  Hindus t&n,  and  divided  M&lwa  among  other  amirs.  In 
the  reign  of  'Adali,  Shuj&wal  Kh&n  recovered  M&lwa,  and  there 
died.  He  was  succeeded  by  his  son  B&z  Bah&dur,  and  when 
the  Afgh&ns  were  scattered  over  Hinddst&n  by  the  conquering 
Ghaghat&is,  B&z  Bah&dur  established  himself  as  permanent 
ruler  of  M&lwa.     When  Bah&dur  Kh&n  marched  against  him, 

1  [Surrender  of  the  fort  to  Akbar.—Soe  TdbahdUi  Akbari,'\ 
»  [More  correctly  "  Shuj&'at  Kh&n."] 

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TARIKH-I  ALFr.  169 

the  affiiirs  of  Bairam  Eh&n-kh&i&n  came  to  a  crisis,  and  the 
campaign  in  M&lwa  was  stayed.] 

Conquest  of  Oarha  (Year  958  Rihlat ;  968  h.=1560  a.d.).^ 

[Khw&ja  'Abdu*l  Majid,  who  had  received  the  title  of  Asaf 
£h&n»  was  appointed  governor  of  Karra,  and  in  that  province  he 
rendered  good  service.  One  of  his  services  was  the  conquest  of 
Crarha,  a  territory  abounding  in  hills  and  jungles,  which  had 
never  been  conquered  by  any  ruler  of  Hind  since  the  rise  of 
the  faith  of  Isl&m.  At  this  time  it  was  governed  by  a  woman 
called  Rdni^  and  all  the  dogs  of  that  country  were  very  faithful 
and  devoted  to  her.  Kaa£  Kh&n  had  frequently  sent  emissaries 
into  her  country  on  various  pretexts,  and  when  he  had  learnt 
all  the  circumstances  and  peculiarities  of  the  country,  and  the 
position  and  treasures  of  the  B&ni,  he  levied  an  army  to  conquer 
the  country.  The  B&ni  came  forth  to  battle  with  nearly  500 
elephants  and  20,000  horse.  The  armies  met  and  both  did  their 
best.  An  arrow  struck  the  R&ni,  who  was  in  front  of  her  horse* 
men,  and  when  that  noble  woman  saw  that  she  must  be  taken 
prisoner,  she  seized  a  dagger  from  her  elephant-driver,  and 
plunged  it  into  her  stomach,  and  so  died,  ^af  Kh&n  gained 
the  victory,  and  stopped  his  advance  at  the  tdluk  of  Ghaur&garh, 
where  the  treasures  of  the  rulers  of  Garha  were  kept.  The  son 
of  the  Rdni  shut  himself  up  in  the  fort,  but  it  was  taken  the 
same  day,  and  the  youth  was  trampled  to  death  by  horses.  So 
much  plunder  in  jewels,  gold,  silver,  and  other  things  was  taken, 
that  it  was  impossible  to  compute  the  tenth  part  of  it.  Out  of 
all  the  plunder,  ^af  Kh&n  sent  fifteen  elephants  to  Court,  and 
retdned  all  the  rest  for  himself.] 

Ci^ture  ofChitor  (Year  965  Rihlat;  975  Hijra  =  1567  a.d.). 

[When  the  Emperor  marched  from  G&grun  against  the  B&n&, 
he  had  only  3000  or  4000  horsemen  with  him,  for  he  hoped  that 

1  [The  Tahakdt  and  the  Akbmr-ndma  place  this  event  three  yean  later.    See 
mfrd.^ 

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170  lumjoxA  isMU). 

thio  smallnefls  of  ike  £>roe  might  induoe  the  infidel  to  tiy  tlie 
event  of  a  battle.  But  the  E&n&  knew  hia  own  strength,  and 
while  the  Emperor  was  at  100  kos  distance  from  his  ooontrj,  he 
fled  with  his  family  to  the  distant  hiUs.  He  felt  at  ease  about 
Chitor^  beeoose  the  Emperor's  force  had  but  little  siege  appa- 
ratus, and  it  did  not  seem  likely  that  he  would  attempt  to 
reduce  the  place.  But  the  fort  was  set  in  order,  great  quantities 
of  provisions  were  stored,  and  the  garrison  consisted  of  8000 
veterans,  including  the  B&n&^s  0¥ni  men,  with  their  wives  and 
jGunilies.  When  the  Emperor  entered  the  lUn&'s  territory,  and 
was  informed  of  his  flight,  he  wished  to  pursue  him ;  but  he 
ascertained  that  the  B4n&  had  gone  to  a  place  fitr  in  the  hills  and 
jungles  which  it  was  impossible  to  reach.  So  the  Emperor 
determined  to  attack  Ghitor,  which  is  an  exceedingly  atrong 
fortress.  When  he  came  near  the  fort,  the  rains  were  so  heavy, 
that  for  a  time  the  fort  was  invisible;  but  as  the  weather  cleared, 
he  got  a  view  of  the  place.  The  fortress  is  situated  in  the  midst 
of  a  level  plain,  which  has  no  other  eminences.  The  circuit  of 
this  mountain  at  its  base  is  six  iasj  and  the  ground  upon  which 
the  walLs  of  the  fort  stand  is  nearly  three  ko8.  Upon  the  top  of 
the  hill  there  is  a  fountain,  but  not  content  with  that  the  con- 
structors of  the  fort  formed  large  reservoirs  of  stone  and  mortar, 
which  get  filled  in  the  rainy  season.  So  with  these  supplies  the 
garrison  are  never  short  of  water.  The  eastern  side  of  the  fort, 
and  towards  the  north,  is  faced  with  hard  stone,  and  the  garrison 
felt  quite  secure  as  to  that  portion.  On  the  other  sides  if  guns 
(top)^  swivels  (zarb'Zan)^  catapults  {aang-t^ad)^  and  mat^janklu 
are  able  to  reach  the  fortress,  they  cannot  do  so  much  harm. 
Travellers  do  not  speak  of  any  fi>rtress  like  this  in  the  whole 
habitable  world.  At  this  time,  all  the  space  of  three  ko%  at  the 
top  of  the  mountain  was  frill,  and  the  houses  of  the  people  rose 
several  storeys  over  each  other.  Great  numbers  of  men  guarded 
the  battlements  at  the  top  of  the  walls,  and  great  quantities  of 
ammunition  were  stored  in  the  fortress.  His  Majesty  carefully 
reconnoitred  the  place  on  every  side,  and  saw  that  it  would  not 

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TABTKHpI  alft.  171 

fidl  witfaoot  a  long  siege.  When  the  gimson  peroeived  the  small 
niunber  of  men  with  the  Emperor,  and  thought  of  their  fortiesB 
bdng  nxkos  ia  eireamference,  thej  uttered  eriee  of  derision. 
The  batteries  were  apportioned  out  among  the  amirt»  and  bakA^ 
Mt  were  appointed  and  sent  to  those  amir9  who  had  not  yet 
eome  up.  TSybtj  daj  some  one  arrired  and  went  to  his  battery, 
60  that  in  a  short  time  tike  whole  fort  was  invested. 

iCsaf  Kh&n  went  nnder  orders  to  take  B&oipdr.  He  took 
the  place,  and  haying  phmdered  and  raraged  the  oonntry,  he 
retomed  victorioos.  Hosain  Kuli  Ehin  went  to  attack  XJdipfir, 
the  eapital  of  the  R&n4  and  of  his  ancestors.  He  ravaged  the 
eonntry  with  fire  and  sword,  and  returned  bringing  great  spoil 
and  nnmerous  prisoners  from  the  fiistnesses  of  the  monntains. 

From  day  to  day  the  brare  assailants  carried  their  attacks  closer 
to  the  fort  on  every  side,  and  a  great  number  of  them  suffered 
martyrdom,  for  the  fort  was  very  strong,  and  made  a  most  ex* 
eeUent  d^noe.  Orders  were  given  for  digging  ditches  and  for 
constructing  9dhdU^  and  neariy  6000  builders,  carpenters,  stone- 
masons, smiths,  and  sappers  were  collected  from  all  parts.  BdbdU 
axo  contrivances  pecaliar  to  Hindiistin ;  for  the  strong  forts  of 
that  country  are  replete  with  guns,  muskets,  and  warlike  appa- 
ratus, and  can  only  be  taken  by  means  of  MdU.  A  Mdi  is  a 
broad  (covered)  way,  under  the  shriter  of  which  the  assailants 
approach  a  fortress  secure  from  the  fire  of  guns  and  muskets. 
Two  96bdt9  were  accordingly  begun.  The  one  which  was  oppo- 
site the  royal  quarters  was  so  broad  that  two  elephants  and  two 
horses  could  easily  pass  along  it,  and  so  high  that  an  elephant- 
rider  could  carry  his  spear.  The  %ibiU  were  commenced  from 
the  middle  of  the  hill,  which  is  a  fortress  upon  a  fortress.*  The 
people  of  the  fort  had  never  seen  a  iibdt^  and  were  puzzled,  but 
they  endeavoured  to  stop  the  work.  Seven  or  eight  thousand 
horsemen  and   numerous   gunners    exerted  themselves  to  the 

^  [See  Oie  Extract!  from  the  Tabakdl-i  Akbari,  infrd;  abo  Briggi*  FiriBhta, 
ToL  ii,  p.  830.] 

■  JJ^  gJyU  j:SXa 4^bLj J  CjjJL  iZ^  ^ji  aJj  i  t/^^j^j^^ 

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172  MAUUICNA  AHMAD. 

ntroost  in  attacking  them.  And  althoagh  the  sdbdts  had  thick 
roo&  of  cow  and  buffalo  hides  to  protect  the  workmen,  no  day 
passed  without  a  hundred  men  more  or  less  being  killed.  The 
bodies  of  the  slain  were  used  instead  of  stones  and  bricks.  His 
Majesty's  kindness  and  justice  would  not  allow  any  man  to  be 
pressed  for  the  work,  but  heaps  of  rupees  and  ddms  were  scattered 
as  hire,  and  each  man  went  to  work  for  what  he  could  get.  In 
a  short  time  one  sdbdt  reached  the  walls,  and  was  so  high  that 
it  oyerlooked  them.  On  the  top  of  it  a  seat  was  constructed 
for  the  Emperor,  from  which  he  could  see  at  his  ease  the  efforts 
of  his  warriors,  and  from  which  he  could  also  take  a  part  in 
the  fight  if  so  minded.  While  the  men  of  the  garrison  were 
endeavouring  to  interrupt  the  progress  of  the  sdbdts,  the  sappers 
formed  several  mines  under  the  walls,  and  wherever  stones  were 
met  with,  the  stonemasons  opened  a  way  through  with  their  iron 
tools.  Two  bastions  in  £ront  of  the  royal  battery  were  com'> 
pletely  undermined,  and,  according  to  order,  both  mines  were 
filled  with  gunpowder.  Three  or  four  hundred  brave  men  of  the 
Imperial  army  were  posted  ready  armed  near  these  bastions,  to 
rush  in  as  soon  as  the  explosion  took  place,  before  the  defenders 
could  rally  to  resist  them.  Both  mines  were  fired,  and  one 
which  took  effect  blew  the  bastion  from  its  foundations  into  the 
air,  and  every  stone  fell  at  a  distance.  A  great  breach  was 
visible,  and  the  storming  party  instantly  rushed  forward  shout- 
ing their  war-cry.  A  strong  party  of  the  garrison  came  forward 
to  oppose  them,  and  while  the  contest  was  at  the  hottest,  and  a 
great  number  of  the  faithAil  and  of  the  infidels  were  struggling 
upon  the  other  bastion,  the  mine  exploded,  and  blew  friend  and 
foe  together  into  the  air,  scattering  their  limbs  in  all  directions.^ 
The  quantity  of  gunpowder  used  was  so  enormous  that  stones 
of  fifty  and  a  hundred  mans  were  hurled  to  the  distance  of  two 
and  three  kos.  Many  corpses  also  were  found  within  a  radius  of 
two  kos,  Saiyid  Jam&lu-d  din  and  *  *  *  other  braves  of  the 
Imperial  army  perished.  Vast  numbers  of  the  garrison  were 
^  [fiad&6ni  teils  us  that  the  matches  were  not  properly  adjusted.] 

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TABTKH-I  ALFr.  173 

IdUed.     The  vast  quantities  of  dust  and  smoke  preyented  all 
movement  in  the  Imperial  army  for  a  time ;  stones,  corpses,  and 
limbs  fell  from  the  air,  and  the  eyes  of  the  soldiers  were  injured. 
The  esemy,  concealing  their  loss,  showed  a  brave  front.    When 
the  Emperor  perceived  the  state  of  affairs,  he  exerted  himself 
more  strenuously  to  take  the  place.    He  ordered  the  sdbdt  in 
front  of  Shuj&'at  Kh&n^s  battery  to  be  pushed  forward.     The 
garrison  was  sore  distressed,  and  ready  to  succumb,  but  no  one 
had  the  courage  to  propose  surrender  to  the  Emperor.    For  he 
had    determined    that  he  would    capture    by  storm    this    the 
strongest  fortress  of  Hindust&n,   so  that  in  future  no  other 
fortress  should  dare  to  resist  the  Imperial  army.     He  took  his 
position  on  the  top  of  the  sdbdt^  and  his  brave  soldiers  kept  up 
such  a  discharge  from  their  bows  and  muskets  that  no  one  could 
escape  from  the  place.     His  Majesty  also  had  his  own  musket, 
deadly  as  the  darts  of  &te,  with  which  he  killed  every  moving 
thing  that  caught  his  eye.    On  the  5th  Sha'b&n,  955,  the  assault 
was  made  by  the  Emperor's  command.     The  walls  had  been 
breached  in  several  places,  and  the  signs  of  victory  were  in  favour 
of  the  assailants.    Jaimal,  the  commandant  of  the  fortress,  an 
infidel  yet  valiant,  all  day  long  struggled  bravely  in  every  part, 
inciting  his  men  to  fight  and  resist.     At  the  time  of  evening 
prayer  he  came  in  front  of  the  royal  battery,  where  His  Majesty, 
holding  his  musket,  discharged  it  as  often  as  light  blazed  out  in 
the  bastion.     It  so  often  happened  that  Jaimal  was  standing  in 
that  tower  when  His  Majesty  discharged  his  piece  into  a  lighted 
place.     The  ball  struck  Jaimal  in  the  forehead  and  killed  hitn  on 
the  spot.    When  the  men  of  the  garrison  saw  their  leader  fal], 
they  felt  that  all  further  resistance  was  useless ;   they  gave  up 
fighting,  and  after  first  burning  the  body  of  Jaimal,  they  per- 
formed the  jauhar  at  their  own  homes.     Jauhar  is  the  name  of 
a  rite  among  the  Hindus.     When  they  know  for  certain  that 
there  is  no  escape,  they  collect  their  wives  and  children,  goods 
and  chattels^  heap  fire-wood  around  the  pile,  and  fire  it  with 
their  own  hands.    After  the  burning  is  accompUshed,  they  rush 

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174  UAXJUL^K  AHICAD. 

into  tke  fight,  and  give  themselyes  orer  to  deoih.  Thia  thej 
eBteem  a  great  act  of  derotion.  The  gsest  ftames  of  the  j'atAar 
and  the  lull  of  the  eonAict  on  the  bastioiui  and  walls  showed  the 
assaiUmts  that  the  garrisoa  was  reduced  to  extremity,  so  they 
began  to  make  their  way  into  the  place  ia  parties;.  Some  of  tke 
boldest  of  the  in&dels,  who  had  no  wives  and  finnilies,  stood  to 
their  posts  resolved  to  sell  their  lives.  The  Emperor  witaessed 
the  prowess  of  his  warriors  firom  the  tep  of  the  9ilM.  Undor 
his  orders  three  elephants  were  taken  thiwigh  the  breach  into 
the  city,  and  one  of  them,  named  Madkar,  on  that  day  kUkd 
many  infideb,  and  although  he  ree^red  many  wonnds,  nev«r 
turned  tail.  The  second  elephant,  named  Jagna,  was  sarrocmded 
by  infidels,  and  died  of  the  nameroos  wounds  he  received  fros 
spears  and  sward&  In  the  hat  watch  of  the  night  the  assaibmis 
forced  their  way  into  the  fortress  in  several  places,  and  fell  to 
slaughtering  and  plundering.  At  early  dawn  the  Emperor  went 
in  mounted  on  an  elephant,  attended  by  his  nobles  and  chiefe  on 
foot*  The  order  was  given  for  a  general  massacre  of  the  infideh 
as  a  punishment.  The  number  of  fighting  men  in  the  fortress 
esLceeded  8000.^  Some  of  them  repaired  to  the  idol  temple,  and 
there  fought  to  the  last.  In  every  street  and  lane  and  bdzdr 
there  was  desperate  fighting.  Every  now  and  then  a  band  of 
infidels,  having  thrown  away  all  hope  of  life,  would  rush  from 
the  temple  with  swords  and  shields  towards  their  own  homes, 
and  so  were  the  more  easily  despatched  by  the  warriors  they 
encountered.  By  mid-day,  nearly  2000  had  been  slain.  Under 
the  favour  of  heaven,  Zarb  ^Ali  Taw&chi  was  the  only  person  ot 
note  in  the  Imperial  army  who  was  killed,  which  was  »  very 
marvellouB  fact.  Those  of  the  fortress  who  escaped  the  sword, 
men  and  women,  were  made  prisoners,  and  their  property  came 
into  the  hands  of  the  Musulmdns.  The  place  being  cleared  ef 
infidels^  His    Majesty  remained   there  three  days,  and  tben 

^  [Aba-l  Fazl  stateff  thst  there  were  40,000  peasants  on  seryioe  in  tiie  plaee 
U  addition  io  the  8000  Efcjpnte  forming  the  guximm^'^jLkbar'mdma,  tqL  ii^ 
p.  407.1 


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METKH-I  ALPr.  175 

departed,  kayiag  the  gOTemment  of  ike  eountrjr  is  the  hands 
of  A^Khin.] 

ChnfW9i  ofBmiambhor  (966  Bihlat ;  976  H^ra  =  1568  a.d.). 

[The  Emperor  then  marched  against  Bantambhor,  and  en- 
eamped  before  the  fortress  at  the  end  of  the  month  of  Shal)^. 
The  place  was  held  by  B&(  Suijan,  who  had  bought  it  of 
Hig&z  Eh&n»  a  servant  of  Salim  Elh&n  (Isl&m  Sh&h).  On 
serenil  oeeasions  before,  nilers  of  Hindust&n  had  besieged  this 
fort  for  five  or  six  years,  and  Surjan  B&i,  confident  in  its 
strength,  stored  it  with  necessaries  and  closed  its  gates,  but  he 
had  the  fiu^  of  the  &11  of  Ghitor  before  his  eyes.  The  Emperor 
reconnoitred  the  fort,  gave  directions  for  the  placing  of  batteries, 
dosed  the  ways  of  ingress  and  egress,  and  commenced  the  con- 
struction of  sdbdts.  Near  to  the  fort  is  a  hill  called  Ran,^  which 
commands  it ;  but  in  consequence  of  the  height  of  the  hill  and 
the  difficulty  of  the  ascent,  no  one  had  as  yet  been  able  to  get 
guns  up  on  it.  His  Majesty  now  directed  that  some  guns  (tap) 
and  swivels  (zarb-zan)  should  be  placed  on  the  hills,  such  pieces  as 
200  pairs  of  bullocks  would  have  drawn  with  difficulty  on  heavy 
ground.  In  a  few  days  from  ten  to*  fifteen  guns,  capable  of  dis- 
charging stones  of  fifty,  forty,  and  twenty  mana^^  were  dragged 
up  the  hill  by  the  labour  of  porters.  The  first  shot  discharged 
struck  the  house  of  Surjan  K&i,  and  made  him  very  apprehen- 
sive. Every  shot  destroyed  several  houses,  and  the  garrison  was 
so  fiightened  that  all  spirit  of  resistance  disappeared.  Suijan 
B&i  being  helpless,  sent  his  sons  Dddh  and  Bhoj  out  to 
obtain  terms.  His  Majesty,  pitying  their  condition,  promised 
that  Surjan  B&i  should  be  forgiven  if  he  came  and  waited  on  the 
Emperor.     Joyfully  the  two  young  men  returned  to  their  father 

^  [Fuishia  caUs  this  bill "  Madan/*  which  is  probably  an  error,  as  Ab6-1  Fazl, 
Bad&iiiif,  and  Faizi  aU  agree  with  the  anthor  of  the  Tdrikh*i  A\fi  in  calling  it 
"Ran."] 

'  [Bad&6ni  is  more  moderate,  and  says  "  five  or  seren  mant,**  He  tells  ns  that 
700  or  800  labonrers  were  employed  in  dragging  the  gona.    Text,  yoI.  ii.,  p.  107.] 


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176  MAULANA  AHMAD. 

with  the  promise  of  safety.  Sdrjan  B&(  b^ged  that  one  of  the 
Emperor'^s  amirs  should  be  sent  to  conduct  him  to  the  presence, 
and  Husain  Kuli  Kh&n,  governor  of  the  Panj&b,  was  sent  into 
the  fort  on  this  duty.  On  the  3rd  Shawwdl,  Sdrjan  B&f  came 
out  and  waited  upon  the  Emperor.  He  offered  a  large  tribute, 
and  gave  up  the  keys  of  the  fortress,  which  were  made  of  gold 
and  silver.  He  asked  for  three  days'  grace  for  his  followers  and 
people  to  remove  their  femilies  and  property  out  of  the  place, 
which  was  granted,  and  at  the  end  of  this  time  the  fort  with 
its  munitions  was  surrendered  to  the  royal  officers.  Thus  this 
strong  place  was  taken  in  one  month,  and  was  placed  under  the 
command  of  Mihtar  Kh&n.] 


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177 


XL. 
TABAKiifT-I    AKBARr 

OP 

NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD,  BAKHSHr. 

^  Thb  author  of  this  Work  styled  it  Tabakdt-i  Akbar-shdhi,  and 
it  IS  so  called  by  'Abdu-l  K&dir  Bad&uni  in  his  Muntakhabu-t 
Tawdrikh;  but  the  name  by  \vhich  it  is  best  known  in  literary 
circles  is  TahcAdt-i  AkbarL  It  is  also  called,  after  the  name  of 
the  author,  Tdrikh-i  Nutdmi^  and  the  author  himself  observes  it 
as  a  fortunate  coincidence  that  the  word  Nizdmi  represents  the 
date  of  its  composition.  In  the  Rauzatu-i  Tdhirin  it  seems  to  be 
called  Tdrikh^  Sultdn  Nizdmi. 

This  is  one  of  the  most  celebrated  histories  of  India,  and  is  the 
first  that  was  composed  upon  a  new  model,  in  which  India  alone 
forms  the  subject-matter  of  the  work,  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
histories  of  other  Asiatic  countries.  The  work  seems  to  have 
been  recognized  by  all  contemporary  historians  as  a  standard 
history;  subsequent  writers  also  have  held  it  in  the  highest 
estimation,  and  have  borrowed  from  it  freely.  Bad&uni,  the 
author  of  the  Muntakhabt^t  Tawdrikh^  professes  his  work  to  be 
simply  an  abridgment  of  this,  and  acknowledges  himself  to  be 
chiefly  indebted  to  it  for  the  relation  of  all  events  down  to  a.h. 
1002'  (1593  A.D.).  Firishta  states  that  of  all  the  histories  he 
consulted,  it  is  the  only  one  he  found  complete. 

The  Ma-dsini-l  Uhiard  says, "  This  work  cost  the  author  much 
care  and  reflection  in  ascertaining  facts  and  collecting  materials, 

1  [This  article  is  chiefly  the  work  of  Sir  H.  Elliot,  and  appeared  in  the  old  yolome, 
but  it  has  been  re-cast  by  the  Editor,  and  several  additions  have  been  made  from 
Col.  Lees'  article  in  Jonm.  Boy.  As.  Soc.,  vol.  i?.  (ir.s.),  and  from  other  sources.] 

*  The  author  of  the  Tdrikh-i  StUdtin-i  Afdghana  copied  the  reign  of  Ham&ydn 
Terbatim.    See  tatpr  d,  p.  2. 

vox,.  T.  12 


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178  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

and  as  Mir  Ma^sdm  Bhakarl  and  other  persons  of  note  afforded 
their  assistance  in  the  compilation,  it  is  entitled  to  much  credit. 
It  is  the  first  history  which  contains  a  detailed  account  of  all 
the  Muhammadan  princes  of  Hinddst&n.  *  *  From  this  work 
Muhammad  K&sim  Firishta  and  others  have  copiously  extracted, 
and  it  forms  the  basis  of  their  histories,  deficiencies  being  sup- 
plied by  additions  of  their  own ;  but  the  Tabakdi  occasionally 
seems  at  variance  with  the  accounts  given  by  the  celebrated 
Abu-1  Fazl.  It  is  therefore  left  to  the  reader  to  decide  which  of 
the  two  authors  is  most  entitled  to  credit." 

European  authors  also  hold  the  work  in  high  esteem.  Mr. 
Erskine  considers  Niz&mu-d  din  to  be  perhaps  the  best  historian 
of  the  period,  and  Col.  Lees  is  unable  to  conceive  the  reason  why 
his  work  has  not  attracted  more  attention. 

The  Ma-dsirU'l  JJmard  gives  the  following  account  of  our 
author. 

Khw&ja  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad  was  the  son  of  Ehw&ja  Mukim 
Harawi^  who  was  one  of  the  dependents  of  His  Majesty  B&bar, 
and  who,  at  the  latter  part  of  that  king's  reign,  was  raised  to  the 
office  of  diwdii  of  the  household.^  After  the  death  of  B&bar, 
when  Gujar&t  was  conquered  by  Hum&yiin,  and  the  province  of 
Ahmad&b&d  was  entrusted  to  Mirz&  ^Askari,  Ehw&ja  Mukim 
was  appointed  wazir  to  the  Mirza.  He  accompanied  Humayun 
to  Agra,  when  that  monarch  fled  with  precipitation  after  his 
defeat  by  Slier  Kh&n  Sur  at  Chaunsa.  The  Khw&ja  subse- 
quently served  under  Akbar. 

His  son,  Niz&mu-d  din,  was  incomparably  upright,  and  ex- 
celled all  his  contemporaries  in  administrative  knowledge,  as  well 
as  in  the  clearness  of  his  intellect.  It  is  stated  in  the  ZakAiratu-l 
Khawdniriy  that,  at  the  opening  of  his  career,  he  was  appointed 
diwdn  of  the  household  by  Akbar,  but  this  statement  has  not 
been  found  in  any  other  work. 

In  the  twenty-ninth  year  of  Akbar^s  reign,  when  the  govern- 
ment of  Gujar&t  was  entrusted  to  'Itimad  Kh&n,  Khwaja 
1  He  is  Bpoken  of  in  Bkbar^s  Memoirs. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  179 

Niz&ma-d  din  was  appointed  to  the  office  of  bakhshi  of  that  pro- 
Yince,  and  when  Sult&n  Muzaffar  of  Gujar&t  engaged  in  hostilities, 
'Itim&d  Eh&n  left  the  Khw&ja's  son,  together  nvith  his  own,  to 
protect  the  city,  he  himself  with  the  Khw&ja  having  quitted  it, 
with  the  object  of  bringing  over  Shah4ba-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n 
from  Kari,  which  is  situated  at  the  distance  of  fortjr  miles  from 
Ahmad&b&d;  but  during  their  absence  the  city  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  insurgents,  and  the  house  of  the  Ehw&ja  was  plun- 
dered. After  this,  in  a  battle  which  was  fought  with  those 
turbulent  people,  the  Khw&ja  used  his  best  exertions  ta  quell 
the  insurrection  with  his  small  body  of  troops,  in  conjunction 
with  Shah&bu-d  din  Kh&n  and  'Itim&d  Kh&n,  but  without 
success ;  and  he  therefore  retreated  to  Fattan« 

On  the  occasion  of  (Mirz&  Kh&n)  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n's  attack 
upon  MuzaffiEU*  Gujar&ti,  at  Bir  Ganj,  about  six  miles  from 
Ahmad&b&d»  the  Ehw&ja  was  appointed  at  the  head  of  a  de- 
tachment to  attack  the  enemy  from  the  rear,  but  in  this  action 
he  again  did  not  achieye  any  great  success,  though  he  used  his 
best  exertions.  Niz&mu-d  din  continued  for  a  long  time  bakhaM 
of  the  province  of  Gujar&t,  and  his  services  will  be  found  re- 
corded in  his  history  of  Akbar's  reign. 

In  998  AH.,  and  the  thirty-fourth  year  of  the  reign  (1589-90 
A,n.),  when  the  govemm^it  of  Gujar&t  was  entrusted  to  Kh4ii-i 
''Azam  the  Subad&r  of  M&lwa,  and  Jaunptir  was  bestowed  upon 
Eh&n-kh&n&n  in  lieu  of  his  jdgir  of  Gujar&t,  Niz&mu-d  din 
Ahmad  was  summoned  to  the  King's  presence;  upon  which 
occasion,  with  a  number  of  camel-riders,  he  accomplished  1,200 
miles  by  forced  marches,  and  arrived  at  Lahore^  on  the  festival 
of  the  thirty-fifth  anniversary  of  the  coronation.  His  camel- 
riders  and  retinue  being  an  object  of  great  attraction  and  wonder- 
ment, the  King  expressed  a  desire  to  inspect  tbem ;.  and  as  he 
was  much  gratified  at  this  exhibition  of  the  Khw&ja's  taste  and 
ingenuity,  he  conferred  great  honours  upon  him. 

1  The  WdKdt'i  Muahtdkl  (MS.  fol.  204  y.)  says,  that  the  party  completed  this 
distance  of  600  koa  in  twelve  days,  i.«.  at  the  rate  of  100  miles  a  day. 


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180  NIZAMir-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

In  the  thirty-seventh  year  of  the  reign,  when  Asaf  E^&n 
Mirz&  Ja'far  Bakhshi-begi  was  ordered  to  destroy  Jal&la  Baa- 
shanf,  the  Ehw&ja  was  appointed  to  the  post  of  bakhshi.  In 
the  thirty*ninth  year  of  the  reign,  corresponding  with  1003  h., 
when  the  King  was  out  on  a  hunting  excursion,  the  Ehw^ja  was 
attacked  with  a  severe  fever  at  Shah&m  ^Ali,  which  reduced  him 
very  much.  His  sons  obtained  permission  from  the  King  to 
convey  him  to  Lahore,  but  as  soon  as  they  arrived  at  the  banks 
of  the  B&vi,  the  Khw&ja  expired,  and  ^^  the  crocodile  of  death 
dragged  him  into  the  sea  of  annihilation." 

'Abid  Kh&n,  one  of  Niz&mu-d  din^s  sons,  was  favoured  with 
frequent  marks  of  distinction  by  His  Majesty  Jah&ngir,  and  was 
employed  by  him  in  various  capacities.  The  office  of  bakhsU  of 
the  8&ba  of  Gujardt,  which  devolved  on  him  by  hereditary  right, 
was  resigned,  owing  to  a  disagreement  between  him  and  ^Abdu-lla 
Kh&n  Firoz  Jang,  governor  of  that  province,  by  whom  he  was 
most  shamefully  treated.  After  resigning  the  appointment,  he 
took  only  two  sheets,  the  one  wrapped  round  his  waist,  and 
the  other  round  his  head,  as  if  prepared  for  burial,  and  went 
thus  before  Jahdngir,  accompanied  by  several  Tdkiya  Mughals. 
This  mark  of  his  humiliation  was  approved  of  by  the  King,  and 
he  was  pardoned.  He  was  afterwards  appointed  an  immediate 
attendant  of  the  King,  through  the  recommendation  of  the  heir- 
apparent,  and  was  subsequently  promoted  to  the  office  of  diwdn 
of  that  prince.  While  holding  this  emplojunent,  he,  with  Sharif 
Kh&n  Bakhshi,  and  several  others  of  the  body-guard,  was  killed 
at  Akbar-nagar  in  Bengal,  in  a  battle  fought  by  the  prince  on 
the  burial-ground  where  the  body  of  the  son  of  Ibr&him  Kh&n 
Fath  Jang  was  interred.  'Abid  Kh&n  had  no  son.  His  son- 
in-law,  Muhammad  Sharif,  was  for  a  short  time  governor  of  a 
strong  fortress  in  the  Dekhin,  and  was  afterwards  appointed 
htyib  (chamberiain)  of  Haidar&b&d,  in  which  capacity  he  passed 
the  remainder  -of  his  days  till  his  death.^ 

'Abdtt-1  K&dir  Bad&uni,  who,  like  many  others,  was  as  staunch 
*•  Mth-dstru-l  Umardf  8.r.  Ehwfija  Niz&mn-d  din. 

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TABAKiCT-I  AEBAEr.  181 

a  friend  as  he  was  a  bitter  foe,  gives  a  very  favourable  account 
of  Niz&mu-d  din.  He  says  that  in  carrying  into  effect  his  pro- 
jects of  economy,  Niz4mn-d  d(n  gave  offence  to  K&lfj  Kh&n, 
but  that  he  received  such  unqualified  support  from  the  Emperor, 
who  entertained  the  highest  opinion  of  his  zeal  and  integrity,. 
that  his  opponent,  togetbe>  with  his  adherents,  were  soon  pro- 
vided for  in  distant  posts,  instead  of  being  kept  at  Court,  to 
frustrate  the  endeavours  of  Niz&mu-d  din  to  introduce  reform 
into  the  departments  under  his  control. 

'*  Niz&mu-d  din/'  continues  '^Abdu-l  K&dir,  ^^eft  a  good  name 
behind  him.  I  was  especially  attached  to  him  by  the  ties- 
both  of  religion  and  friendship.  When  he  died,  tears  of  sorrow 
fell  from  my  eyes,  and  I  beat  my  breast  with  the  stone  of 
despair.  After  a  short  time,  I  bowed  in  resignation  to  the 
heavenly  decree,  but  was  so  much  afflicted  by  the  bereavement, 
that  I  vowed  I  would  never  thereafter  cultivate  a  new  friendship 
with  any  other  man.  He  died  on  the  23rd  of  Safar,  1003,  and 
was  buried  m  his  own  garden  at  Lahore.  There  was  not  a  dry 
eye  at  his  death,  and  there  was  no  person  who  did  not,  on  the 
day  of  his  funeral,  call  to  mind  his  excellent  qualities,  and  who 
did  not  hold  between  his  teeth  the  back  of  the  hand  of  grief. 
The  following  Chronogram  records  the  date  of  his  death :  Mirz4 
Niz&mu-d  din  has  departed ;  in  haste,  but  with  honour,  has  he 
gone  to  his  final  doom.  His  sublime  soul  has  fled  to  the  celestial 
regions^  and  K&diri  has  found  the  date  of  his  death  in  thes& 
words,  ^  A  jewel  without  price  has  left  this  world.' ''  ^ 

The  author  of  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  assigns  as  his  reasons  for 
composing  his  work,  that  he  had  ''from  his  youth,  according  to 
the  advice  of  his  father,  devoted  himself  to  the  study  of  works 
of  history,  which  are  the  means  of  strengthening  the  under- 
standing of  men  of  education,  and  of  affording  instruction  by 
examples  to  men  of  observation.'^    He  found  that  in  ''  the  wide 

1  Mtmtdkhabu't  Tawdrikh,  [Ab(i-1  FaxI  also,  in  the  Akbar~ndmat  alludes  to  the 
geoeral  moaniing  that  followed  the  death  of  this  distingaished  author ;  and  says  that 
the  Emperor  was  deeply  affected  by  it,  and  offered  prayers  for  his  soul.] 

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182  NIZAMIT-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

plains  of  BindHsUn,  which  form  an  empire  of  vast  extent,^  tbe 
^'governing  classes  had  assumed  the  title  and  discharged  the 
daties  of  rulers"  in  many  of  its  divisions,  ^^such  as  Dehli, 
Gnjar&t,  M&lwa,  Bengal,  and  Sindh,"  and  ^*  the  authors  of  their 
times  have  written  histories  of  their  affairs,  and  have  bequeathed 
them  as  memorials  to  posterity.  *  *  ^  It  is  most  extraordinary, 
therefore,  that  n»t  a  smgle  work  containing  a  complete  com- 
pendium of  the  affairs  of  this  (entire)  division  (of  the  world) 
has  yet  been  written  by  any  historian ;  neither  have  the  events 
connected  with  the  centre  of  Hindust&n,  the  seat  of  govern- 
ment of  this  Empire,  the  capital  DehH,  been  collected  in  one 
book.  The  work  which  is  best  known  is  the  Tabakdt-i  NdsiH 
which  Minh&ju-s  Sir&j  compiled,  commencing  with  Sult&n 
Mu'izzu-d  din  Ghorf,  and  concluding  with  N&siru-d  din  bin 
Shamsu-d  din:  from  thence  to  the  time  of  Sult&n  Firoz  is 
written  in  the  history  of  Zi&-i  Bami;  but  from  that  time  to 
to-day,  because  for  the  greater  portion  of  the  time  there  was 
much  disturbance  in  India,  and  the  people  had  the  misfortune 
to  be  deprived  of  a  powerful  Imperial  government,  I  have  only 
met  with  a  few  detached  and  incomplete  compilations.  I  have 
not  heard  of  a  single  history  that  comprises  an  account  of  the 
whole  of  India ;  and  now  since  the  whole  of  the  inlying  and  out- 
lying provinces  of  Hindust&n  have  been  conquered  by  the  world- 
subduing  sword  of  God's  vicegerent,  and  all  the  fractions  of  the 
earth  have  been  united  in  one  grand  whole,  and  many  kingdoms 
beyond  the  confines  of  Hindust&n,  which  none  of  the  great 
sovereigns  who  preceded  His  Majesty  had  ever  acquired^  have 
been  included  in  his  Empire,  and  it  is  to  be  hoped  that  the  seven 
climes  will  yet  come  under  the  shade  of  the  standard  of  the 
good  fortune  of  that  illustrious  personage,  and  thus  be  protected 
and  secure  peace  and  prosperity,  I  conceived  tbe  idea  of  com- 
piling, in  a  simple  style,  a  history  which  should  embrace  an 
account  of  all  the  kingdoms  of  Hindust&n^  from  the  times  of 
Subuktigin,  367  a.h.  (which  is  the  date  of  the  introduction  of 
Islam  into  Hinddst&n),  up  to  1901  a.h.,  or  the  thirty-seventh 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBAET.  183 

year  of  the  Il&hi  era,  diyiding  it  into  chapters,  according  to  the 
several  dynasties  which  reigned,  closing  each  chapter  with  an  ac- 
eonnt  of  the  conquest  by  His  Imperial  Highness  of  the  particular 
province  under  notice.  This  abridgment  of  all  the  victories  of 
Hia  Imperial  Highness  will  be  given  in  the  proper  place ;  the 
aeooont  of  these  victories  in  full  detail  being  found  in  the  Akbar- 
ndttULt  which  Ulldmi  Abu-1  Fazl  has  compiled  with  so  much 
ability/'^  He  quotes  twenty-nine  different  works  as  his  standard 
authorities,  and  in  the  instance  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Mubdrak-ShdM 
he  copied  his  original  very  closely.'  Though  he  states  in  his 
Preface,  as  above,  that  he  brings  down  the  history  to  the  thirty- 
seventh  year  of  Akbar's  reign  (a.h.  1001),  in  the  body  of  the 
work  he  records  the  events  of  another  year,  and  expresses  a  hope 
that  he  may  live  to  carry  on  the  work  to  a  later  period. 

Niz&mu-d  din  was  a  good  Musulm&n,  and  no  allusion  is  made 
in  his  pages  to  Akbar's  wanderings  from  the  fold.  But  with  the 
information  derivable  from  other  sources  a  tolerably  accurate 
inference  may  be  drawn  from  the  gradual  diminution  and 
eventual  cessation  of  the  records  of  Akbar's  pilgrimages  to  the 
tombs  of  the  saints. 

Sir  H.  Elliot  adopted  the  Table  of  Contents  given  by  Stewart 
in  his  Catalogue  of  Tipu  Sult&n's  Library,  although  he  found 
that  it  contained  both  more  and  less  than  he  had  seen  in  other 
copies.  The  following  table  is  borrowed  from  Mr.  Morley,  who 
had  the  advantage  of  several  MSS.  to  compare.  It  agrees,  as  he 
says,  with  the  author''s  own  account  of  the  contents  in  his  intro- 
duction, and  the  only  difference  found  is  in  the  order  of  sequence 
of  the  books. 

CONTENTS. 

Introduction. — History  of  the  Ghaznivides  from  the  time  of 
Subuktigin  to  that  of  Ehusru  Malik  bin  Khusru  Sh&h,  King  of 
Lahore,  who  was  conquered  by  Sh&habu-d  din  Muhammad  Ghori 
in  A.H.  583  (a.d.  1187),  and  was  subsequently  put  to  death  by 
his  order. 
»  [Col.  Leei,  Jonni.  Roy.  Aa.  Soc.,  yoI.  iii.  (n.s.),  p.  460.]      »  [See  Vol.  IV.,  p.  6.] 

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184  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

Book  I. — ^History  of  the  Kings  of  Dehli  from  the  time  of 
Shah&bu-d  din  Muhammad  Ghori;  oomprifliDg:  The  histoiy 
of  Kutbu-d  din  Aibak;  Taja-d  din  Yalddz;  N&siru-d  din 
Eub&cha;  Bah&u-d  din  Tughril;  The  first  foar  Ehilji  Prinees 
of  Lakhnauti ;  Snlt&n  Shamsa-d  din  Altamsh ;  Ajrim  Sh&h  and 
hia  successors  at  Dehli ;  The  house  of  Tughlik  ;  The  Saiyids ; 
The  A%h&n  Kings  of  Dehli,  from  Bahlol  Lodi  to  the  defeat  of 
Ibr&him,  son  of  Sikandar  Lodi,  by  B&bar,  in  a.h.  932  (a.d.  1525); 
B&bar;  Hum&yun;  Sher  Sb&h  (who  expelled  Hum&yun),  and 
his  successors,  to  the  extinction  of  the  Afgh4n  power  at  Dehli, 
and  Akbar's  succession  to  the  throne,  continuing  the  history  of 
Hinddst&n  to  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  Akbar's  reign,  1002  a.h. 
(1693  A.D.) 

Book  II. — A  concise  history  of  the  Kings  of  the  Dekhin, 
comprising:  The  Bahmani  dynasty,  from  "^Aldu-d  din  Hasan, 
who  founded  the  monarchy  in  a.h.  748  (a.d.  1347),  to  its  extinc* 
tion  in  a.h.  935  (a.d.  1528) ;  The  Niz&m-sh&hi  Kings  of  the 
Bahri  dynasty  of  Ahmadnagar,  from  the  foundation  of  the 
monarchy  to  a.h.  999  (a.d.  1590),  when  Burhdn  Niz&m  Sh&h 
was  still  reigning ;  The  "^dil-sh&hi  Kings  of  Bij4pur,  from  the 
origin  of  the  dynasty  to  a.h.  1002  (a.d.  1593),  when  Ibrahim 
^Adil  Sh&h  II.  was  on  the  throne ;  The  Kutbu-1  Mulkiya  Kings 
of  Golconda,  from  their  origin  to  a.h.  1002  (a.d.  1693),  when 
Muhammad  Kuli  Kutb  Sh&h  was  regnant. 

Book  III. — The  history  of  the  Kings  of  Gujar&t,  from  the 
beginning  of  a.h.  793  (a.d.  1390),  to  a.h.  980  (a.d.  1572). 
when  that  kingdom  became  a  province  of  Akbar's  empire. 

Book  IV.— The  history  of  M&lwa,  from  a.h.  809  (a.d.  1406), 
to  its  incorporation  with  the  kingdom  of  Gujar&t  in  a.h.  937 
(a.d.  1530);  and  a  continuation  of  the  history  to  a.h.  977 
(a.d.  1569),  when  B&z  Bah&dur  submitted  to  Akbar  after  a  reign 
of  sixteen  years. 

Book  Y. — History  of  Bengal,  from  the  time  of  Sult&n 
Fakhru-d  din  in  a.h.  741  Ca.d.  1340)  to  a.h.  984  (a.d.  1676), 
when   D&ud  bin  Sulaim&n  Kir&ni  was  defeated   by  Akbar's 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEt.  186 

forces  and  slain,  and  Bengal  was  annexed  to  the  empire  of  the 
Mughals. 

Book  VI. — ^The  histoiy  of  the  Shark!  dynasty  of  Jaunpur, 
from  the  oommencement  of  a.h.  784  (a.d.  1382),  the  time  of 
the  accession  of  Khw&ja  Jah&nu-sh  Sharki,  the  first  indepen- 
dent King  of  Jaunpur,  to  the  extinction  of  the  monarchy  in 
A^.  881  (A.a  1476),  when  Sult&n  Hnsain  bin  Mahmud  Sh&h 
Sharki  was  defeated  by  Sikandar  bin  Bahlol,  King  of  Dehli. 

Book  YIL — History  of  the  Muhammadan  Kings  of  Kashmir 
from  A.H.  715  (A.D.  1315)  to  a.h.  992  (a.d.  1584),  that  is,  from 
the  time  of  Shamsu-d  din  Sh&h  Mihr  to  the  period  when  Yusof 
Shah  agreed  to  pay  tribute  to  the  Mughal  Emperor. 

Book  VIII.— History  of  Sind,  from  a.h.  86  (a.d.  705),  but 
more  especially  of  the  dynasties  of  the  J&ms  and  Arghuns,  to 
the  sabmission  of  Mirz&  J&ni  Beg  to  Akbar,  and  the  final 
annexation  of  the  whole  province  to  the  Mughal  empire  in 
A.H.  1001  (a.d.  1592). 

Book  IX. — The  history  of  Mult&n,  from  the  Muhammadan 
conquest  under  Muhammad  Kasim,  but  more  particularly  of  the 
independent  monarchy  established  by  Shaikh  Ydsuf  in  a.h.  847 
(a.d.  1443),  to  the  time  when  the  province  was  annexed  to  the 
Mughal  empire. 

Conclusion. — ^A  concise  statement,  comprised  in  a  few  lines,  of 
the  area  of  Akbar's  empire,  the  number  of  cities  and  villages 
therein,  and  of  its  revenue. 

The  compiler  of  the  Sahihu^l  Akhbdr  attributes  another  work 
on  Indian  History  under  the  name  of  Tdrikh-i  Trich  to  the 
aathor  of  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari, 

The  Extracts  from  this  work  which  follow  are  of  considerable 
length.  The  reigns  of  Hum4yun  and  Akbar  have  been  trans- 
lated by  the  Editor  in  full,  and  supply  a  complete  translation  of 
this  the  most  important  portion  of  the  work. 

The  Tabakdt'i  Akbari  is  one  of  the  commonest  histories  pro- 
curable in  India,  but  (says  Sir  H.  Elliot)  I  have  met  with  no 

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186  NIZAMXr-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

remarkably  good  copy.  In  the  Bodleian  Library  it  is  the  only 
work  on  Indian  History  noticed  by  XJri,  except  an  imperfect  one 
on  the  reigns  of  Hum&yiin,  Akbar,  and  Jah&ngir.^  There  are 
several  complete  or  partial  copies  in  the  Library  of  the  East 
India  Office. 

The  Tabakdt-i  Akbari  ends  with  a  promise,  which  does  not 
appear  to  have  been  fulfilled.  As  several  copies,  procured  from 
distant  places^  concur  in  this  reading,  and  as  the  author  continaed 
almost  till  the  day  of  his  death  the  history  of  Akbar's  reign,  it 
seems  probable  that  he  never  wrote  the  Conclusion  which  he 
promised  in  his  Preface,  as  it  is  now  comprised  in  ten  lines. 
It  gives  merely  the  computed  area,  populousness,  and  revenue 
of  Hindustan,  respecting  which  the  author  observes :  '*  Be  it 
not  concealed,  that  the  country  of  Hinddst&n  is  comprised 
within  four  climates,  and  is  now  included  in  the  dominions  of 
the  Emperor  Akbar.  Its  length  from  the  Hindu  Eoh,  on  the 
borders  of  Badakhsh&n,  to  the  country  of  Orissa,  which  is  on 
the  borders  of  Bengal,  from  west  to  east,  is  1680  legal  k<>8.  Its 
breadth  from  Kashmir  to  the  hills  of  Bartijh  (Broach),  which  is 
on  the  borders  of  Surat  and  Gujar&t,  is  800  kos  U&hi.  Another 
mode  is  to  take  the  breadth  from  the  hills  of  Kam&un  to  the 
borders  of  the  Dekhin,  which  amounts  to  1000  U&hi  kos.  The 
soil  is  well  adapted  for  cultivation,  and  within  each  Atm  are 
several  inhabited  villages.  At  the  present  time,  namely  a.h, 
1002,  Hindust&n  contains  3200  towns,  and  upon  each  town  there 
are  dependent  200,  500,  1000,  or  1500  villages.^  The  whole 
yields  a  revenue  of  640  krors  (640,00,00,000)  murddi  iankaa? 

^  Uri,  BibL  Bodi.  Codd.  MS8.  Orient  Catal.—Codd.  MSS.  Pen.  xli.  lii.  lir.  The 
MS.  called  IHHkh-i  8her  Shdhi,  No.  1581,  £.  I.  0.  ColL,  iB  a  portion  of  thk 
Tabakdt'i  Akbari,  The  passage  with  which  it  concludes  jnst  precedes  that  with 
which  the  Tabakdi-i  Akbari  terminates.  Mr.  Morley's  mention  of  the  year  1002  aa 
the  date  of  its  composition  led  to  this  identification.  See  Dorn*s  Mist,  ofAfgkiau^ 
Pref.  xii.  '  One  MS.  omits  the  1600. 

*  [Mr.  Thomas  estimates  the  yalne  of  the  tanka  murddi,  here  quoted,  at  20  to  the 
sihw  tanka.  The  current  tanka  of  account  at  this  time  was  the  Sikandari  tmnhm 
of  Sikandar  hin  BahloL  So  that  the  sum  total  here  specified  of  640,00,00,000  -i-  20 
amounts  to  32,00,00,000  tilver  tankaa  or  rupees  (or  £32,000,000).  Chronidee  of  th* 
Fathdn  Kinge^  pp.  366, 884, 388,  KnUBivenue  JUwurcee  of  the  Mughal  £mpire,  p.  7.] 


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TABAKATJ  AEBART.  187 

Of  the  towns,  120  are  large  cities.*"  He  then  finishes  with  these 
words :  ^'  As  the  particulars  of  the  towns  are  not  included  in 
this  summary,  a  detailed  list  of  the  towns  shall  be  drawn  up  in 
alphabetical  order/' 

JULTKACrS. 

Ha2rat  Ehakan-i  Sa'Id  Muhammad  Humatuk  Shah,  sok 
OF  Babar  Shah  Ghazi.^ 

When  the  Emperor  B&bar  departed  from  this  fleeting  world  at 
Agra  for  his  everlasting  abode  in  Paradise,  Muhammad  Mukim 
Harawi,  lather  of  the  author  of  this  history,  was  one  of  the 
officials  of  his  late  Majesty,  and  had  been  promoted  to  the 
position  of  diwdn  of  the  household.  Amir  Niz&mu-d  din  ^Ali 
Khalifa  was  chief  administrator  of  the  State,  and  in  consequence 
of  some  things  which  had  occurred  in  the  course  of  worldly 
business,  he  had  a  dread  and  suspicion  of  the  young  Prince 
Hnm&yun,  and  was  unfriendly  to  his  succession.  And  if  he  was 
not  content  with  the  accession  of  the  eldest  son,  neither  was  he 
fiiTourable  to  the  promotion  of  the  younger.  Mahdi  Khw&ja 
was  son-in-law  of  the  late  Emperor,  and  was  a  generous  and 
liberal  young  man.  He  was  very  friendly  with  Mir  Khali&, 
who  had  promised  to  raise  him  to  the  throne.  This  fact  became 
generally  known,  and  several  of  the  nobles  took  part  with  Mahdi 
Khw&ja.  He  also  fell  in  with  the  idea,  and  began  to  assume 
kingly  airs. 

It  happened  that  one  day  Mir  Khalifa  went  to  see  Mahdi 
Khw&ja,  who  was  in  his  pavilion.  Mir  Khalifa  and  Muhammad 
Mukim,  the  &ther  of  the  author,  were  the  only  persons  present 
with  the  KhwlEya.  When  the  Mir  had  sat  for  a  moment,  his 
late  Majesty,  in  the  pangs  of  his  disease,  sent  for  him.  Afiier  he 
had  gone,  Mahdi  Khw&ja  continued  standing  in  the  pavilion,  and 
the  author's  &ther  remained  standing  with  due  respect  behind 
him.     The  Mahdi  was  considered  to  be  a  man  of  suspicious 

■  Hia  full  name  was  "  Naslni-d  din  Muhammad  Ham6 j&n,"  bat  he  u  oommonly 
called  ''Jmmat  Athydni." 


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188  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

temperament,  and  being  unaware  of  my  £Gi.tlier's  presence,  when 
Mir  Ehali&  had  gone,  he  stroked  his  beard,  and  said  to  himselC 
*^  Please  God,  I  will  flay  thee !  "  As  soon  as  he  had  said  this, 
he  perceived  my  father,  and  being  greatly  moved  he  took  him 
by  the  ear,  and  said,  ^^0  T&jik,  the  red  tongue  uses  its  sharp- 
point  to  no  purpose."  My  father  took  leave  and  departed.  He 
went  with  all  haste  to  Mir  Ehalifa,  and  said,  ^*  Notwithstanding 
the  existence  of  such  intelligent  princes  as  Muhammad  Uum&- 
yun  Mirz4  and  his  brothers,  you  have  shut  your  eyes  against 
loyalty,  and  desire  to  transfer  the  sovereignty  to  another  house ; 
the  end  of  all  this  will  be  this.""  He  then  told  him  what  Mahdi 
Khw&ja  had  said.  Mir  Khalifa  instantly  sent  off  to  fetch  Prince 
Hum£yun,  and  he  sent  an  officer  to  Mahdi  Kbw&ja  with  an 
order  in  His  Majesty's  name,  directing  him  to  retire  to  his  house. 
The  officers  hastened  to  the  Ehwaja,  who  was  just  about  to  sit 
down  to  dinner,  and  without  any  ceremony  sent  him  off  to  his 
house.  Mir  Khalifa  then  issued  a  proclamation  that  no  one  was 
to  visit  or  hold  communication  with  Mahdi  Khw&ja,  and  that  he 
was  not  to  attend  the  darhdr. 

On  the  death  of  the  Emperor  Bfibar,  Prince  Hum&ydn,  who 
arrived  from  Sambal,  ascended  the  throne  at  Agra,  with  the  sup- 
port of  Amir  Niz&mu-d  din  ''All  Khalifii,  on  the  9th  Jum&da-l 
awwal,  937  H.^  (29th  January,  1530).  The  date  of  his  acces- 
sion is  found  in  the  words  Khairu-l  muluk.  The  officers  ex- 
pressed their  devotion^  and  the  chiefs  and  nobles  were  treated 
with  great  kindness.  The  mansaba  and  offices  which  were  held 
under  the  late  sovereign  were  confirmed,  and  the  royal  favour 
made  every  one  happy  and  content.  On  the  same  day  Mirz& 
Hind&l  arrived  from  Badakhsh&n,  and  was  received  with  great 
kindness.  He  was  gratified  with  the  grant  of  two  of  the  treasures 
(do  khazdnd)  of  former  kings,  and  as  the  gold  was  divided  by 
coffers  {kiihti)^  the  date  was  found  in  the  words  Mahti-zar?    The 

^  He  was  bora  on  the  4th  Zi-l  ka*da,  916  h.  (6ih February,  nn).^AJAar-ndmm^ 
Tol.  i.,  p.  149. 

s  Bad&fini  notioes  thu,  and  says  that  coffen  fall  of  gold  were  diatiibnted  aa  gifU  on 
the  day  of  ascending  the  throne.    Vol.  i.,  p.  344. 

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TABAKAT.I  AKBAKt.  189 

territories  were  then  divided.  Mirzd  Hind&I  received  the  district 
of  Mew&t^  in  jdgir.  The  Panj&b,  E&bul,  and  Eandah&r  were 
settled  as  the  jdgir  of  Mirzd  K&mr&n.  Sambal  was  given  to 
Hirz&  ^Askarf.'  Every  one  of  the  amirs  also  received  an  increase 
of  Ym  jdgir. 

After  arranging  the  affairs  of  the  State,  His  Majesty  pro-^ 
ceeded  to  K&linjar,  the  Rdjd  of  which  place  expressed  his  fealty, 
and  ranged  himself  among  the  supporters  of  the  throne.'  In 
those  days  Snlt&n  Mahmud,  son  of  Saltan  Sikandar  Lodi,  with 
the  assistance  of  Baban  B&yazid,  and  the  Afgh&n  nobles,  had 
raised  the  standard  of  opposition,  and  had  taken  possession  of 
Jannpur  and  its  dependencies.  Hum&ydn  now  marched  to 
subdue  him,  and  having  achieved  successes,  he  returned  vie* 
torious  to  Agra.^  There  he  held  a  great  festival,  and  all  the 
nobles  and  chiefs  were  honoured  with  robes  and  Arab  horses.  It 
is  ssud  that  12,000  persons  received  robes  at  that  feast,  and 
2000  of  them  were  presented  with  outer  garments  of  gold  brocade 
with  gilt  buttons. 

At  this  time  Muhammad  Zam&n  Mirz&,  son  of  Badi'u-z  Zam&n 
Mirz&y  son  of  Sult&n  Husain  Mirzd  Babakrd,  who  had  originally 
eome  from  Balkh  to  seek  a  refuge  with  his  late  Majesty,  now  set 
himself  up  in  opposition,  but  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  was 
sent  as  a  warning  for  rebels  to  the  fort  of  Bay&na,  and  in  the 
custody  of  Y&dgir  Taghai.  An  order  was  given  to  deprive  him 
of  sight,  but  the  servants  of  Yadg&r  Beg  saved  the  pupils  of  his 
eyes  from  the  effects  of  the  operation.  After  a  short  time  he 
made  his  escape,  and  fled  to  Sult&n  Bah&dur  of  Qujar&t.  About 
the  same  time  Muhammad  Sult&n  Mirzd,  with  his  two  sons 
Ulngh  Mirz&  and  Sh&h  Mirz&,  went  off  to  Kanauj,  and  there 
raised  a  rebellion.     His    Majesty   sent  a  person   with    letters 

1  Ab&-1  Fail  aays  *'  Alwar,"  which  amoants  to  much  the  same  thing. 
^  "and  BadaUuh&n  to  Mirz&  Snlaim&n/' — Akbar-ndma^  vol.  i.,  p.  151. 

*  According  to  Bad&finl,  he  conquered  {musakhkhar)  K&linjar.  Vol.  i.,  p.  344. 
See  Eitraet  from  the  Akbar^ndma,  infra, 

*  "  Learing  Siilt4n  Janaid  Birl&s  as  goTemor  of  Jaunptir.'* — JMar-ndtna,  toL  i., 
p.  162. 

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190  KIZAMU-D  DrN  JUBEMAD. 

to  Snlt&n  Bah&dur  of  Gajarfit,  demanding  the  surrender  of 
Muhammad  Zam&n  Mirz&,  to  which  he  returned  a  haughty 
re&sal^  and  then  showed  signs  of  rebellion  and  resistance. 
This  excited  the  anger  of  the  Emperor,  and  he  resolved  to 
march  against  Gujar&t  and  chastise  Sult&n  Bah&dur.  .  He  pro- 
ceeded to  Gwalior,  and  there  passed  two  months  in  making 
excursions  and  hunting. 

At  this  time  Sult&n  Bah&dur  had  marched  with  the  forces  of 
Gujar&t  and  M&Iwa  to  besiege  the  fort  of  Chitor,  and  was 
carrying  on  war  against  R&D&  S&nk&.  He  had  sent  T&t&r 
Eh&n  Lodi,  one  of  his  chief  nobles  and  a  very  brave  officer,  to 
effect  the  conquest  of  the  fort  of  Bay&na  and  the  dependent 
territory.  Having  reduced  the  fortress,  he  threatened  ^gra, 
whereupon  the  Emperor  sent  Prince  Hind&I  against  him.  On 
learning  the  approach  of  the  Prince,  the  greater  part  of  T4tar 
Eh&n's  forces  deserted  him  and  dispersed.  With  300  men  who 
remained  he  advanced  against  the  Prince,  and  made  a  fierce 
onslaught  upon  the  Prince's  own  division,  in  which  he  and  every 
one  of  his  followers  perished.  Bay  ana  and  its  dependencies 
then  reverted  to  the  possession  of  the  Emperor.  When  Sult&n 
Bah&dur  heard  of  this,  he  was  greatly  alarmed  and  confounded. 
The  Emperor  being  determined  to  chastise  still  further  his 
enemy,  he  marched  from  Agra,^  and  at  the  same  period  SuU&n 
Bah&dur  laid  siege  a  second  time  to  Chltor.  [  Victory  of  Prince 
Kdmrdn  at  KandahdrJ] 

When  Sult&n  Bah&dur  was  informed  of  the  march  of  the 
Emperor,  he  held  a  council  of  war.  Many  of  the  officers  advised 
the  raising  of  the  siege,  but  Sadr  £h&n,  who  was  the  chief  of 
his  nobles,  observed  that  they  were  warring  against  infidels,  and 
that  if  a  sovereign  of  Musulm&ns  were  to  attack  them  while  so 
engaged^  he  would  in  effect  assist  the  infidels,  and  this  would 
remain  a  reproach  against  him  among  Musulm&ns  until  the  Day 
of  Judgment.  He  therefore  advised  the  continuance  of  the 
siege,  and  would  not  believe  that  the  Emperor  would  attack 

1  At  the  beginning  of  Jttm&da-l  awwal,  941  K.—Akbar-ndma,  toL  !.,  p.  169. 

Digitizecfby  VjOOQIC 


TABAKAT-I  AKBABr.  191 

iheni.  When  the  Emperor  had  passed  through  M&lwa,  and  had 
oome  to  S&rangpur,  he  was  informed  of  this ;  so  he  rested  there. 
Snlt&n  Bah&dur  carried  on  the  siege  of  Ghitor  at  his  ease,  and 
finallj  took  it  by  storm,  and  secured  an  immense  booty.  In 
celebration  of  the  victory,  he  gave  a  great  feast,  and  divided 
the  spoil  among  his  soldiers.  Then  he  turned  his  front  towards 
the  Imperial  army. 

When  the  Emperor  heard  this,  he  marched  forward,  and  the 
two  armies  faced  each  other  at  Mandisor,^  one  of  the  depen- 
dencies of  M&Iwa.  The  tents  were  hardly  pitched,  when  Saiyid 
^Ali  Kh&n  and  Khurds&n  Kh&n,  who  commanded  Sult&n  Baha- 
dur's advanced  guard,  were  defeated  by  the  royal  forces,  and  fell 
back  upon  their  main  body.  The  army  of  Gujar&t  was  greatly 
dispirited,  and  the  Sult&n  called  a  council  of  war.  Sadr  Kh&n 
advised  giving  battle  on  the  morrow,  as  the  troops  were  elated 
by  the  conquest  of  Chitor,  and  their  eyes  had  not  yet  been 
seared  by  the  sight  of  the  Mughals.  Rumi  Khan,^  who  com- 
manded the  artillery,  was  adverse  to  a  pitched  battle,  because 
the  guns  (top)  and  rockets  [tnfang)  were  of  little  use  (in  the 
field).  They  were  very  strong  in  artillery,  and  except  the 
Emperor  of  Bum,  no  other  potentate  could  equal  them.  He 
therefore  counselled  the  entrenching'  of  the  army  and  the  carry- 
ing on  of  wariare  daily.  If  the  Mughals  advanced,  they  might  be 
met  with  a  discharge  of  the  guns  and  rockets  and  a  large  number 
of  them  would  be  killed.  Sult&n  Bah&dur  acquiesced  in  this  view, 
and  ordered  an  entrenchment  to  be  formed  round  his  camp. 

For  two  months  the  two  armies  remain^  confronting  each 
other.  Frequently  during  the  day  brave  men  desirous  of  fame 
sallied  out  in  search  of  adventures;  but  the  Mughal  soldiers 
seldom  ventured  within  range  of  the  guns  and  rockets.  Then 
the  Emperor  posted  his  troops  around  the  position  of  the  enemy, 

1  On  the  l>an1u  of  a  larg^  tank. — Ahbar-ndma,  toI.  i.  p.  160. 

*  A  Turk  of  Constantinople :  bat  the  title  was  sometimes  g^yen  to  artillerymen 
vho  were  not  Eoropean  Turks. 

>  Ah6-1  Fazl  says,  '*  a  barricade  of  carriages  (Aix/r-t  ar&ba)  with  a  ditch  outside." 
—AkUr-ndma,  yoI.  i,  p.  161. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


192  mzKyiU'D  dh?  a&mad. 

to  cat  off  his  supplies  of  grain  and  fodder  and  fueL  These  dis- 
positions caused  a  famine  to  ensue  in  the  enemy^s  camp.  Grain 
was  not  to  be  procured,  the  grass  all  around  was  consumed,  and 
the  imperfectly  armed  Gujar&tis,  through  fear  of  the  arrows, 
dared  not  yenture  far  from  the  camp.  The  horses  and  animals 
and  many  men  perished  from  want,  and  the  army  was  dis- 
mounted. When  Sult&n  Bah&dur  perceived  that  if  he  remained 
longer  he  would  be  taken  prisoner,  he  went  off  by  the  rear  of 
his  pavilion  and  fled  towards  Mandd  with  five  of  his  most 
trusty  adherents,  one  of  whom  was  governor  of  Burh&npiir,  and 
the  other  was  E4dir  Sh&h,  governor  of  M41wa.^  When  his 
men  heard  of  his  escape,  they  took  to  flight.  The  date  of  this 
event  is  found  in  the  words  Zill  Bahddur. 

On  the  Emperor  being  informed  of  the  flight  of  his  enemy, 
he  mounted  and  went  off  in  pursuit.  Having  come  up  with 
Sadr  Eh&n,  who  was  retreating  with  a  body  of  men  towards 
Mandu,  he  made  an  attack  upon  him,  thinking  that  it  was  Sult&n 
Bah&dur  himself.  He  had  not  with  him  more  than  3000  men, 
for  the  rest  were  engaged  in  plundering.  Many  of  the  Gujar&tis 
were  slain.  His  Majesty  hastened  on  to  Mandu,  and  Sult&n 
Bah&dur  was  besieged  in  the  fort.  The  siege  was  carried  on 
for  some  days,  till  one  night  a  party  of  the  royal  army  scaled 
the  walls  and  got  into  the  fort.  Sult&n  Bah&dur  was  asleep 
when  the  alarm  was  raised.  A  general  panic  followed,  and  the 
Gujar&tis  took  to  flight.  Sult&n  Bah&dur  made  off  with  five  or 
six  horsemen  towards  Gujar&t,  and  Sadr  Kh&n  and  Sult&n  *Xlam 
(Lodi)  threw  themselves  into  the  fort  of  Sungar,  which  is  the 
citadel  of  Mandd.  Next  day  they  came  out,  and  were  conducted 
to  the  presence  of  the  Emperor.  They  were  both  wounded. 
Sadr  Kh&n  was  placed  in  confinement,'  and  an  order  was  given 
for  cutting  off  the  foot  of  Sult&n  'Alam. 

^  See  infrd  Extract  from  Akbar-ndma, 

*  Such  is  the  statement  of  one  MS.,  not  of  the  other.  Abti-1  Fail  says,  on  the 
contrary,  he  was  received  with  great  kindnees.  Snlt&n  'Alam  had  rebelled  and 
deserted,  so  his  foot  was  cut  off  and  he  was  set  at  liberty.  The  fort  was  not  sur- 
rendered without  much  negociation  and  strong  assurances  of  personal  safety. — Akkar^ 
ndmOf  Tol.  i.,  p.  164. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TABAKAT-I  AKBABT.  193 

Three  days  after,  the  Emperor  left  the  fort  and  marched  on 
towards  Gujar&t.  Sult&n  Bah&dur  had  mach  treasure  and  manj 
jewels  in  the  fort  of  Ch&mpanir,^  and  these  he  carried  off  with 
him  to  Ahmadab&d.  When  the  Emperor  left  Gh&mpanir  and 
marched  towards  Ahmad&b&d,  Salt&n  Bah&dar  again  took 
flight,  and  proceeded  towards  Eamb&yat  (Eambay).  The  city 
of  Ahmad4bad  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Moghals,  and  being 
plandered  yielded  enormous  spoil.  The  Emperor  again  started 
off  with  all  speed  in  pursuit  of  Snlt&n  fiah&dur.  When 
the  latter  reached  Eambay,  he  hastily  exchanged  his  tired 
horses  for  fresh  ones^  and  hurried  off  to  the  port  of  (Diu).' 
The  Emperor  reached  Eambay  on  the  evening  of  the  day  in 
which  the  fugitive  had  quitted  it.'  Next  day,  a  person^  came 
forward  in  a  friendly  way  and  gave  information  that  the  in- 
habitants of  the  neighbourhood  were  that  night  going  to  make 
a  nocturnal  attack  upon  the  pursuers.  The  Emperor  questioned 
him  as  to  his  motive  for  giving  this  information.  He  replied, 
that  his  son  was  a  prisoner  in  the  hands  of  the  victors,  and  he 
was  in  hopes,  if  the  Emperor  was  successful,  that  he  might 
obtain  freedom  for  him.  The  Emperor  passed  the  night  in  the 
greatest  watchfulness,  and  when  it  was  near  dawn,  5000  or 
6000  footmen^  made  an  attack  upon  the  royal  forces.  The 
men  were  on  the  alert,  and  came  out  of  their  tents  and  as- 
sembled outside  the  camp.  What  was  left  in  the  camp  was 
plundered.  When  the  morning  dawned,  the  Mughals  fell  upon 
the  Gujar&tis  on  all  sides,  and  put  many  of  them  to  the 
sword.* 
J&m  Firoz,  formerly  ruler  of  Tatta,  having  been  defeated  by 

1  He  aei  fire  to  the  town  before  leaTing  Ch&mpanlr.— ^A^dar-fMfma,  toL  L,  p.  164. 

*  HaTi'ng  preTionsly  burnt  a  bnndred  war  gkrdU. — lb,  164. 

a  «  and  encamped  on  the  shore  of  the  sea."~J6.  16^. 

^  An  old  woman,  acoordiog  to  Ab6-1  FazL — lb,  166. 

f  «"  Bhils  and  Oow&n."— /6. 167. 

'  This  attack  was  made  by  Malik  Ahmad  L6d  and  Rnkn  D&6d,  two  of  8h&h 
Bahftdui^s  nobles,  who  had  great  inflnence  among  the  Eulis  and  Gow6n  of  Koliwfrra. 
Snraged  at  this  attack,  Hum&yi^n  ordered  Kambajr  to  be  plundered  and  fired.— 
i}.l66. 

vox..  T.  II 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


194  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

the  Arghdns,  had  fled  to  Gujar&t.^  He  had  giren  his  daughter 
to  Sult&n  Bah&dur.  When  the  latter  was  defeated,  the  J4m  fell 
a  prisoner  into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor.  On  the  night  of  thi« 
attack,  his  guards,  fearing  he  might  escape,  put  him  to  death. 
Sadr  Kh&n  Gnjar&tf,  who  had  surrendered  himself  at  the  fort 
of  Stingar,  was  also  put  to  death  on  this  night. 

Next  day  the  Emperor  marched  towards  Gh&mpanir,  and 
invested  the  fort.  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n,  the  commandant  of  the  fort, 
made  preparations  for  resistance.  One  day  the  Emperor  was 
going  round  the  fort^  when  he  spied  a  number  of  people  who  had 
come  out  of  the  jungle,  and  who,  being  frightened  at  the  sight 
of  him,  fell  back  into  the  cover.  He  sent  a  party  in  pursuit,  and 
captured  several  of  them.  It  then  appeared  that,  with  the  help 
of  the  (neighbouring)  zaminddrs^  they  had  conveyed  grain  and 
butter  into  the  fort.  In  this  place  (where  they  had  introduced 
the  provisions)  the  fort  was  very  high,^  perpendicular,  and 
dangerous.  But  His  Majesty  conceived  that  where  provisions 
had  been  passed,  he  also  might  find  an  entrance.  He  carefully 
examined  the  place,  and  then  returned  to  the  camp. 

It  then  occurred  to  him  that  the  strength  of  this  part  of  the 
fort  was  such,  that  the  garrison  probably  felt  quite  secure  about 
it,  and  took  little  care  to  guard  it.  He  had  a  number  of  steel 
spikes  prepared.  In  the  day  he  attacked  the  fort  on  all  sides, 
and  at  night  he  repaired  with  600  men  to  this  place.  They 
drove  the  spikes  right  and  left  firmly  into  (the  scarp  of  the 
rock),  and  by  means  of  them  climbed  up  into  the  fort.  The 
garrison,  being  quite  at  ease  about  this  part  of  the  fort,  did  not 
observe  their  entrance.  When  thirty-nine  persons,  the  last  of 
whom  was  Bair&m  Khdn,  had  gone  up,  His  Majesty  also  reso- 
lutely ascended.^    By  daybreak  800  men  had  got  in.     There 

^  See  Vol.  I.  of  this  work,  pp.  234,  309,  313. 

*  "  Sixty  or  seyenty  gaz  in  height." — Akbar'tidma,  toI.  i.,  p.  168. 

'  The  Akbar'tidma  (vol.  i.,  p.  168)  says  that  when  thirty-nine  had  gone  op, 
Hum&yto  wanted  to  proceed,  hut  Bair&m  £h&n  persuaded  him  to  wait  tiU  the 
whole  ascent  was  clear.  Bair&m  Eh6n  then  went  up,  and  Hum&y6n  foUowed^  being 
the  forty-first  man. 

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TABAKiCT-I  AXBAfir.  195 

thflj  found  great  slores  of  corn  and  batter,  and  other  proTisions, 
fcr  the  people  of  the  fort.  As  soon  as  it  was  light,  the  besieging 
annjr  advanced  against  the  fort.  The  Emperor  and  his  party  then 
came  down,  diouting  their  battle-ciy.  On  reaching  the  gate 
they  opened  it,  and  gave  admission  to  the  assailants.  So  this 
strong  fortress  ma  taken.  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n  retreated  into  the 
eitadd,  which  is  called  Muliya.  Great  nambers  of  the  garrison 
were  slain,  and  many  of  their  wives  and  children  cast  themselves 
down  from  the  walls  of  the  fort  and  were  killed. 

Ikhtiy&r  £h&n  then  came  out  of  the  citadel  and  surrendered. 
He  held  a  high  position  among  the  Gujaratis,  and  was  kindly 
received  by  the  Emperor,  who  made  him  one  of  his  personal 
attendants.^  The  treasures  of  the  £ings  of  Gujar&t,  which  had 
been  accumulating  for  many  years,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
eonqnerors.  The  gold  was  divided  among  the  soldiers,  so  much 
a  head.  The  goods  and  stuffs  of  Btim  and  Europe  and  China, 
and  of  eveiy  part  of  the  world,  which  the  Kings  of  Gujar&t  had 
treasured,  all  fell  a  prey  to  the  victors.  So  vast  was  the  amount 
of  gold  and  effects  that  came  into  the  possession  of  the  soldiers, 
that  no  person  attempted  to  collect  revenue  that  year  in  Gujar&t. 

The  agriculturists  of  the  country  sent  a  person  with  a  message 
to  Sult&n  Bah&dur,  to  inform  him  that  as  several  of  the  districts 
were  not  occupied  by  the  Mughal  agents,  they  would  themselves 
make  the  proper  collections,  if  he  would  send  an  army  to  protect 
them.  Accordingly,  Sult&n  Bah&dur  sent  one  of  his  slaves, 
'Im&du-l  Mulk,^  who  was  distinguished  for  courage  and  justice. 
*Im4du-l  Mulk  set  about  collecting  forces,  and  by  the  time  he 
reached  Ahmad&b&d  many  soldiers  of  the  army  and  of  the 
Mominddrs  had  gathered  round  him,  to  the  number  of  about 
50.000  horse  and  foot.'    He  encamped  within  sight  of  Ahmad- 

^  Ikhtijftr  Khftn  was  a  deBcencUmt  of  the  kdsis  of  the  town  of  Naryfid,  and  was  a 
nuai  of  great  knowledge  and  experience.  He  had  a  high  reputation  ai  a  statesman, 
and  was  an  acoompllBhed  geometrician  and  astronomer.  He  was  of  some  repute  also  as 
a  yoet—AJkbar-ndma^  toI.  L,  p.  167.    Enkine,  toI.  iL,  p.  66.        >  A  Circassian. 

>  If  uj&hid  IQi&n  of  Jonagarh  joined  him  with  12,000  hQtta.^AJkbor-mdm^  ? oL  i., 
p.  169. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


196  KIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

&b&d,  and  began  to  collect  the  revenue.  When  information  of  this 
was  brought  to  the  Emperor  after  the  &11  of  Gh&mpanir,  he 
made  a  second  large  distribution  of  gold  out  of  the  plunder  of 
Gujar&t  among  the  soldiers.  He  ihen  placed  the  fort  of  Gh&m- 
panir  in  charge  of  Tardi  Beg,  and  marched  towards  Ahmad&b&d. 
The  command  of  the  vanguard  was  given  to  Mirz&  'Askari, 
Mirzd  Y&dg&r  N&sir,  and  Mir  Hindu  Beg,  and  they  went  on 
one  day's  march  in  advance.  In  the  vicinity  of  Mahmdd- 
4b&d,^  which  is  twelve  kos  from  Ahmad&bad,  'Imadu-l  Mulk 
attacked  Mirzd  'Askari,  and  was  defeated.  Many  men  fell  on 
both  sides. 

The  author  of  this  work  heard  from  his  father,  who  was  then 
toazir  of  Mirzd  'AskaH,  that  at  mid-day,  when  it  was  intensely 
hot,  the  Gujar&tis  came  hastily  out  of  Ahmad&b&d.  Mirz& 
Y&dg&r  N&sir  had  marched  about  half  a  kou  on  the  right  flank 
of  Mirza  Askari,  and  Mirzd  Hindu  Beg  had  encamped  at  the 
same  distance  on  his  left.  The  Gujar&tis  came  on  with  such 
speed  that  the  Mirz&  had  no  time  to  array  his  forces,  so  he 
retired  with  a  party  of  his  men  into  a  thorn  brake,  where  he 
stood  &8t.  Heedless  of  this  disposition  of  the  Mirz&'s,  the 
GujarlEltis  dispersed  in  search  of  plunder,  and  gathered  a  laige 
booty.  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  N^sir  and  Mirz&  Hindu  Beg  came  up 
in  due  order  with  their  forces,  and  the  Gujar&t(s  took  to  flight. 
Mirzd  'Askari  now  came  forth  from  the  thorn  brake,  and  pursued 
the  Gujar&tis  to  Ahmad4b&d.  More  than  2000  men  were  killed 
in  the  battle. 

After  this  the  Emperor  bestowed  Ahmad&b&d  and  its  depen- 
dencies upon  Mirzd  'Askari  in  jdgir^  Nahrw&la  Patau  upon 
Mirz&  Y&dg&r  N&sir,  and  Broach  upon  Mirzd  Hindu  Beg.' 
Tardi  Beg  received  Oh&rapanir,  and  K&sim  Husain  obtained 
Baroda.     Eh&n-jah&n  Shir&zi  and  other  nobles  also  received 

1  '<  Between  Nary&d  and  Malimdd&bfid.'*— ^Jt^ar-m/ma,  toL  i.,  p.  171. 

'  None  but  Min&  'Askarl's  men  were  allowed  to  enter  the  citj. — Ih.  173. 

>  A  large  force  waa  left  under  the  command  of  Hindd  Beg«  with  which  he  waa  to 
render  aamatanoe  wheierer  it  waa  required.  K&aim  Hnaain  recaiTed  Broach. — 
Ih,  172. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARF.  197 

grants.^  The  Emperor  proceeded  after  these  successes  to  Bur- 
h&nptir,  and  from  thence  to  Mandu. 

After  a  time  one  of  the  nobles  of  Salt&n  Bah&dar  prepared  a 
fortified  position  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Naus&ri,  which  is  near 
to  Snrat,  and  proceeded  to  collect  forces.  He  took  possession  of 
Naus&ri,  and  having  associated  B£ml  Eh&n'  of  Surat  with 
Ehin-jah&n  Shir&zi,  thej  marched  against  Broach.'  E&sim 
Hasain,  being  unable  to  withstand  them^  fled  to  Ohintpanir. 
The  Oujar&tis  then  rose  and  carried  on  offensive  movements 
on  every  side. 

One  night  Mirzd  ^Askari  in  a  convivial  party  took  too  much 
wine,  and  givii^  license  ta  his  tongue,  exclaimed,  ^'  I  am  a  King, 
and  the  shadow  of  God."  Ghazanfar,  who  was  one  of  his  com- 
panions, and  foster-brother  of  E&eim  Eh&n,  said  in  an  under- 
tone, "So  thou  art ;  but  not  for  thyself.'*  The  convives  smiled, 
and  the  Mirzd  having  found  out  what  they  were  laughing  about, 
got  angry,  and  threw  Ghazan&r  into  prison.  In  a  few  days  he 
made  his  escape,*  and  went  and  joined  Sult&n  Bah&dur,  whom 
he  incited  to  attack  Ahroad&b&d,  assoriug  him  that  he  was 
acquainted  with  all  the  plans  of  the  Mughals,  who  were  anxious 
to  retreat,  and  only  wanted  a  pretext  for  so  doing.  He  advised 
him  to  make  the  Mirz&  prisoner,  and  march  against  the  Mughals ; 
and  he  expressed  his  willingness  to  submit  to  punishment  if  they 
made  any  real  resistance.  Salt&n  Bah&dur,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  znminddrs  of  Surath,^  got  together  a  force  and  marched 
agsunst  Ahmad&b&d. 

Just  at  this  period  Amir  Hindd  Beg  had  counselled  Mirzd 

'  See  infra  Extract  from  the  AJIibar-ndma,  '*  Betam  of  Hnm&ytUi." 
'  This  was  the  common  title  given  to  Osmanli  Tnrks,  who  were  in  high*  repute  as 
engineers  and  gonners,  but  it  was  not  confined  exclusively  to  them.  This  R^mi 
Kh&n  is  not  the  same  as  the  Btfml  Eh&n  Kbud&wand  Kh&n  who  left  Sult&n  Bah&dur 
after  his  defeat  at  Maadd,  and  directed  the  siege  of  Chnn&r  for  Humftjtfn. — See 
«M  p.  199. 
'  See  Extract  from  Akbar*ndma, 

*  With  300  Yion^.—Akbar'-ndmaj  vol.  i,  p.  174. 

*  Sdrath  is  one  of  the  divisions  of  Eattiw&r,  and  must  not  be  confounded  with  the 
town  of  Surat)  though  the  names  are  no  doubt  identical. 

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198  KIZiCVir-D  BIN  AHMAD. 

^Aakari  to  have  the  khutba  re<nted  and  coin  struck  in  his  naine, 
and  to  set  up  his  claim  to  independence,  expecting  that  the 
troops  in  hopes  (of  reward)  would  devote  themselves  to  his 
service.  Mirzi  ^Aflkarf  did  not  accept  this  advice.  After  much 
debate  and  deliberation,  it  was  determined  that  Mirz&  ^Askari, 
Mirz&  Y&dg4r  M&sir,  Amir  Hindu  Beg  and  some  other  nobles 
should  leave  Ahmad&b&d,  and  form  a  camp  in  the  rear  of  As&wal,^ 
opposite  Sarganj.  Sult&n  Bah&dur  also  came  down  to  Sarganj 
and  fiiced  his  enemies.  By  chance  a  cannon  ball  from  the  camp 
of  the  Mirzd  knocked  down  the  tent  of  Sultan  Bah&dur.  This 
greatly  disturbed  him,  and  he  summoned  Ghazanfar  to  his  pre- 
sence, intending  to  bring  him  to  punishment.  Ghazanfar  asked 
that  his  punishment  might  be  postponed  until  the  Sult&n  had 
set  his  army  in  array,  for  he  had  heard  that  Mirz&  'Askari  in- 
tended to  retreat  during  the  night.  When  night  came  Mirz& 
'Askari,  with  the  approval  of  the  amirs,  retreated  towards 
Cb&mpanir,  leaving  everything  superfluous  behind  them.'  They 
halted  at  ten  kos  distance^  and  Sult&n  Bah&dur  pursued  and 
came  up  with  them*  Mirzd  Askari  «nd  the  amira  mounted  and 
made  a  show  of  fighting,  and  then  retired. 

When  they  reached  C3i4mpanir,  Tardi  Beg^  exhibited  hostility 
towards  them,  and  shutting  himself  up  in  the  fort,  sent  a  mes- 
senger to  Huro&yun,  to  inform  him  that  Mirz&  ^Askari  had 
hostile  intentions,  and  was  about  to  march  upon  i(gra  and  pro- 
claim himself  King.  But  before  Mirzd  ^Askari  retreated  from 
Ahmad&b&d,  the  newswriters  and  reporters  had  communicated 
to  the  Emperor  the  proposition  which  Mir  Hindu  Beg  had  made 
to  the  Mirz4  for  his  assuming  the  crown,  and  although  he  had 
not  assented  thereto,  they  reported  that  he  entertained  hostile 
designs.  The  Emperor  set  off  with  all  speed  from  Mandu  to 
Agra,  and  was  met  upon  the  road'  by  Mirz& 'Askari,  who  waited 
upon  him,  and  told  him  the  facts  of  the  matter.   Sult&n  Bah&dur 

^  A  suburb  of  Ahmad&b&d. 

'  See  Extracts  from  the  AlchavnimM^  infrd, 

^  **Near  Ghitor."— ^JfcAar>fiitoui,  toI.  L,  p.  176. 

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TABAKATJ  AKBA&f.  199 

obtaioed  possession  of  the  fort  of  Ch&mpanir  by  the  eapitalation 
of  Tardi  Beg. 

At  the  beginniog  of  this  year,  Sh&h  Tahmdsp,  in  revenge  of 
Sain  Mirz&y  marched  to  Kandah&r,  and  Kaldn  Beg  evacuated  the 
fort  and  proceeded  to  Lahore.  It  is  said  that  Kal&n  Beg  had 
built  for  himself  a  Chinese  house  of  great  elegance^  and  when 
be  fled  it  was  furnished  with  fine  carpets  and  beautiful  vases. 
This  greatly  pleased  the  Sh4h.  Leaving  Kandah&r  in  charge 
of  his  nobles,  the  Sh&h  proceeded  to  ^Ir&k.  After  this,  Mirzi 
K&mr&n  matched  from  Lahore  against  Kandah&r,  and  the  Turko- 
mans, being  nnable  to  resist  him,  evacuated  the  place  and  went 
to  ^Irak.     Kandah4r  thus  once  more  fell  into  his  hands. 

The  Emperor  Huni&yun  remained  for  a  year  at  Agra  and 
took  his  pleasure.  When  Sult&n  Bah&dur  was  defeated,  he  sent 
away  Muhammad  Zam&n  Mirz&  to  Hind,  in  order  that  there 
might  be  no  di£E[cuIty  about  him,  and  when  Mirz4  E&mr&n 
marched  against  Kandah&r,  Zam4n  Mirzd  laid  siege  to  Lahore, 
but  upon  hearing  of  the  Emperor's  return^  he  went  back  again 
to  Gujar4t.^ 

Sher  "Kh&a  Afgh&n,  who  had  got  possession  of  the  provinces 
of  Bih4r  and  Jaunpiir  and  the  fort  of  Chun&r,  greatly  increased 
his  power  and  forces  while  the  Emperor  was  engaged  in  Gujardt 
and  M&lwa.  To  curb  his  proceedings,  the  Emperor  marched 
against  him  on  the  14th  Saiar,  942  h.  (12th  August,  1535). 
When  he  pitched  his  tents  before  the  fort  of  Ghun&r,'  Bum  I 
Kh4n,  who  had  quitted  the  service  of  Sult&n  Bahadur,'  and 
bad  been  received  into  that  of  the  Emperor,  undertook  the  reduc- 
tion of  the  fortress.  He  received  full  authority  to  do  whatever 
he  deemed  necessary  for  the  capture  of  the  place,  and  every 

'  Aeeording  to  Abtf-1  Fazl  he  went  to  8iDd,  but  waa  stopped  and  tnriied  aside  hj 
Sli&h  Hnsain,  son  of  Sh&h  Beg  Argh&n.  He  tben  went  and  invested  Lahore  during 
K&nr&n's  absence,  but  fled  as  soon  as  K&mr&n  returned,  and  haying  no  other  resource 
he  went  back  again  to  Gujar&t 

'  Which  was  under  the  oommand  of  Kutb  Eh&n,  son  of  Sher  Sh&h. 

*  After  the  defeat  of  Sult&n  Bah&dur  at  Uaadti,  ^Akbar^ndma,  vol.  i.,  p.  183. 


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200  NIZAMU-D  DtN  AHMAD. 

assistance  was  to  be  given  to  him.  Biimi  Kh&n  reconnoitered 
the  fortress,  and  found  that  every  part  of  the  place  iwhich  abutted 
on  the  land  was  exceedingly  strong  and  quite  impregnable.  He 
therefore  turned  his  attention  to  the  river,  and  prepared  a  laige 
vessel  on  which  he  began  to  build  a  scaffold.^  When  the  structure 
was  finished,  he  found  that  the  vessel  would  not  carry  it,  so  he 
had  two  other  vessels  lashed  one  on  each  side  of  it.  Still  they 
were  insufficient  to  convey  the  scaffold.  The  help  of  another 
vessel  was  obtained,  and  the  scaffold  being  now  movable,  it  was 
brought  close  up  to  the  fort,  and  the  place  was  captured.*  When 
the  officers  of  the  garrison  saw  that  the  place  was  no  longer 
tenable,  they  made  their  escape  at  night  in  boats.  Bumi  Eh&n 
received  many  rewards.'  The  gunners  of  the  fort  were  maimed 
by  His  Majesty's  orders.^  At  this  time,  Sher  Kh&n  Afgh&n  was 
carrying  on  war  against  the  ruler  of  Bengdl,*  who  fled  wounded 
before  him,  and  sought  refuge  with  the  Emperor  Hum&yiin. 
The  Emperor  then  marched  against  Bengdl.  Sher  Kh4n  then 
sent  his  sons  ^  Jal&l  Kh&n  and  Khaw&s  Kh&n  to  secure  Ghurhi, 
which  was  situated  on  the  road  to  Beng&l.  This  Garhi  is  a 
strong  place.''  On  one  side  of  it  there  is  a  high  mountain  and 
a  large  jungle  quite  insurmountable,  and  the  river  Gkmges  runs 
near  to  the  other  side.     The  place  stands  between  Bih&r  and 

1  (^^y^  JjIL«.  Abd-l  Fazl  calls  the  stmctiire  a  idbdL-^Akbar-ndma,  toL  i, 
p.  183. 

*  He  was  appointed  goyernor  of  the  fortress,  but  died  a  few  days  afterwards, 
poisoned,  as  Abfi-1  Fazl  says,  out  of  envy  at  his  promotion.  Beg  Mfrak  snooeeded 
him  as  goyemor  of  Chnnlir. — jUbar-ndma,  toI.  !.,  p.  184. 

*  Ahti-l  Fazl  says  that  2000  men  surrendered  and  received  quarter  from  Hnmfcytfa, 
but  that  Mnyid  Beg,  one  of  his  attendants,  caused  their  hands  to  be  cut  off,  aTerring 
that  it  was  by  the  £mperor*s  order,  although  he  had  really  directed  kind  treatment. 
Our  MSS.  have  the  words  ba'hukm,  "  by  order,"  but  perhaps,  as  Erskine  snggesta,  it 
should  be  be^huhn^  without  the  order. — Akbar-ndma^  toI.  i.,  p.  183. 

*  Saiyid  Mahm^d  Sh&h.  Abii-l  Fazl  calls  him  Nasfb  Sh&b,  but  he  was  dead.— 
See  Vol.  IV..  p.  366. 

*  So  in  the  original,  but  Ehawiis  EhCm  was  not  Sher  Eh&n*s  squ. 

7  *<The  gate  of  BengU."— ^^tor-fidmff.  It  is  the  Teria  garhi  or  TiliagoUej  of 
the  maps. 

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TABASAT-I  AKBABr.  201 

Bengfil.  The  Emperor  sent  Jah&ngtr  Beg  Mughal  against 
Garhi. 

Hind&l  Mirz&  accompanied  the  Emperor  to  Mongir,  and  after- 
wards he  was  sent  towards  i^gra  against  Muhammad  Sult&n 
Mirz&,  XJlugh  Mirz&,  and  Sh&h  Mirz&,  who  had  fled  from 
His  Majesty,  and  were  creating  disturbances  in  the'  country. 
Muhammad  Zam&n  Mirzd,  when  he  found  that  he  met  with  no 
sneers  in  Gujar&t,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Emperor  at  Agra, 
suing  for  pardon.^ 

When  Jah&ngir  Beg  arrived  at  Ghirhi,  Jal&l  Eh&n,'  son  of 
Sher  S[h&n,  and  Khaw&s  Eh&n  marched  forth  and  defeated 
Jah4ngir  Beg  as  he  was  descending  (the  defiles).  Jah&ngir  Beg 
was  wounded,  and  returned  to  join  the  Emperor,  who  marched 
in  person  to  the  gates  of  Garhi.  Unable  to  make  further  re- 
sistance, Jal&l  Eh&n  and  Ehaw&s  Eh&n  fled.  The  Emperor 
then  left  Garhi,  and  continued  his  march  into  Beng&l.  Sher 
Eh&n  was  unable  to  resist  him,  so  he  went  off  by  way  of 
Jh£rkand'  to  Boht&s.  The  Emperor  remained  three  months 
in  Beng&l,^  and  changed  the  name  of  the  city  of  Gaur  to 
Jannat&b&d. 

In  the  year  943  (1636  a.d.),  Mirzd  Hind&I,  finding  oppor- 
tunity at  i^gra,^  was  induced  by  turbulent  advisers  to  set 
himself  up  in  opposition  to  the  Emperor.^    He  killed  Shaikh 

^  This  outbreak,  aooording  to  Abti-1  Fazl,  occorred  before  the  inarch  to  Chun&r, 
and  Mahammad  Zam&n  joined  the  Emperor  while  on  his  march  thither. — Akbar* 
ndmOf  ToL  L,  pb  176. 

'  AU  three  M  S8.  had  «  Jal&l  Kh&n,"  bat  in  two  of  them  **  Kutb  Eh&n  "  has  been 
•abstitated.    Bee  Vol.  lY.,  p.  367. 

*  The  Akbar^dma  caUs  it  <'  Chah&rkand."  It  was  at  this  time  that  Sher  Eh&n 
got  poaseaaion  of  Boht&s  (see  tu^d,  Vol.  lY^  p.  361).  According  to  Abd-1  Fazl, 
**  B&J&  Chint&man  brahman  was  master  {hdkim)  of  the  fortress."  He  accredits  the 
dolt  Btory,  and  aaya  that  600  dolis  went  in  with  two  men  in  eaoh.—^A^ffr-ndmo, 
Tol.  L,  p.  186. 

*  The  Akbar-ndma  (toL  I,  p.  186)  aaya  Hnm&yikn  liked  the  climate  of  Bengal, 
aad  rested  there  in  pleasure  and  dissipation,  regardlees  of  his  army. 

*  Aceording  to  the  Akbar^ndma  (toI.  i.,  p.  186),  he  had  gone  there  without  leaye. 

*  His  supporters  aaid,  **  If  you  will  cause  the  khutba  to  be  read  in  your  name,  we 
wiU  faithftiUy  aerre  and  support  you ;  if  not,  we  will  go  to  Miiz&  S&mr6n,  where  we 
shall  have  our  wishes  gratified."— .^iW-ftdma,  toI.  i.,  p.  187. 


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202  KIZiCUU-D  BtN  AHMAD. 

Bahlol,^  one  of  the  great  Shaikhs  of  the  time,  and  learned  in 
theology,  to  vrhom  the  Emperor  was  much  attached.  He  was 
executed  upon  the  pretence  of  his  being  in  league  with  the 
Afgh&ns,  but  in  reality  it  was  brought  about  bj  the  leaders  of 
the  revolt  in  order  to  widen  the  breach  between  Mirzi  Hind&l 
and  the  Emperor.  The  khutba  was  now  read  in  the  name  of 
Hinddl.  When  the  Emperor  heard  of  this  defection,  he  left 
Jah&ngir  Beg  in  charge  of  Beng&l,  with  a  reinforcement  of 
6000  chosen  men,  and  set  off  for  ^gra. 

At  this  time  Muhammad  Zam&n  Mirz&,  son  of  Badl'a-z 
Zam&n  Mirzi,  returned  from  Gujar&t  with  great  contrition,  and 
waited  upon  the  Emperor,  who  forgave  him,  and  did  not  utter 
a  word  of  reproach.  Long  marches  and  the  unwholesome  climate 
of  Beng&l  destroyed  the  horses  of  the  soldiers,  and  the  Emperor''a 
army  arrived  quite  destitute  of  provisions  at  Ghaunsd.  The 
amirB  who  had  been  left  in  Jaunpur  and  Ghun&r  came  to  wait 
upon  the  Emperor.  Sher  Eh&n,  having  got  intelligence  of  the 
distress  of  the  army,  came  and  placed  himself  in  front  of  the 
Emperor,  and  the  armies  remained  canfronting  each  other  three 
months. 

When  Mirz&  £&mr&n  returned  to  Lahore  from  Eandah&r,  and 
heard  of  the  rebellion  of  Mirz&  Hind41,  of  the  difficulties  of  the 
Emperor,  and  of  the  growing  strength  of  Sher  Kh&n,  he  formed 
the  design  of  securing  Agra.  Mirz&  Hind&l  proceeded  to  Dehli, 
and  there  Fakhr  ^Ali  and  Mirza  T£dg&r  N&sir^  shut  themselves 
up  in  the  fortress,  and  in  spite  of  all  his  efforts,  Hind&l  was 
unable  to  take  the  city.  So  when  Mirzi  E&mr&n  came  near 
to  Dehli,  Mirzi  Hind&l  felt  himself  constrained  to  join  him.' 

1  Ab(i-1  Fail  calls  him  "  Shaikh  Fhdl/'  and  says  he  had  been  tent  by  Ham&y^n 
express  from  fieng&l  to  use  his  inflaeooe  in  inducing  Hindfil  to  deaiafc  from  hia  i^wl* 
lions  designs. — Akbar»ndma,  toI.  i.,  p.  188. 

*  On  hearing  of  Hindal's  proceedings,  Mirz&  Y6dg6r  Kftsir  had  left  EftlpS  and 
hastened  by  way  of  Gwalior  to  DehlS,  and  prepared  the  eity  for  a  siege.— uUfciar- 
Mfrno,  Tol.  i.,  p.  189. 

^  The  Akbar-ndfMt  (toL  i.,  p.  190)  states,  what  is  more  likely,  that  on  E&mrfm's 
reaching  Sonpat,  Hind&l  hastened  back  to  Agra,  from  whenoe,  on  K&inr4n*B  ap. 
proaeh,  he  retired  to  Alwar. 


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TABAKrr-I  AKBABI.  203 

Fakhr  ^Ali  came  out  on  the  top  of  tlie  fortress,  and  seeing 
Mirz4  K&mr&n,  he  told  him  that  Mirzi  Y&dg&r  N&sir  would 
not  surrender  Dehli,  so  the  best  thing  he  oould  do  would  be  to  go 
on  to  i^ra,  and  if  he  obtained  possession  of  that  city,  Dehli  would 
be  given  up  to  him.  Mirz&  K&mr&n  consequently  marched  on 
towards  i^gra,  and  when  he  approached  that  city,  Mirzd  Hind&l 
separated  from  him,  and  went  away  in  the  direction  of  Alwar. 

The  news  of  Mirz&  Hind&l^s  rebellion,  and  of  the  arrival 
of  Mirz&  E&mr&n  at  Dehli,  was  brought  to  the  Emperor  at 
ChaunsA,  and  greatly  increased  his  distress.  Sher  Khan  now 
sent  to  the  Emperor  a  darwesh  named  Shaikh  Jalil,  whom  he 
called  his  murihidj  to  propose  terms  of  peace.  He  offered  to 
give  np  all  the  territory  except  Beng&l,  to  swear  upon  the 
Holy  Book  that  he  would  live  in  peace,  and  that  the  coin  should 
be  struck  and  the  khutha  read  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor. 
These  proposals  were  received  with  the  greatest  satisfaction. 
But  next  morning  Sher  Eh&n  fell  upon  the  royal  army  un- 
awares, and  put  it  to  the  rout  before  it  oould  be  drawn  up  in 
array.^  Prior  to  the  attack,  the  Afgh&ns  had  taken  possession 
of  the  bridge  and  had  broken  it.  They  also  came  out  on  the 
river  in  boats,  and  despatched  with  their  spears  every  man  of 
the  royal  army  whom  they  found  endeavouring  to  escape  by 
water.  Muhammad  Zam&n  Mirzd  was  drowned.  His  Majesty 
rode  his  horse  into  the  water,  and  nearly  perished  ;  but  he  was 
helped  over  the  river  by  a  water-carrier,  and  went  off  towards 

Mirz&  E&mr&n  had  ere  this  arrived  at  Agra.  Mirz4  Hindal 
was  at  Alwar  in  security.  After  the  Emperor  had  crossed  the 
river,  he  hastened  on,  accompanied  by  only  a  few  horsemen,*  of 
whom  the  author's  father  was  one,  and  arrived  at  Agra.     Mirz& 

1  As  Hmn&j^n  was  mounting,  he  ordered  B&b&  Jal&ir  and  Tardi  Beg  Knch  Beg  to 
look  to  the  safetj  of  the  Empress  Hfiiji  Begam.  They  died  fighting  at  the  door  of 
her  tent.  Mir  Pahlaw&n  Badakhshi  and  a  number  of  others  fell  in  the  Tain  attempt 
to  saye  her,  and  she  fell  a  prisoner  into  the  hands  of  the  Afgh&ns. — Akbar^ndmay 
YoL  i^  p.  193.    See  Vol.  IV.  of  this  work,  p.  875. 

>  Min&  'Askari  also  was  with  \am.'-Akbttr'ndma,  vol.  i.,  p.  194. 


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204  KIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

K&mr&n  had  receired  do  intelligence  before  the  Emperor  arrired* 
The  latter  repaired  at  once  to  the  pavilion  of  his  brother,  and  on 
seeing  each  other,  the  eyes  of  the  brothers  filled  with  tears. 
Hind&I  Mirzd  received  forgiveness  for  his  offences,  and  then 
came  and  waited  upon  the  Emperor.  Muhammad  S«lt&n  Mirz& 
and  his  sons,  who  had  for  a  long  time  been  engaged  in  rebellion, 
also  came  in  and  joined  them.  Consultations  were  held.  Mirza 
K&mr&n  was  desirous  of  returning  to  Lahore,  and  showed 
unbounded  expectations.  The  Emperor  assented  to  all  his  ex- 
traordinary propositions.  Khw&ja  Kal&n  Beg  exerted  himself 
to  bring  about  the  return  of  Mirzd  E&mr&n.  The  negoeiations 
went  on  for  six  months.  Meanwhile  Mirz&  £&mr&n  had  been 
attacked  with  severe  sickness,  and  some  designing  persons  had 
instilled  into  his  mind  the  belief  that  his  illness  was  the  result  of 
poison  administered  to  him  by  the  Emperor's  directions.  So,  ill 
as  he  was,  he  started  for  Lahore,  having  sent  on  Khwaja  Kal&n 
Beg  in  advance.  He  had  promised  to  leave  a  considerable  por- 
tion of  his  army  to  assist  his  brother  at  Agra ;  but  in  spite  of 
this  promise  he  carried  all  off  with  him,  excepting  only  2000 
men  whom  he  left  at  Agra  under  the  command  of  ^kandar. 
Mirz&  Haidar  Doghlat  Kashmiri,^  who  had  accompanied  K&m- 
r&n,  remained  with  His  Majesty,  and  was  received  into  favour. 
K&mr&n  also  took  away  with  him  many  of  the  soldiers  of  Agra. 

Sher  Eh&n,  emboldened  by  the  dissensions  between  the  brothers, 
advanced  along  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  and  sent  a  detachment 
over  the  river  against  E&Ipi  and  Et&wah.  E&sim  Husain  Sult&n 
Uzbek,  along  with  Y&dg&r  N&sir  Mirz&  and  Sikandar  Sult&n, 
fought  against  the  Afgh&is  in  the  neighbourhood  of  K&lpi. 
They  killed  a  son  of  Sher  Kh&n  who  was  in  command,  and 
a  great  many  men  of  his  army,  and  they  sent  his  head  as  an 
offering  to  Agra.  The  Emperor  then  marched  against  Sher 
Kh&n  to  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  and  passed  over  the  river  at 
Kanauj.     For  one  month  he  remained  encamped  in  sight  of  the 

^  Mirz&  Haidar  was  ayerted,  by  the  Emperor's  remonstrances,  from  going  away 
with  E&mr&n. — Akhar^ndma^  yoL  i.,  p.  197.    See  tuprd^  p.  130. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TABAXAT-I  AKBABt.  205 

enemy.  His  army  nambered  100,000  horsemen,  while  that  of 
the  Afgh&ns  did  not  exceed  50,000.  At  this  conjuncture, 
Mohammad  Sult&n  Mirz&  and  his  sons  again  exhibited  their 
perfidy,  and  without  reason  fled  from  the  royal  army.  The 
detachment  which  Mind  K&mr&n  had  left  as  a  reinforcement 
also  went  off  to  Lahore.  So  disaffection  having  become  the 
fashion,  many  of  the  troops  went  off  and  scattered  over  various 
parts  of  Hindust&n.  The  rainy  season  came  on,  and  the  place 
where  the  army  was  encamped  being  flooded  with  water,  it  was 
determined  to  move  to  higher  ground.  While  this  was  being 
done  Sher  Kh&n  came  forth  to  fight.  The  battle  was  fought 
on  the  10th  Muharram  of  this  year  [947  H.,  17th  May,  1540 
A.D.].  Many  of  the  soldiers,  being  dispirited,  fled  without 
fighting.  A  few  only  of  the  bravest  went  into  the  fight,  and 
the  day  being  lost,  the  whole  army  fled.  Hum&ydn  became 
separated  from  his  horse  in  the  Ganges,  and  was  helped  out  of 
the  water  by  Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad  Ghaznivi,  who  after- 
wards, in  the  reign  of  Akbar,  received  the  title  of  Kh&n-i  a'^zam. 
When  Sher  Khan  heard  of  his  escape,  he  was  sorry,  and  ex- 
claimed, ^'  I  was  in  hopes  he  had  perished,  but  he  has  got  off.''  ^ 
The  Emperor  fled  to  ^gra;  and  when  i}^e  enemy  approached 
that  city^  he  made  no  delay,  but  went  to  Lahore.  At  the 
beginning  of  Babi'u-l  awwal  all  the  Chaghat&i  Sult&ns  and 
amirs  were  assembled  in  Lahore;  but  Mirz&  Muhammad  Sult£n 
and  his  sons,  who  had  come  to  Lahore,  fled  from  thence  to 
Hnlt&n.  Mirzd  Hiud&l  and  Mirz&  Yddg&r  N&sir  found  it  ex- 
pedient to  go  towards  Bakar  and  Tatta,^  and  Mirzd  Kamr^n 
determined  to  go  to  E&bul  as  soon  as  the  party  was  broken  up. 

It  was  abundantly  manifest  to  the  Emperor  that  there  was  no 
possibility  of  bringing  his  brothers  and  his  amirs  to  any  common 
agreement,  and  he  was  very  despondent.  Mirzd  Haidar  Beg, 
after  much  consultation,'  had  been  sent  off  with  a  party  who 

>  See  suprd,  pp.  132  and  148.  '  One  copy  has  "  Nagarkot." 

'  His  advice  was  that  the  princes  should  ocenpy  and  fortify  the  hills  hotween 

Sriuad  and  S&rang,  while  he  suhdued  Kashmir,  which  he  felt  certain  of  effecting  in 

^  conite  of  two  months.— .^A^ar-fM^na,  toI.  i.,  p.  206. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


206  NIZJCMU-D  Dnr  AHMJlD. 

had  volunteered  fbr  service  in  Kashmir,  and  Khw&ja  Kal&n  Beg 
was  ordered  to  follow  him.  When  the  Mirz&  had  reached  Nan- 
shahr,  and  Kal&n  Beg  had  got  as  far  as  Sf&lkot,  intelligence 
reached  the  Emperor  that  Sher  Kh&n  had  crossed  the  river 
[Biy&h]  at  Sult&npdr,  and  was  onlj  a  few  kos  distant.  HiB 
Majesty  then  passed  over  the  river  of  Lahore.  Mirzd  K&mraa,^ 
after  proving  faithless  to  the  oaths  and  compacts  which  he  had 
made  to  help  in  whatever  was  decided  upon,  now  thought  it 
expedi»it  to  retire  with  the  Emperor  to  Bahra.  When  Ehw4ja 
Eal&n  Beg  heard  (of  this  retreat),  he  marched  rapidly  from 
Si&lkot,  and  joined  the  camp  of  Hnm&yiin.  When  Mirz4 
Haidar  reached  Kashmir,  he  found  the  people  fighting  against 
each  other.  A  party  of  them  came  and  waited  upon  him,  and 
through  them  Kashmir  fell  into  his  hands,  without  striking  a 
stroke.  On  the  22nd  Bajab  he  became  sovereign  of  Kashmir, 
in  the  city  of  Nau-shahr,  as  is  related  in  the  Tahakat-i  Kaahmkr. 

At  Bahra,  Mirz&  K&mr4n  and  Mind  ^Askari  parted  from 
Hum&ydn,  and  went  off,  accompanied  by  Khw&ja  Kal&n  Beg,  to 
K&bul.  Mirz&  Hind&l  and  Mirzd  Y£dg&r  N&sir  still  remained 
with  him,  but  after  a  few  stages  they  disagreed.  For  twenty 
days  they  absented  themselves,  but  falling  into  difficulties,  on 
the  advice  of  Mir  Abd-1  Bak&,  they  once  more  came  back  and 
made  their  submission.  On*the  banks  of  the  river  Sind  a  &mine 
arose  in  the  camp,  and  boats  to  cross  the  river  were  not  pro- 
curable. Bakhshdi  Lang&h  then  brought  in  several  boats  laden 
with  com,  and  was  very  favourably  received.-  The  array  then 
crossed  the  river,  and  went  onwards  to  Bakhar,  but  made  a  halt 
at  the  town  of  Luhari  (Lohri).  Mirzd  'Askari  then  crossed  the 
Sind,  and  went  to  the  town  of  P&tar,  because  the  wants  of  an 
army  were  easily  supplied  there.  From  Luhri,  which  is  near 
Bakhar,*  to  Pdtar,  the  distance  is  fifty  kos,  Mir  T&hir  Sadr 
was  sent  as  ambassador  to  Sh&h  Husain  Arghun,  ruler  of  Tatta ; 

^  Abti-l  Fazl  asserts  that  he  sent  an  enyoy  to  Sher  Khfcn,  offering  to  support  him, 
on  oonditlon  of  being  confirmed  in  the  goyemment  of  the  PanjU).— ..^iiftar-«diiMi, 
vol.  i.,  -p.  206. 

s  Lohrl  or  Rori  is  on  the  east  bank  of  the  Indus  opposite  to  Bakhar 

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TABAXAT^  AXBABT.  207 

ftnd  Samandar  Beg,  one  of  the  courtiers  of  the  Emperor^  was 
sent  with  him  in  charge  of  a  horse  and  a  robe.  The  gist  of  the 
message  which  they  eonveyed  was,  that  the  Emperor  had  been 
eorapelled  to  come  to  Tatta,  and  his  object  was  to  attempt  the 
recoTery  of  Gujarit.  The  Sh&h  was  invited  to  come  and  wait 
upon  the  Emperor,  and  consult  with  him  about  the  conquest  of 
Oajar&t.  Sh&h  Husain  Arghdn  temporized  for  six  months  by 
sending  complimentary  messages,  and  said  that  there  could  be 
no  good  in  staying  near  Bakhar,  but  if  the  tomp  were  nearer 
Tatta  it  would  be  more  convenient,  for  £ve  or  six  months  might 
be  lost  while  they  were  negociating.  If  the  Emperor  would 
eome  nearer,  whatever  seemed  advisable  should  be  done.^  Grain 
becoming  scarce  in  Bakhar,  the  Emperor  marched  off  to  P&tar, 
where  Mirza  Hind&l  was  staying,  for  he  had  heard  that  Mirzk 
Hind&l  intended  to  go  to  Kandah4r.  It  was  on  one  occasion 
in  this  year,  while  the  Emperor  was  staying  in  the  camp  of 
Mirz&  Hind&I,  that  he  married  Maryam-i  Makdni  Hamida  B4nu 
Begam,  the  mother  of  the  Emperor  Akbar^  and  spent  several 
days  of  happiness  and  pleasure  in  the  camp  of  Hind41.  The 
Emperor  now  forbad  him  to  go  to  Kandah&r,  and  directed  him 
to  return  to  Luhari. 

*Kar&cha  Kh&n,  who  was  governor  of  Kandahar,  wrote  letters 
to  Mirz&  Hinddl,  inviting  him  to  Eandahir,  and  the  Mirz& 
started  off  and  went  thither.  When  Hum&yun  was  informed 
of  it,  he  was  much  troubled  by  the  want  of  union  among  his 
brothers.  Mirzi  Y&dg&r  N&sir  had  pitched  his  camp  about  two 
miles  below  the  royal  camp,  and  the  river  ran  between  the  two 
camps.  He  also  now  expressed  his  intention  of  going  to  Kan- 
dah&r.  On  the  Emperor  being  informed  of  this,  he  sent  Mir 
Abu-1  Bakd  to  reassure  the  Mirzd,  and  to  forbid  his  going  to 
Kandah&r.'    As  he  was  crossing  the  river  on  his  return,  a  party 

^  Sh&h  Husain  proposed  that  Ham&jdn  should  take  possession  of  the  countrjr  of 
Gfa&chk(ui,  between  Tatta  and  the  Kan,  as  a  means  of  furthering  his  views  on  6njar&t.  In 
thb  he  promised  to  support  him.— .^^ar-itdmn,  toI.  i.,  p.  2 10.    SeeVol.  I.  suprd^  p.  316. 

'  An  agreement  was  made  with  the  Mirz&  that  he  was  to  have  one-third  of  Hind^sttei 
when  it  was  recovered,  as  also  Ghaznl,  Charkh,  and  Lohgar^  which  B&bar  had  giyen 
to  the  Mirz4'8  molStixx,'~Akbar-ndfMf  toL  i.,  p.  212. 

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208  HIZAMU-D  DIK  AHMAD. 

came  out  of  the  fort  of  Bakhar,  and  assailed  his  boat  with  a 
shower  of  arrows.  One  of  them  pierced  the  Mir,  and  he  died. 
The  Emperor  showed  great  sorrow  for  his  loss.  The  date  of 
his  death,  948  h.,  is  found  in  the  words  Suriir-i  kdindt. 

After  this  Mirzd  Yadg&r  N&sir  crossed  the  river,  and  paid  a 
visit  to  the  royal  camp.  After  much  consultation  it  was  resolved 
that  the  Mirzd  should  be  left  at  Bakhar,  and  that  His  Majesty 
should  march  on  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Tatta.  But  the  Mirz& 
did  not  show  any' signs  of  concord  and  friendliness.  When  the 
Emperor  marched  for  Tatta,^  a  large  body  of  soldiers  parted 
from  him  and  stayed  at  Bakhar.  Mirzd  Yadg&r  N&sir  remained 
at  Bakhar,  and  increased  his  forces,  because  during  that  year 
no^  heavenly  or  terrestrial  evil  had  befallen  the  agriculture  of 
Bakhar.  His  Majesty  now  proceeded  by  means  of  boats  to  the 
fort  of  Sihwan.^  A  party  of  soldiers  on  board  of  the  boats,  as 
they  came  near  to  the  fort,  landed  and  attacked  a  body  of  men 
who  had  come  out  of  the  fort,  and  drove  them  in  again. 

The  victors  returned,  and  represented  that  the  reduction  of 
the-  fortress  was  an  easy  matter,  so  His  Majesty  crossed  over 
the  river,  and  invested  the  place.^  But  before  his  arrival,  a 
party  of  Sh&h  Husain's  officers  had  entered  it,  and  had  done 
their  best  to  increase  its  strength.  When  Sh&h  Husain  heard 
that  it  had  been  invested,  he  proceeded  by  boats  to  the  vicinity 
of  the  Emperor's  camp,  and  employed  himself  in  cutting  off 
the  supply  of  grain.  Great  scarcity  followed,  and  many  men 
lived  (entirely)  upon  the  flesh  of  animals.  The  siege  went  on 
for  nearly  seven  months,  and  the  place  was  not  captured,  so  a 
messenger  was  sent  to  Mirzd  Y&dg&r  N&sir  at  Bakhar,  to  UM 
him  that  the  fall  of  the  fort  depended  upon  his  approach ;  for 
if  the  besiegers  marched  to  attack  Sh&h  Husain.  the  garrison 
would  be  free  to  gather  in  provisions,  and  so  protract  the  defence. 

1  On  the  Ist  Jmn&da-l  Mivc^AJcbar-ndma^  yol.  i.,  p.  213. 

2  Two  MSS.  omit  the  negative,  and  so  are  in  accord  with  Enkine  (toL  iL, 
p.  226) ;  but  it  seems  to  be  required  by  the  sense  and  the  previous  ^  because  "  (d^»^. 

8  "Written  "Siyfthwto"  and  "  Siyfth&n." 

*  He  reached  Sihw&n  on  the  I7th  Bajab.— j^dor-iidiNff,  toL  i.,  p.  213. 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TABAKiCT.I  AKBARr.  209 

Want  of  salt  and  scarcity  of  grain  would  prevent  the  ro jal  forces 
remaining  nnder  the  fort  much  longer ;  but  if  Mirz&  Y4dgdr 
would  attack  Shfih  Husain,  the  latter  would  be  unable  to  moun- 
tain his  position.  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  sent  a  portion  of  his  force, 
but  no  advantage  was  gained  through  this  reinforcement.  Again 
a  messenger  was  sent  to  call  Mirzd  Y&dg&r,  and  '  Abdu-1  GhaMr, 
who  was  Mlr-i  mdl  of  the  Emperor,  received,  the  commission. 
'Abdu-1  Ghafur  went  to  Mirz4  Y&dg&r,  and  spoke  about  the 
perilous  condition  of  the  royal  army,  but  the  Mirz4  and  his 
officers  deemed  it  advisable  to  remain  where  they  were^  and 
effect  the  conquest  of  Bakhar. 

Sh&h  Husain  had  sent  representatives  to  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  N&sir, 
and  had  drawn  near  to  his  camp.  He  promised  that  he  would 
acknowledge  the  supremacy  of  the  Mirzd,  give  him  his  daughter 
in  marriage,  and  read  the  khutha  in  his  name.^  Delighted  with 
these  offers,  the  Mirz&  was  hoodwinked  by  Sh&h  Husain,  and 
80  placed  himself  in  hostility  to  the  Emperor.  Having  thus 
secured  himself  against  Mirzd  Y&dg&r,  and  being  aware  of  the 
distress  and  weakness  of  the  army  of  Hum4yun,  Sh&h  Husain 
adyanced  closer  to  the  royal  camp,  and  captured  the  vessels 
(which  were  conveying  provisions)  for  the  army.  Unable  to 
continue  the  siege  of  Sihwdn,  the  Emperor  was  compelled  to 
retreat  towards  Bakhar.'  When  he  approached  near  to  Mirz& 
T&dg&r  Nasir,  he  sent  to  him  for  boats  in  which  to  cross  the 
river,  and  the  Mirz&,  who  was  in  league  with  the  people  of 
Tatta,  sent  to  them,  desiring  them  to  come  at  night  and  carry 
off  the  boats.  Next  morning  he  artfully  reported  that  the 
euemy  had  carried  off  the  boats.  The  Emperor  remained  in- 
active some  days  for  want  of  boats.  At  length,  two  zamlnddrs 
of  Bakhar  waited  upon  him,  and  (under  their  guidance)  some 
boats  which  had  been  sunk  were  raised.     Hum&ydn  then  crossed 

'  He  leprewnted  that  he  wu  old  and  had  no  son,  that  he  vonld  give  him  hii 
^ngfater,  leaye  him  hia  treaniree,  reoognixe  him  as  facoeflsor,  and  help  him  to  oon* 
(pa  Onjar&t— ^ifc^ar-fK^Mo,  YoL  i.,  p.  214. 

>  He  commenoed  his  retreat  on  the  17th  Zl-1  ka'da.^>i3.  p.  215. 

VOL.  T.  14 

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210  NIZAlfU-D  DTK  AHMAD. 

the  riTer.  When  Mirz4  Y&d^  N&sir  learnt  of  the 
over,  being  greatly  alarmed  and  ashamed^  he,  without  wuting 
upon  the  Emperor,  marched  off  hastilj  against  Sh&h  Hnsain ; 
and  the  ktter  being  quite  unprepared,  the  Mirz&  fell  upon  a 
large  force  from  Tatta  which  had  disembarked,  and  killed  and 
made  many  prisoners,  and  then  returned.  After  this  aetion, 
Sh&h  Husain  returned  to  Tatta,  and  Mirzd  Y&dg&r  N&sir, 
repentant  and  ashamed,  waited  upon  the  Emperor  and  presented 
the  heads  of  his  enemies.  Once  more  Humdyun  forgave  him, 
and  spoke  not  a  word  of  all  that  had  passed. 

Sh&h  Husain  now  wrote  letters  to  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  N&sir,  and 
again  drew  him  over  to  his  side.  The  Sh&h  requested  him 
to  secure  for  him  the  two  zaminddrs  who  had  obtained  the  boats 
for  the  Emperor.  These  men,  being  informed  of  the  demand, 
repaired  to  the  camp  of  Hum&yiin.  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  sent  a 
messenger  to  Hum&yun,  representing  that  he  had  some  revenne 
matters  relating  to  his  yd^ir  of  Bakhar  to  settle  with  these  two 
zaminddrs^  and  requested  that  they  might  be  sent  to  him.  The 
Emperor  ordered  that  several  persons  should  accompany  the 
men,  and  bring  them  back  again  when  the  business  was  con- 
cluded. The  instant  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  N&sir  saw  them,  he  took 
them  forcibly  from  the  Einperor^s  men,  and  sent  them  to  Sh&h 
Husain.  Thus  he  once  more  exhibited  his  animosity  to  the 
Emperor,  and  never  again  sought  a  reconciliation. 

The  men  of  Hum&yun''s  army,  being  in  great  distress,  began 
to  desert  by  ones  and  twos  to  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  N&sir.  Mun'^im 
Kh&n^  also,  and  his  brother,  had  thoughts  of  running  away. 
This  intention  was  communicated  to  Hum&y&n,  and  he  ordered 
them  into  confinement.  Mirz&  Y&dg&r  N&sir,  in  the  depths  of 
his  infamy,  now  prepared  to  turn  his  arms  against  Hum&yun, 
and  the  latter,  being  informed  of  his  movements,  made  ready 
for  fighting.  H&shim  IJeg,  a  person  high  in  Mirz&  Y&dg&r's 
confidence,  when  he  heard  of  his  proceedings,  restrained  him, 
and  nolens  volens  made  liim  return.  It  now  became  evident 
1  He  who  became  Khdn-khdndm  in  the  reign  of  Akbar. 

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TABAKXT-I  AKBABr.  211 

io  Humiy^n,  that  if  he  tarried  longer  his  men  would  all  desert 
to  Mirzi  Y&dg&r  N&sir,  and  that  the  worst  might  be  expected 
firom  the  Mirz&'s  baseness.  In  this  extremity,  he  resolved  upon 
maiching  to  M41  Deo,  one  of  the  faithful  zaminddrs  of  Hindtis- 
t&n,  who  at  that  time  surpassed  all  the  zaminddrs  of  Hindust&n 
in  power  and  in  the  number  of  his  forces.  This  M&l  Deo  had  sent 
letters  to  Bakhar,  declaring  his  loyalty^  and  offering  assistance 
in  effecting  the  subjugation  of  Hindust&n. 

Hnm4yun  accordingly  marched*  towards  Mil  Deo's  country 
by  way  of  Jesalmir.  The  ruler  of  Jesalmir*  shamefliUy  took 
an'  unmanly  course.  He  sent  a  force  to  attack  the  small  party 
of  the  Emperor  on  the  march,  but  it  was  defeated  and  driven 
baek  with  loss.  Hum&yun  had  a  great  many  men  wounded. 
He  marched  with  all  possible  speed  till  he  reached  the  country 
of  M41  Deo.  Then  he  sent  on  [Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad] 
Atk4  Kh&n  to  Mil  Deo  at  Joudhpor,  while  he  himself  halted  for 
a  few  days. 

\Pr0ceeding9  of  Mirzds  Sinddl,  Kdmrdn,  and  ^Aakari  at 
Kandahdr,  Ghazni,  and  Kabul.'] 

Hum&ydn  remained  on  the  borders  of  M&l  Deo's  territories 
awaiting  the  return  of  Atk&  Kh4n.  When  M41  Deo  was  in- 
formed of  the  Emperor*s  weakness^  he  was  much  alarmed,  for 
he  knew  that  he  had  not  sufficient  forces  of  his  own  to  withstand 
Sher  Kh&u.  For  Sher  Ehdn  had  sent  an  ambassador  to  M&l 
Deo,  holding  out  great  expectations  ;  and  the  latter,  in  the  ex- 
treme of  perfidy,  had  promised  to  make  Hum&ydn  a  prisoner  if 
possible,  and  to  give  him  over  into  the  hands  of  his  enemy. 
M&gor,  and  its  dependencies,  had  &llen  into  the  power  of  Sher 
Elh&n,  and  consequently  he  was  afraid  lest  Sher  Khiu  should 

1  He  started  on  the  2l8t  Maharram,  949,  for  ITcb.  Bemoving  from  thence  on  the 
18th  BabS'n-l  awwaU  he  prooeeded  by  Diwarfiiral  and  Wfcsilpnr  to  a  place  twelve 
kot  from  Bikanir,  at  which  place  he  arrived  on  the  17th  Rabi'n-l  ftUiir.  Thence  he 
proeeeded  to  PahltSdi,  ihirty  kot  from  Jondhpnr,  and  afterwards  made  three  more 
fimrard  marches  to  the  tank  of  JQki. — Akbar'Wima^  vol.  i.,  p.  210. 

*  Aoooidiog  to  Aba-1  Fasl  his  name  was  *'fiai  Lon  Karaa."— /^  p.  210. 

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212  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

be  annoyed  and  send  a  large  army  to  his  territory  against 
Hum&ydn.  To  keep  the  Emperor  in  ignorance,  M&l  Deo 
detained  the  envoy  Atk&  Eh&n,  and  did  not  give  him  per- 
mission to  return.  But  Atk&  Kh&n  contrived  to  ascertain 
what  was  passing  through  the  mind  of  M61  Deo,  and  went  off 
without  any  formal  dismissal. 

One  of  the  Emperor's  librarians,  who  at  the  time  of  his 
defeat  had  fled  to  M&l  Deo,  now  wrote  to  the  Emperor,  in- 
forming him  that  M&l  Deo  was  bent  upon  treachery,  and 
advising  him  to  get  out  of  his  territory  as  quickly  as  possible. 
Atk&  Eh&n  also  spoke  in  the  strongest  terms  upon  the  matter. 
So  Hum&ydn  marched  off  at  once  to  Amarkot.  Two  Hindus, 
who  had  come  to  act  as  spies  upon  him,  fell  into  his  hands, 
and  were  brought  to  his  presence.  They  were  questioned,  and 
an  order  was  given  that  one  of  them  should  suffer  the  punish- 
ment of  death,  with  the  object  of  arriving  at  the  exact  fiicts 
of  the  matter.  The  two  prisoners  broke  loose,  and  snatching 
a  knife  and  a  dagger  from  two  bystanders,  they  despatched 
seventeen  living  creatures,  men,  women,  and  horses,  before  they 
were  overpowered  and  slain.  The  Emperor's  own  horse  was 
among  the  animals  killed.  As  he  had  no  other  horse  to  ride, 
his  equerries  sought  to  obtain  some  horses  and  camels  from 
Tardi  Beg,  but  he  disgraced  himself  by  giving  a  refusal.  Then 
the  Emperor  mounted  a  camel.  Nadim  Koka  was  walking  on 
foot,  while  his  mother  was  riding  his  horse ;  but  when  he  saw 
the  Emperor  seated  on  the  camel,  he  made  his  mother  dismount, 
presented  the  horse  to  the  Emperor,  and  made  her  ride  on  the 
camel  which  he  had  used. 

The  road  lay  through  a  loose  sand,  and  water  was  not  pro- 
curable. The  army  toiled  on  with  great  difficulty,  and  every 
moment  the  news  came  of  the  approach  of  Mai  Deo.  He 
Emperor  ordered  Mun'im  Kh&n,  with  a  detachment,  to  march 
cautiously  and  slowly  in  the  rear,  and  if  the  enemy  ap» 
proached,  to  give  him  battle.  When  night  came  on,  that 
detachment    lost    the    way,    and   at    daybreak    the    enemy's 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBABI.  213 

forces  were  in  sight.  Shaikh  'Ali  Beg,  Darwesh  Eoka,  and 
some  others  were  (in  the  rear)^  numbering  in  all  twenty-two 
persons.  Darwesh  Beg,  son  of  B&ki  Jal&ir,  was  one  of  the 
party.  They  proceeded  against  the  enemy,  who  wtm  emerging 
from  a  narrow  defile.  Shaikh  'Ali  killed  the  commander  of  the 
enemy  with  his  first  arrow,  and  every  arrow  that  bis  little  band 
discharged  wounded  some  prominent  man  of  the  enemy^s  army. 
Unable  to  endure  this,  the  enemy  turned,  and  his  great  army 
fled  before  such  an  insignificant  troop.  Many  were  killed  in 
their  flight,  and  many  camels  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors. 
When  the  intelligence  of  the  victory  reached  the  Emperor,  he 
hastened  to  publicly  express  his  thanks. 

The  army  encamped  by  a  well  which  contained  a  little  water, 
and  the  party  which  had  lost  its  way  during  the  night  now  came 
in,  which  was  another  cause  of  rejoicing.  Next  day  the  march  was 
resumed,  and  for  three  days  no  water  was  found.  On  the  fourth 
they  reached  a  well:  a  drum  was  beaten  when  the  bucket  reached 
the  surface  of  the  earth,  to  give  the  bullock-driver  notice  to 
stop ;  ^  for  the  well  was  so  deep  that  a  call  would  not  reach  him. 
In  the  intensity  of  their  thirst,  some  men  could  not  restrain 
themselves.  Four  or  five  threw  themselves  upon  the  bucket, 
the  rope  broke,  and  the  bucket  fell  back  into  the  well.  Over- 
come with  suffering,  they  uttered  cries  and  lamentations,  and 
some  cast  themselves  intentionally  into  the  well.  In  this  way 
many  perished  through  thirst.  Next  day  the  march  was  re- 
sumed, and  at  the  hottest  time  they  reached  a  river  (dS).  The 
horses  and  camels  had  not  tasted  water  for  several  days,  and 
now  they  drank  so  much  that  many  of  them  died. 

At  length,  with  extreme  toil,  they  reached  Amarkot,  which  is 
100  kas  distant  from  Tatta.  The  rand,  that  is  to  say  the  ruler 
(hakim)  of  Amarkot,'  was  kindly  disposed,  and  came  out  to  meet 

1  l%e  baeket  was  drawn  up  by  a  ballook  by  means  of  a  rope  pasring  over  a  wbeel 
at  the  top  of  the  well,  and  the  rope  was  so  long  that  a  dram  was  required  to  make 
the  bulloek-driTer  hear. 

^  **  Bans  Pars&d  hj  Jiame."'—Akbar'ndma,  vol.  i.,  p.  220. 

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214  NIZiCMIT.I)  DTK  AHV AD. 

the  Emperor,  and  offered  his  services.  The  army  tested  from 
their  hardships  some  days  in  the  city,  and  whatsoever  the 
Emperor  had  in  his  treasury  he  distributed  among  his  soldiers. 
He  had  arrived  here  with  no  great  force,  so  he  levied  a  sum 
of  money  from  Tardi  Beg  and  others  as  a  benevolence,  and 
graciously  presented  the  rand  and  his  sons  with  gold  and 
girdles  and  daggers.  Shah  Husain  Arghun  had  shun  the 
&ther  of  the  rdnd^  and  so  the  rand  now  collected  a  consider- 
able number  of  men  from  his  territories,  and  went  with  the 
Emperor  in  the  direction  of  Bakhar.  The  Emperor^s  family, 
with  their  paraphernalia,  under  his  orders  remained  at  Amarkot. 
Khw&ja  Mu'azzam,  brother  of  Maryam  MakanI,  was  left  in 
charge  of  them. 

Fortune  now  for  a  time  changed  its  treatment  of  the  Emperor, 
by  giving  him  a  son,  and  impressing  an  imperishable  mark  upon 
the  page  of  time.^  The  child  was  bom  on  the  fith  Rajab,  949 
(15th  October,  1542).  Tardi  Beg  Eh&n  conveyed  this  intelli- 
gence to  the  Emperor  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Amarkot,  and 
the  Emperor  under  spiritual  guidance,  as  will  be  narrated  in 
the  proper  place,  gave  to  the  child  the  name  of  Jal&lu-d  din 
Muhammad  Akbar.' 

He  then  continued  his  march  towards  Bakhar,  but  he  wrote 
very  urgent  letters  as  to  the  safety  of  the  young  prince.  Upon 
reaching  the  pargana  of  Jun,  he  halted  there  for  a  while.  He 
sent  for  his  family  and  the  suite  of  the  prince,  and  then  his  eyes 
were  gladdened  by  the  sight  of  his  son.  The  force  which  had 
been  collected  from  the  parts  around  dispersed  while  he  remained 
at  Jiin;  and  his  brave  and  intrepid  officer.  Shaikh  *Ali,  fell  in 
an  action  with  the  troops  of  Shfih  Husain  Arghdn,  in  one  of 
the  parganaa  of  Tatta.  His  soldiers  began  to  desert  one  by  one 
from  his  camp.  Mun'im  Eh&n  even  went  off.  His  Majesty, 
seeing  that  it  was  not  advisable  to  remain  longer  in  this  country, 
determined  upon  going  to  Kandah&r.    At  this  time  he  was  joined 

'  This  passage  is  greatly  compressed. 

'  He  is  already  styled  by  antidpation  **  His  Majesty  the  Emperor,  King  of 


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TABAKAT-I  AXBAET.  216 

bj  Bairam  Khfin,^  who  had  oome  from  Gojar&t.  He  now  sent 
representatives  to  Sb&h  Husain  Arghun,  asking  for  boats  to 
enable  him  to  cross  the  river,  and  the  Sh&h,  delighted  with  his 
determination,  sent  him  thirty  boats  and  300  camels.  His 
Majesty  then  crossed  the  river,  and  began  his  march  to  Eandah&r. 
Shih  Hnsain  sent  a  person  to  Mirz&  'Askari  and  Mirzi 
K&mr&n,  to  inform  them  of  the  Emperor's  intention  to  march 
to  Kandah&r,  and  they  wrote  back  desiring  him  to  bar  his  pro- 
gress and  make  him  prisoner.  The  perfidious  Mirzfi  'Askari, 
when  His  Majesty  reached  Sh&l  and  Mast&n,'  marched  rapidly 
from  Kandah&r,  and  sent  forward  Hawaii '  Uzbek  to  watch  his 
movements.  This  man  had  received  kindness  from  the  Emperor. 
He  obtained  a  powerful  horse  from  Mirz&  'Askari,  and  betook 
himself  to  the  Emperor's  camp.  When  he  arrived,  he  dis- 
mounted from  his  horse,  and  went  to  the  tent  of  Bair&m  Kh&n, 

'  The  edebnted  Bair&m  Kb&n,  who  plays  bo  eonspioxioiu  a  part  in  tiiif  and  the 
fonowing  reign,  and  to  whom  the  neoTery  of  India  is  in  great  measure  attributable. 
Bairfim  Kh&n  was  a  Turk  of  the  Kar&-Kuinl&  branch.  He  was  bom  in  Badakhsh&n 
and  studied  at  Balkh.  At  the  age  of  sixteen  he  entered  the  army  of  Humfrytin,  and 
fongfat  in  the  disastrous  battle  of  Kanauj.  After  the  rout,  he  took  refuge  with  R6j& 
Mitr  Sen  at  the  town  of  Lakhnor,  in  Sambhal.  Sher  Sh&h  demanded  his  surrender, 
and  the  R&j6,  afbdd  to  reftise,  sent  the  Kh6n  to  him.  He  was  brought  to  Sher  Sh&h 
when  on  his  way  to  M61wa,  and  was  received  with  such  kindness  and  respect  as 
showed  the  desire  of  Sher  Sh&h  to  win  him  over.  The  Sh&h*s  overtures  were  not 
sneceasfnl,  and  at  Barh&mpar  Bair4m  Eh6n  effected  his  escape,  accompanied  by 
Abd-1  E&nm,  formerly  Governor  of  Qwalior.  They  were  encountered  by  a  party  of 
Sher  Sh&h*s  adhereota,  when  Ab&-1  K6sim,  who  was  a  man  of  very  noble  presence, 
was  mistaken  for  Bair6m  and  seized.  Bairfrm  then  manfully  came  forward  and 
declared  himself.  Ab(i-l  K&sim,  in  brave  devotion  to  his  friend,  exclaimed,  **  This  is 
my  servant,  who  would  sacrifice  himself  for  me,  take  your  hands  off  him.*'  So 
Bairfim  Kh&n  escaped,  and  went  to  Sult&n  liahmiid  in  Gujarlit,  who  also  wished  to 
retain  him ;  but  the  Khim  pressed  his  desire  of  going  on  the  pilgrimage.  Ostensibly 
with  this  view,  he  went  to  Surat,  but  passed  over  to  Kathiw&r,  and  joined  Hum&yCin 
as  above  related.  Abd-1  K&sim  was  carried  prisoner  to  Sher  Sh&h,  who  had  not  the 
magnanimity  to  appreciate  his  friendly  devotion,  and  put  him  to  death.  According 
to.  Abd-1  Fazl,  Sher  Sh&h  spoke  aftervrards  of  his  conversation  with  Bair&m  Kh&n, 
and  of  the  conviction  which  he  then  felt  of  being  unable  to  gain  him.  Bair&m  Khan 
had  some  reputation  as  a  poet,  and  B&dadnl  quotes  some  of  his  writings. — Akbar' 
ndmaj  vol.  i.,  p.  22i.—Tabakdt'i  Akbari.-^Bee  also  Blochmann*s  Ain-i  Akbari, 
p.  316,  and  Erskine's  Baber  and  Sumdyitn,  vol.  ii.,  p.  258. 

>  If  aatang. 

s  One  MS.  reads  <'  Jaw&ni."    The  Akbar-ndma  has  <<  J£nl,*'  and  Erskine  <<  Chupi." 


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216  NIZAMU-D  BrN  AHMAD. 

whom  he  informed  of  Mirz4  'Askari^s  advance,  and  of  his  de- 
signs against  the  Emperor.  Bairam  Eh&n  immediately  proceeded 
to  the  Emperor,  and  standing  at  the  back  of  the  tent  he  told  him 
of  Mirz&  'AskarCs  approach.  ''  What  is  the  worth  of  Elanda- 
h&r  and  E&bul,'"  said  the  Emperor,  *Hhat  I  should  strire  with 
my  faithless  brothers  P  ^^  Then  he  mounted  his  horse,  and  sent 
Khw£ja-i  Mu'azzam  and  Bair&m  Eh&n  to  bring  up  the  Empress. 
They  made  all  speed  to  do  so,  and  conyeyed  her  and  the  infant 
prince  to  the  Emperor.  There  were  yery  few  horses  in  the 
Emperor's  train,  so  Tardf  Beg  was  asked  for  one.  Again  he 
gave  a  churlish  refusal,^  and  would  not  himself  accompany  his 
master. 

The  Emperor  determined  to  go  to  ^Ir&k,  and  started  off 
thither,  taking  with  him  the  Empress,  and  haying  only  a  few 
persons  as  escort.  The  young  prince  was  only  one  year  old, 
and  the  weather  was  yery  hot,  so  he  was  left  behind.  Mirzi 
^Askari  soon  afterwards  reached  the  camp,  when  he  was  informed 
that  the  Emperor  had  gone  safely  off,  leaving  a  party  in  charge 
of  his  camp.  Next  day  he,  in  his  extreme  insolence,  entered  the 
Emperor's  audience  hall,  and  Atk&  Kh&n  delivered  up  to  him 
the  young  prince.  Under  the  orders  of  the  Mirzd,  TardI  Beg' 
was  made  prisoner,  and  officers  were  sent  to  search  the  tents 
and  seize  all  the  effects  of  the  Emperor.  Then  he  carried  the 
prince  off  to  Eandah&r,  and  gave  him  into  the  charge  of  Sult&n 
Begam,  his  own  wife,  who  treated  him  with  great  tenderness. 

The  Emperor  was  accompanied  by  twenty-two  persons,  among 
whom  were  Bair&m  Kh&n,  Ehw&ja  Mu'azzam,  B&b&  Dost 
Bakhshi,  Ehw&ja  Gh&zi,  Haidar  Muhammad  Akhtar-begf, 
Mirzd  Euli  Beg,  Shaikh  Ytisuf,  Ibr&him  Aisbak-Ak&si,  and 
Hasan  'Ali  Beg  Aishak-&k&s{.  They  set  off  without  even  deter- 
mining their  route.  When  they  had  gone  a  little  way,  they  feU 
in  with  three  or  four  Bildchis,  who  directed  them,  and  they 

^  Ab  Erskine  remarks,  Tardi  Beg  seems  to  have  been  a  rongli  old  soldier,  who  kept 
his  own  men  and  cattle  in  order,  and  resented  any  attempt  to  make  him  liable  ibr  the 
&altB  and  negligence  of  others. — ^Erskine,  vol.  ii.,  p.  251. 


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TABAKAT-I  AEBARf.  217 

arrived  with  p^reat  toil  at  the  fort  of  B&b&  H&ji.  The  Turks 
who  were  in  the  place  gave  them  such  provisions  as  they  had. 
Khw&ja  Jalalu-d  din,  son  of  Mahmud,  who  had  been  sent  by 
Mirza  'Askari  to  collect  the  revenues  of  this  district,  waited 
upon  the  Emperor,  and  presented  him  with  horses,  camels, 
mules,  and  such  things  as  he  possessed.  Next  day  H&j{  Mu- 
hammad Koki,  who  had  escaped  from  Mirz4  'Askari,  waited 
upon  the  Emperor.  The  hostile  proceedings  of  his  brothers 
made  these  parts  no  safe  place  for  His  Majesty,  so  he  proceeded 
onwards  towards  Khur&s&n  and  'Ir&k.  Upon  entering  Sist&n, 
Ahmad  Sult&n  Shamlu,  governor  of  the  province  under  Sh&h 
Tahmasp,  received  him  with  the  greatest  kindness.  He  remained 
some  days  in  Sistan,  and  Ahmad  Sult&n  showed  him  ever}'^  kind 
of  hospitality  and  attention,  sending  even  his  own  women  to 
wait  upon  the  Empress  as  handmaids.  Ahmad  also  presented 
to  him  all  kinds  of  provisions  and  necessaries,  and  enrolled  him- 
self among  the  number  of  his  slaves.  All  these  His  Majesty 
courteously  accepted,  and  then  presented  them  to  him. 

Upon  holding  a  consultation,  Ahmad  Sult&n  advised  His 
Majesty  to  proceed  to  'Ir&k  by  way  of  Tabas  Kilaki,  because 
that  way  was  the  nearest,  and  he  offered  to  accompany  him  on 
the  road.  His  Majesty  replied  that  he  had  heard  great  praise 
of  the  city  of  Hir&t,  and  that  it  would  be  more  pleasant  for  him 
to  proceed  by  that  route.  So  His  Majesty  started  for  'Ir&k, 
attended  by  Ahmad  Sult&n.  At  that  time  Sult&n  Muhammad 
Mirz&,  eldest  son  of  Sh&h  Tahm&sp,  was  governor  of  Hir&t,  and 
Muhammad  Kh&n  Sharfu-d  din  Ughll  Taklti  held  the  post  of 
At&lik  or  tutor  to  the  young  prince.  When  they  heard  of  the 
near  approach  of  the  Emperor,  they  sent  'Ali  Sult&n,  who  was 
one  of  the  nobles  of  Taklu^  to  meet  him  and  conduct  him  in 
with  due  honour.  He  joined  His  Majesty  on  the  borders  of  the 
territory  of  Hir&t,  and  brought  him  with  all  ceremony  to  the 
city.  The  prince,  with  his  officers  and  attendants,  then  pro- 
ceeded to  wait  upon  him  and  pay  their  respects,  omitting 
nothing  that  could  do  him  honour.  Muhammad  Eh&n  was 
admitted  to  the  privilege  of  an  introduction. 

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218  NIZAMU-B  DTN  AHMAD. 

His  Majesty,  with  his  retinue,  halted  at  Hir&t.  Mahammad 
Kh&n  treated  him  with  the  greatest  hospitality,  and  His  Majesty 
was  highly  pleased  with  his  reception.  He  received  all  that  he 
could  require,  and  lacked  nothing  until  the  time  of  his  meeting 
with  Sh&h  Tahm&sp.  All  the  palaces  and  gardens  of  Hir&t  are 
beautiful  to  Bee,  and  His  Majesty  visited  them,  after  which 
he  took  his  departure  for  Meshhed  and  Tus.  Sh&h  ^Ali  Sult&n 
Istajlu,  governor  of  Meshhed,  also  did  all  in  his  power  to  show 
honour  and  hospitality  to  His  Majesty,  and  under  the  orders 
of  Shah  Tahm&sp,  every  governor  on  the  route  supplied  him 
with  all  things  he  required.  Under  the  orders  of  the  Sh&h,  a 
large  number  of  nobles  and  great  men  went  forth  to  meet  him, 
and  the  arrangement  was  made  that,  from  D&magh&n  to  the 
Sh&h^s  camp,  one  of  these  nobles  was  to  have  charge  of  the 
duties  of  hospitality  in  each  march.  Provisions  were  sent  firom 
the  royal  camp,  and  His  Majesty  was  feasted  at  every  stage 
until  he  reached  Kazwin.  The  Sh&h's  camp  had  been  moved 
to  Pul&k-Surlik,  and  Bair&m  Kh&n  was  sent  thither  by  His 
Majesty  to  wait  on  the  Sh&h.  He  returned,  bringing  a  letter 
congratulating  His  Majesty  on  his  arrival.  His  Majesty  con- 
tinued his  journey,  and  at  every  place  he  came  to  he  received 
marks  of  attention  from  the  people.  At  length  he  reached 
Pul&k-Surlik,  and  had  an  interview  with  Sh&h  Tahm&sp,  who 
entertained  him  and  showed  him  every  honour  and  distinction, 
worthy  both  of  host  and  guest. 

In  the  course  of  conversation,  the  Sh&h  asked  the  Emperor 
what  was  the  reason  of  his  defeat,  and  he  replied  that  it  was 
the  rivalry  and  faithlessness  of  his  brothers.  Bahr&m  Mirz&, 
the  Sh&h's  brother,  was  offended  at  this,^  and  treacherously 
advised  the  Sh&h  to  have  the  Emperor  killed  in  the  course  of 
the  night.     But  the  Sh&h's  sister  Sultanam,'  who  was  very 

>  There  ia  no  meaning  in  the  anecdote  as  here  given.  Shortly  afterwards  Bahrlim 
Mirz&  presented  a  howl  and  ewer  for  the  ablutions  of  the  Sh&h,  who  turned  toward* 
Hum&ydn,  and  said,  **  This  is  the  way  you  should  have  treated  your  hrothers."  Upon 
Hum&ytin's  asaentiug  to  this  remark,  Bahr&m's  anger  was  kindled." — See  Erskine, 
vol.  ii.,  290.  s  Or  6ult4B  Kh&naiii. 


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TABAXiCT-I  AXBABT.  219 

higlilj  esteemed  by  her  brother,  and  exercised  great  influence 
in  all  affairs  of  State,  did  all  in  her  power  to  protect  and  help 
the  Emperor.  K&zi  Jah&n  Eazwini,  who  was  the  Sh&h^s  diwdn^ 
and  Hakim  Nuni-d  din  Muhammad,  who  was  hia  physician, 
and  was  high  in  his  fayonr  and  confidence,  were  not  content  to 
be  at  all  wanting  in  goodwill  towards  the  Emperor.  The  hakim 
both  openly  and  privately  lost  no  opportunity  of  forwarding 
the  Emperor's  interests.  One  day  the  Sh&h,  in  order  to  gratify 
the  Emperor,  went  out  with  a  party  of  nobles  and  grandees  to 
hunt  with  bows  and  arrows.  Bahr&m  Mirzd,  who  had  an  old 
quarrel  with  Abu-1  £&sim  KhuIafiS^  ander  pretence  of  shooting 
at  some  animal,  struck  him  in  front  with  an  arrow,  and  he  died 
upon  the  spot. 

Sh&h  Tahm&sp,  having  assented  to  the  Emperor^s  wish  to 
depart,  provided  all  necessaries  for  his  journey,  and  he  appointed 
his  son  Sh&h  Mur&d,  then  an  infant  at  the  breast,  with  a  force 
of  10,000  men  to  protect  him.  Hum&yun  expressed  his  inten- 
tion  of  going  to  Tabriz  and  Ardabd,  and  the  Shah  wrote /armans 
to  the  governors  of  those  places,  directing  them  to  show  him 
every  honour  and  attention.  After  travelling  to  those  places, 
the  Emperor  turned  towards  Kandah&r,  and  went  to  pay  a  visit 
to  Meshhed  the  holy.  He  had  brought  the  Kazilb&sh  (Persian) 
prince  with  him,  and  Bid&gh  Eh&n,  the  prince's  tutor,  was  com- 
mander of  his  army.  When  they  reached  the  fort  of  Garmsir, 
they  took  possession  of  the  Garmsir  territories.  On  arriving  at 
Kandah&r,  a  large  body  of  men  sallied  out  of  the  fort  and  made 
what  resistance  they  could,  but  were  defeated.  The  Kazilbash 
army  then  encamped  within  view  of  Kandah&r.  Five  days 
afterwards  the  Emperor  arrived,  and  it  was  then  invested.  The 
siege  went  on  for  three  months,  and  there  were  daily  engage- 
ments, in  which  many  men  on  both  sides  were  killed. 

Bairkm  Kh&n  now  went  to  E&bul  on  an  embassy  to  K&mr&n 
Mirz&.  He  was  encountered  on  his  way  by  a  party  of  Haz&ras, 
and  a  fight  ensued,  but  he  overpowered  them  and  went  on  to 
K&buL   There  he  had  an  audience  of  Mirz&  E&mr&n,  and  he  also 

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220  KIZAMU-D  DrK  AHMAD. 

had  interyiews  with  Mirz&  Hind&l,  Mirzd  Snlaim&n  son  of  Kh&n 
Mirzfi,  and  Mirzd  Y&dg&r  N&sir  who  had  arrived  from  Bakhar 
in  a  distressed  condition.  Mirz&  K&mr&n  sent  Mahd  ^Ali 
Eh&n-z&da-i  begam  to  Eandah&r  with  Bair&m  Kh&n  to  settle 
terms  of  peace  if  possible.  When  they  arrived  at  EandiA&r, 
and  waited  on  the  Emperor,  Mirz4  'Askari  was  still  intent  upon 
fighting  (and  holding  out). 

The  Persian  forces  were  disheartened  by  the  long  deration 
of  the  siege,  and  had  thoughts  of  returning.  They  had  con- 
ceived that  when  Hum&yiin  approached.  Kandah&r,  the 
Ghaghat&i  tribes  would  rally  round  him.  But  when  a  long 
time  passed,  and  no  one  came  to  his  succour,  and  the  £Eust  of 
Mirz&  E&mr&n^s  advance  to  the  assistance  of  Mirz&  ^Askari 
became  generally  known,  the  Persians  were  greatly  alarmed. 
By  a  happy  turn  of  affairs  Mirzfi  E&mr&n  fell  back,  and  Mirz& 
Husain  Kh&n  and  Faz&il  Beg,  brother  of  Mun'im  Eh&n,  deserted 
him  and  joined  the  Emperor.  The  Turkom&ns  were  inspirited, 
and  after  a  few  days  Muhammad  Sult&n  Mirz&,  XJlugh  Beg 
Mirz&,  K&fiim  Husain  Sult&n,  and  Sher-a%an  Beg  came  over. 
This  greatly  encouraged  the  Persians.  Muyid  Beg,  who  was  a 
prisoner  in  the  fort,  managed  to  escape  by  stratagem,  and  let 
himself  down  from  the  walls  by  a  rope.  His  Majesty  received 
him  with  great  kindness.  A  party  also  under  the  command  of 
Abd-l  Hasan,  nephew  of  Earr&cba  Eh&n,  and  Munawwar  Beg, 
son  of  Mir  Beg,  escaped  from  the  fortress.  Mirz&  'Askari  now 
lost  heart,  and  proposed  to  surrender.  The  Emperor  in  his 
great  kindness  granted  him  terms.  He  then  called  together 
the  Persian  commanders,  and  induced  them  to  engage  that  for 
three  days  no  one  should  molest  the  numerous  Chaghat4i 
families  that  were  in  the  place.  In  consequence  of  this  engage- 
ment, the  garrison  of  the  place  came  forth  next  day,  with  their 
wives  and  families.  Mirz&  'Askarf  also  came  out,  and  with 
shame  waited  on  the  Emperor,  who  uttered  not  a  word  of  re- 
proach. The  Ghaghat&i  chiefs,  with  their  swords  upon  their  necks 
and  shrouds  in  their  hands,  were  allowed  to  present  themselves 
to  the  Emperor,  and  were  pardoned. 

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TABAXAT.I  ASBABI.  221 

It  had  been  agreed  with  the  Persians  that  as  soon  as  Kanda- 
h&r  was  taken  it  should  be  given  up  to  them,  and  now  the 
Emperor  gave  them  possession  of  it,  although  he  possessed  no 
other  territory.  Bid^h  Kh4n  (and)  Mirzd  Mur&d,  son  of 
Sh&h  Tahm&sp,  were  conducted  into  the  fort^  and  the  phioe 
was  surrendered  to  them.  Most  of  the  Persian  chiefs  returned 
to  'Ir&k,  and  no  one  remained  with  Mirz&  Mur&d  except 
Bid&gh  Kh&n,  Abii-I  Path  Sult&n  A&h&r,  and  Sufi  Wall 
Snit&n  Ead&mu. 

When  winter  came  on,  the  Ghaghat&l  people  had  no  place 
of  shelter,  so  the  Emperor  sent  a  person  into  Kandah&r  to 
Bid^h  Kh&n,  to  represent  the  need  which  thej  had  of  some 
protection  against  the  rigours  of  the  winter.  But  he,  in  his 
inhumanity,  did  not  make  that  reply  which  the  emergency 
required.  So  the  Chaghat&is  were  in  great  trouble.  ''Abdu-Ua 
Kh&n  and  Jamil  Beg,  wbo  had  come  out  of  Eandah&r,  now 
fled  to  E&bul.  Mirz4  ^Askari  also,  having  found  an  oppor- 
tunity, made  his  escape ;  but  a  party  being  sent  in  pursuit,  he 
was  caught  and  brought  back.  His  Majesty  then  placed  him 
in  confinement.  The  chie&  of  the  Chaghatfii  tribes  (ulus)  now 
met  in  council,  and  resolved  that  under  the  necessities  of  the 
ease,  the  fort  of  Kandah&r  must  be  taken  from  the  Persians, 
and  should  be  given  up  to  them  again  after  the  conquest  of 
K&bul  and  Badakhsh&n.  By  a  strange  coincidence,  it  happened 
that  Mirz&  Mur&d,  son  of  Sh&h  Tahm&sp,  died  on  that  very 
day.  So  the  enterprise  was  resolved  upon,  and  a  strong  partj^ 
was  appointed  to  carry  it  out.  H&ji  Muhammad  Eh&n,  (son  of) 
Bab&  Eashka,  went  first  of  all  to  the  gat«  of  the  fortress  with 
two  of  his  servants.  The  Turkom&ns,  who  suspected  that  the 
Emperor  wanted  to  get  possession  of  the  place,  had  for  some 
days  past  prevented  the  Ghaghat&is  from  entering  the  town. 
It  happened  that  some  camels  laden  with  forage  were  going 
into  the  city,  and  seizing  this  opportunity,  H&ji  Muhammad 
proceeded  to  the  gate  of  the  city.  The  guards  assembled  round 
the  gate,  and  refused  to  let  him  enter.    With  great  daring  he 

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222  NIZiCMU-D  BFN  AHMAD. 

drew  his  sword  and  attacked  them,  and  thej,  unable  to  resist 
his  onslaught,  took  refuge  in  flight.  Another  party  now  came 
up  to  support  him.  They  entered  the  fort,  and  the  Persians 
were  overpowered.  Hum&yiin  mounted  his  horse,  and  went  into 
the  city.  Bidigh  Eh&n,  greatly  annoyed,  went  to  the  Emperor, 
took  leave,  and  departed  for  'Ir&k.  The  Chaghat&is,  to  their 
great  satisfaction,  thus  obtained  possession  of  KaDdah&r. 

After  this,  Hum&ydn  marched  to  effect  the  conquest  of  K&bul, 
and  left  Bairiim  Kh&n  in  charge  of  E^ndah&r.  Mirz&  Yfidgar 
N&sir  and  Mirzd  Hind&l,  having  devised  a  scheme  together, 
deserted  from  Mirzd  E&mr&n.  After  being  much  harassed  hy 
the  Haz&ra  tribes  on  their  journey,  they  joined  the  Emperor 
and  proceeded  with  him  to  K&bul.  Jamil  Beg,  who  was  diief 
of  the  territories  (through  which  the  Emperor  passed),  also 
came  in  to  offer  his  services.  Mirz&  K&mr&D,  who  had  a  well- 
equipped  army,  marched  out  with  the  intention  of  fighting,  but 
every  night  parties  of  men  deserted  his  army,  and  joined  Hum4» 
yiin.  The  Emperor  then  moved  his  camp,  and  advanced  to  a 
half  kas  distance  from  Eamr&u.  That  night  many  men  left 
Kimrdn^s  army  and  deserted  to  the  Emperor.  Mirzd  Edmrin^ 
being  alarmed,  sent  a  party  of  Shaikhs  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor 
and  to  ask  forgiveness.  The  Emperor  agreed  to  pardon  him  on 
condition  of  liis  coming  in  and  making  his  submission.  K&mr&n 
did  not  accede  to  this,  but  fled  and  shut  himself  up  in  the 
citadel  of  K&bul.  All  his  forces  came  over  to  the  Emperor. 
On  the  same  night  K&mr&n  quitted  K&bul,  and  fled  by  way 
of  Bini  His&r  to  Ghazni.  Being  informed  of  his  flight,  the 
Emperor  sent  Mirz&  Hind&l  in  pursuit.  The  Emperor  then 
entered  K&bul,  and  at  night  the  citizens,  in  the  extreme  of  joy, 
illuminated  the  whole  city  with  lamps.  On  his  entering  the 
palace,  Her  Hi;;hness  the  Begani  brought  the  young  prinee 
Jal&Iu-d  din  Muhammad  Akbar  to  his  father's  presence.  This 
sight  lighted  up  the  heart  of  the  Emperor  with  joy,  and  he 
offered  up  his  thanksgivings  for  the  reunion.  The  victory  waa 
accomplished  on  the  10th  Bamaz&n,  953  h.,  when  the  piinoe 

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TABAKiCT-I  AKBART.  223 

mm  four  years  two  months  and  five  days  old.  Some  place  the 
event  in  the  year  952 ;  ^  but  God  knows  the  truth. 

After  this  a  person  was  sent  to  bring  up  the  forces  which 
were  in  Eandah&r.  Mirzd  Y&dg&r  N&sir  came  to  K&bul  in 
attendance  upon  the  Empress  Mary&m  Mak&ni  Begam.  Great 
feasts  were  then  held,  and  the  ceremony  of  circumcising  the 
young  prince  was  performed.  The  remainder  of  that  year  the 
Emperor  spent  in  enjoyment  at  E&bul.  When  E&mrfin  reached 
Gfaazni,  he  could  not  get  admission  into  the  city,  so  he  went 
off  into  the  Haz&ra.  Mirza  Ulugh  Beg  was  sent  to  take  the 
government  of  Zamin-d&war,  and  K&mr&n,  finding  it  impos- 
sible to  remain  in  that  country,  went  to  Bakhar,  to  Sh&h 
Hasun  Arghun,  who  gave  htm  his  daughter  in  marriage  and 
assisted  him. 

In  the  following  year  Hnm&ydn  marched  to  Badakhsh&n,  for 
Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  son  of  Eh&n  Mirzd,  had  disregarded  the  sum- 
mons to  come  in  and  make  his  submission.  It  was  therefore 
determined  to  invade  Badakhsh&n.  Mirzd  Y&dg&r  N&sir  had 
been  engaged  in  hostile  intrigues,  and  once  more  meditated 
flight.  His  intentions  being  made  known  to  Hum&ydn,  an 
order  was  given  for  placing  him  in  confinement,  and  a  few  days 
afterwards  Muhammad  K&sim,  under  the  Emperor's  orders,  put 
him  to  death.'  The  Emperor,  passing  over  the  heel  of  the 
Hindn-koh  (Hindu-Eush),  encamped  at  Shergir&n.'  Mirzd 
Snlaim&n  assembled  the  forces  of  Badakhsh&n  and  gave  battle, 
bat  he  was  defeated  in  the  first  action,  and  fled  into  the  kohiatdn 
of  Durdasht.  The  Emperor  then  proceeded  to  T&lik&n  and 
Kisham/  but  he  was  taken  ill,  and  from  day  to  day  he  grew 

>  The  Akbar^ndma  (toI.  L,  p.  293)  makes  the  date  <'  12th  lUmax&D,  962.** 

'  If  r.  Enkine  (toI.  ii.,  p.  827)  sayi  be  was  condemned  after  a  re^sular  tiial»  in  which 
vitnesMS  were  eiaroined  and  other  evidence  taken. — Akbar^ndma^  toI.  i.,  pp.  208,  300. 

»  In  one  copy  **  Shahr-gir&n  "—great  city.  Ab&4  Pazl  calls  it  **  Tir-gir&n,"  one 
of  the  villages  of  Anda  &b.— Jd.  p.  300. 

*  The  Tcrsion  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Saldiin-i  Afdyhana  here  says,  "The  army  moved  with 
the  intention  of  proceeding  to  the  territory  and  fort  of  Za&r,  bat  between  the  fort  of 
Za&r  and  Kisham  the  Emperor  fell  sick." 

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224  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

worse,  so  that  every  one  was  in  anxiety,  and  no  one  bat  his 
immediate  attendants  were  snre  of  his  being  alive.  There  was 
consternation  in  the  army,  and  Earr&cha  E^h&n  placed  Miiza 
'Askari  in  safe  custody.  The  people  of  Badakhsh&n  again  com- 
menced hostilities.  After  two  months  His  Majesty  recovered, 
and  sent  accounts  of  his  convalescence  to  all  parts.  The  dis- 
turbances thereupon  subsided.  The  royal  camp  then  moved  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  the  fort  of  Za&r.  Ehw&ja  Mu'azzam, 
brother  of  the  Empress  Maryam  Mak&ni,  killed  at  this  time 
Ehw&ja  Bashidi,  who  had  come  from  ^Ir&k  in  the  retinue 
(of  the  Emperor),  and  then  fled  to  E&bul^  where,  by  command, 
he  was  placed  in  confinement. 

Mirz&  K&mr&n  at  Bakhar,  when  he  was  assured  of  Humfiyun's 
march  to  Badakhsh&n,  assembled  a  force  around  him,  and  made  a 
rapid  march  by  Ghorband  to  K&bul.  On  his  way  he  fell  in 
with  some  merchants,  from  whom  he  obtained  plenty  of  horses,^ 
so  that  he  supplied  each  of  his  men  with  a  spare  horse.  When 
he  reached  Ghaznf,  a  few  individuals  brought  him  into  tiie 
fortress,  and  Z&hid  Beg,  thq  governor  of  the  place,  being  off 
his  guard,'  was  put  to  death.  Under  the  orders  of  the  Mirz& 
the  roads  to  £&bul  were  guarded,  so  that  intelligence  might  not 
be  carried  thither.  He  then  marched  rapidly  on  in  full  confidence 
to  E&bul.  Muhammad  Euli  Tughai  and  Faz&il  Beg,  and  the 
force  under  their  command  in  K&bul,  were  quite  unprepared, 
when  they  were  informed  that  Edmr&n  had  entered  the  city. 
Muhammad  Eh&n  was  made  prisoner  while  in  his  bath,  and 
was  instantly  put  to  death.  Upon  entering  the  fort,  E&mr&n 
captured  Faz&il  Beg  and  Mihtar  vakil,  and  he  had  their  eyes 
put  out.  He  appointed  persons  to  guard  the  Emperor's  ladies 
and  the  young  prince. 

Intelligence  of  the  fall  of  E&bul  reached  the  Emperor  at  Eila 
Zafar.  The  government  of  Badakhsh&n  and  Eunduz,  which 
had  been  given  to  Mirzd  Hind&l,  was  transferred  to  Mirz&  Sulai- 

^  They  were  taken  by  toroe.-^JMar'ndma,  toI.  i.,  p.  808. 
*  According  to  AbA-l  Fail  he  was  drunk.— i^.  p.  808. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARF.  225 

miuj  and  Hnm&yun  then  retained  towards  K&bul.  K&mr&n 
meanwhile  mustered  all  the  forces  he  could.  Sher-af<];an,  who 
was  allied  with  him,  and  Sher  'All,  one  of  his  officers,  advanced 
to  Zah&k  and  Ghorband,  and  took  possession  of  the  roads. 
Ham&jiin  crossed  the  river  in  the  valley  of  Zuh&k,  and  drove 
before  him  Sher  'All,  who  resisted  to  the  best  of  his  power. 
Hnm&yun  then  safely  crossed  the  Shaki,  but  Sher  'All  again 
annoyed  his  rear  until  he  arrived  at  Dih-Afgh&n&n  (a  suburb 
of  K&bul).  Next  day  Sher-afgan  Beg  sallied  forth  at  the  head  of 
all  K&mr&n's  forces,  and  a  great  battle  was  fought  in  the  lines  of 
Yart-j&l&.  The  leading  forces  of  the  Emperor  were  repulsed, 
but  by  the  efforts  of  Mirzd  Hind£l,  Karr&cha  E3i&n,  and  H&ji 
Muhammad  Ehan,  the  enemy  was  eventually  defeated.  Sher- 
a%an  Beg  was  taken  prisoner,  and  when  he  was  brought  into  the 
Emperor's  presence  he  was  put  to  death,  through  the  exertions  of 
the  nobles.  Many  of  E&mr&n's  men  fell  on  this  day,  and  those 
who  escaped  the  sword  fled  into  the  fort.  Sher  'Ali,  a  man  of 
imdaunted  courage,  sallied  forth  every  day  and  kept  up  the  fight- 
ing with  all  his  vigour.  On  one  occasion  Sher  ^Ali  and  H&ji 
Muhammad  Khan  encountered  each  other,  and  tbe  Haji  was 
wounded. 

Intelligence  now  came  in  that  a  caravan  with  a  large  number 
of  horses  had  arrived  at  Gh&rig&r&n,^  and  E&mr&n  sent  Sher  ^Ali, 
with  a  considerable  force,  to  bring  these  horses  into  the  city. 
Hum&yun  was  aware  of  this  movement,  and  drawing  nearer  to 
the  city  he  completely  closed  all  means  of  ingress  and  egress. 
When  Sher  'Ali  returned  from  his  expedition,  he  could  find  no 
way  of  getting  into  the  place.  Eamr&n  then  sallied  forth,  and 
endeavoured  to  cat  a  way  through  for  Sher  'Ali.  But  the  be- 
siegers were  aware  of  a  sally  being  intended,  and  when  the  forces 
came  out  they  were  received  with  a  fire  of  guns  and  musketry 
and  driven  back.  B&ki  S&lih  and  Jal&lu-d  din  Beg,  two  of 
K&mr&n's  most  trusted  adherents,  deserted  from  him  and  joined 

1  At  the  entnnce  of  the  Ghorband  valley,  north  of  K&bul. 
TOL.  v.  15 

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226  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

the  Emperor.  Sher  'Ali  now  gave  np  all  hope  of  entering 
the  city.  E&mr&n,  with  dastardly  feeling,  ordered  that  His 
Highness  the  young  prince  Akbar  should  be  exposed  upon 
the  battlements,  in  the  place  where  the  balls  and  shot  of  the  guns 
and  muskets  fell  thickest.  But  M&ham  ^nka  took  the  child 
in  her  bosom,  put  herself  forward,  and  held  him  towards  the  enemy 
[f>.  the  garrison].  So  God  Almighty  preserved  him.  A  part 
of  the  garrison  made  their  way  out  and  went  off,  all  in  one  direc- 
tion. Hum&yun  sent  men  in  pursuit,  who  killed  many  and  made 
many  prisoners.  E&mr&n's  spirits  fell,  and  from  all  parts  and 
quarters  men  came  in  to  render  assistance  to  the  Emperor. 
Mirz&  Sulaim&n  sent  reinforcements  from  Badakhsh&n,  Mirz& 
Ulugh  Beg  came  from  £andah&r,  and.K&sim  Husain  Sult&n 
brou<;ht  a  body  of  the  men  of  Sarm  Tugh&  as  a  reinforcement 
fit)m  Kandah&r. 

Mirz&  K&mr&n  now  sued  for  peace,  and  the  Emperor  granted 
it,  upon  condition  of  his  making  personal  submission.  But  he 
was  afraid  to  do  this,  and  sought  to  make  his  escape.  The  chiefi 
of  the  Ghaghat&i  tribes  were  of  opinion  that  the  capture  of  K&mr&n 
would  be  adverse  to  their  interests,  so  they  sent  a  message  in- 
forming him  that  Hum&ytin  would,  in  a  day  or  two,  assault  the 
fort,  and  advising  him  to  delay  no  longer  in  the  place.  K&mrin, 
who  was  offended  with  N&mus  Beg  and  Karr&cha  Kh&n  Beg, 
killed  three  young  children  of  N&mds  Beg  in  revenge,  and  had 
their  bodies  cast  down  from  the  walls  of  the  city — a  cruel  deed, 
which  excited  the  abhorrence  of  all  men  both  inside  and  outside 
the  city.  He  also  &stened  Sard&r  Beg,  the  son  of  Karr&cha 
£h&n,  upon  the  summit  of  the  ramparts.  Hum&ydn  exerted 
himself  to  console  Karr&cha  Kh&n ;  and  the  Khfin  went  close 
to  the  fort,  and  with  loud  voice  declared  that  if  his  son  were 
killed,  both  Mirz&  K&mr&n  and  Mirzd  'Askari  should  be 
put  to  death  when  the  city  fell.  £!&mr&n  now  despaired  on  every 
point,  so  he  caused  a  hole  to  be  made  through  the  wall,  on 
Ehw&ja  Khizr's  side,  and  made  his  way  out  barefoot  at  the 
place  indicated  by  the  nobles  (outside  who  were  friendly  to  his 

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TABASAT-I  AEBAEr.  227 

escape).  Humfiyun  sent  H&ji  Muhammad  Kh&n  in  pursuit, 
who  nearly  overtook  him,  and  K&mr&n  then  called  out  in  the 
Turki  language,  ^'  I  have  killed  jour  father  B&b&  Eashaka.'' 
H&ji  Muhammad  was  always  ready  for  a  quarrel,  (but)  when  he 
heard  this  he  returned.  His  Highness  Prince  Akbar  now  came 
to  his  fikther,  and  showed  him  all  proper  respect.  Much  charity 
was  shown  to  the  poor  and  needy. 

After  E&mr&n  escaped,  in  a  forlorn  and  destitute^  condition,  he 
reached  the  foot  of  the  K4bul  mountains,  where  he  was  met  by  a 
party  of  Haz&ras,  who  plundered  him  of  all  he  possessed.  But 
one  of  the  Haz&ras  recognized  him,  and  informed  the  leader  of 
the  band,  who  conducted  him  to  Zuh&k  and  B&mi&n,  where  Sher 
'All  his  adherent  still  remained  at  the  head  of  a  small  force. 
He  remained  there  for  a  week,  and  nearly  150  horsemen  joined 
him.  Then  he  marched  to  Ghori,  where  Mirz&  Beg  Birl&s,  the 
governor  of  Ghori,  with  a  force  of  150  horse  and  1000  foot,  gave 
him  battle,  and  was  defeated.  The  horses  and  asses  of  the 
vanquished  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victor.  Having  gathered 
some  strength,  he  went  to  Balkh,  where  he  had  a  meeting  with 
Pir  Muhammad  Khiu,  the  ruler.  Pir  Muhammad  followed  his 
own  inclination,  and  came  to  Badakhsh&n,  to  the  assistance  of 
K&mr&D.  Ghori  and  Bakal&n  fell  into  the  hands  of  Mirz& 
K&mr&n,  and  many  soldiers  flocked  to  his  standard.  Pir  Mu- 
hammad then  returned  to  his  own  country.  E&mr&n  advanced 
against  Sulaim&n  Mirz&  and  Ibrdhim  Mirzd,  and,  as  they  had 
no  power  to  resist  him,  they  went  away  from  Talik&n  to  Eol&b. 
E&mran  now  established  his  authority  over  many  parts  of 
Badakhsh4n. 

Karracha  Eh&n,  and  some  other  nobles  who  had  rendered  good 
service  in  these  days,  now  recommended  some  impossible  steps  to 
Humdyun.  One  was  the  execution  of  Khw&ja  Gh&zi,  the  tcazir, 
and  the  appointment  of  Ehw&ja  E&sim  to  succeed  him.  This 
proposition  fell  heavily  on  the  heart  of  His  Majesty,  and  he 

1  Fin-eihdn  o  U-tdmdn.  The  context  ohowi  that  this  is  not  to  be  taken  quite 
UtenOly. 

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228  NIZitMU-D  Dra  AHMAD. 

would  not  accede  to  their  wishes.  The  noblemen  then  conspired 
togetheri  and,  mounting  their  horses  at  break&st-time,  they 
drove  off  the  royal  flocks  (galah)^  which  were  in  Ehw&ja  Biw&j, 
and  went  towards  Badakhsh&n.  After  break  of  day  and  the 
assembling  of  the  army.  His  Majesty  mounted  his  horse,  and 
went  off  in  pursuit.  The  conspirators,  by  a  forced  march,  reached 
Ghorband,  and  crossing  the  bridge  they  destroyed  it  behind  them. 
The  advanced  guard  of  His  Miyesiy  came  up  with  a  party  of 
them  and  inflicted  chastisement.  At  night  Hum&yun  returned 
to  E&bul,  to  make  preparations  for  a  march  into  Badakhsh&n* 
The  conspirators  went  on  to  K4mr&n,  leaving  Tamar  ''Ali  in 
Panjshir,.to  collect  and  forward  intelligence  of  Hum&yun's  move- 
ments. His  Majesty,  having  determined  to  go  to  Badakhsh4n, 
sent  farmdns  to  Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  Mirza  Ibr&him,  and  Mirz& 
Hind&l.  Mirz&  Ibr&him  advanced  by  way  of  the  fort  of  Pari&u^ 
into  Panjshir,  and  getting  knowledge  of  Tamar  'Ali  Shagh&li, 
he  went  after  him  and  killed  him.  He  waited  upon  the  Emperor 
in  the  Kar&bligh  at  K4bul. 

At  this  time  Mirz4  K&mr&n  sent  Sher  'All,  at  his  own  request, 
to  contend  against  Mirz4  Hind41,  but  he  was  taken  prisoner  by 
some  of  Hindal's  men.  Mirz4  Hind41  then  went  to  see  the 
Emperor,  and  took  Sher  'Ali  a  prisoner  with  him.  The  Emperor, 
in  his  generosity,  pardoned  Sher  'AH,  and  made  a  grant  to  him 
of  Ghori.  K4mr4n,  having  left  Karrdcha  Kh4n  and  his  Edbul 
confederates  at  Kisham,  had  himself  gone  to  T41ik4n.  His* 
Majesty  thereupon  sent  Mirz4  Hind4l  and  H4ji  Muhammad  Eokl 
in  advance  to  Kisham.  Karr4cha  Kh4n  then  sent  to  inform 
K4mr4n  that  Mirz4  Hind41  was  approaching  with  a  small  force, 
while  Hum47un  was  at  a  distance,  and  that  if  he  hastened  up  he 
might  defeat  Hind41,  and  so  make  the  war  against  Hum4yun  an 
easier  matter.  Karr4cha  returned  to  Kisham  with  all  the  speed 
he  could.  When  he  reached  the  river  of  T41ik4n,  he  encountered 
Mirz4  Hind41,  just  as  he  had  crossed  the  river.  At  the  first 
charge  Hind4rs  troops  were  defeated  and  lost  all  their  baggage. 

^  In  the  Panjshir  yalley,  north  of  K&bul.    See  tuprdf  Yol  III.,  p.  401. 

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TABAKirr:i  AEBABr.  229 

His  Majesty  now  came  up  with  bis  army,  and  was  delayed 
a  little  in  seeking  for  a  ford.  After  getting  over  the  river, 
his  advanced  gnard  came  np  with  K&mr&n^s  rear,  and  made 
Shaikham  Ehw&ja  Ehizr  and  Isma^il  Ddldi  prisoners,  and 
brought  them  in  to  the  Emperor.  Mirz&  E&mrfin  &ced  round  to 
repulse  this  advanced  guard ;  but  as  they  approached  each  other, 
he  descried  the  standards  of  the  Emperor,  and  knowing  that  he 
was  unable  to  contend  with  him,  he  retreated  to  T&lik&n,  leaving 
all  his  plunder  and  all  his  own  baggage  behind  him.  Next  day 
T&lik&n  was  invested,  and  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  came  in  and  joined 
Hum&ydn.  E&mr&n  then  sought  assistance  from  the  Uzbeks, 
and  when  he  found  that  he  had  nothing  to  expect  from  them  he 
was  greatly  cast  down,  and  sent  to  beg  the  Emperor  to  allow 
him  to  go  to  Mecca.  Hum&yiin  generously  granted  his  request, 
on  condition  that  he  would  send  the  rebellious  nobles  to  the 
royal  court.  E&mr&n  begged  forgiveness  for  M&n&s  Beg,  but 
sent  the  other  amirs,  who  came  ashamed  and  downcast  to  the  royal 
presence.^    The  Emperor,  a  second  time,  forgave  their  offences. 

Mirz&  E&mr&n  proceeded  out  of  the  fort,  and  went  to  the  dis« 
tance  ot^parasang;  but  when  he  was  no  longer  in  apprehension  of 
any  harm  from  the  superior  power  of  Hum&yun,  he  was  greatly 
ashamed,  and  turned  back  with  the  resolve  of  paying  allegi- 
ance to  him.  As  soon  as  His  Majesty  was  informed  of  this  he 
greatly  rejoiced,  and  sent  out  the  mirzds^  to  give  him  a  cere- 
monial reception.  YHien  they  met,  he  displayed  the  greatest 
kindness  to  E&mr&n,  who  again  received  the  ensigns  of  sove- 
reignty. Three  days  they  remained  in  the  same  place,  and 
feasts  and  rejoicings  went  on.  After  some  days  the  country  of 
Eol&b^  was  given  as  an  iktd'  ta  E&mr&n.^     Mirz&  Sulaim&n  and 

>  Saxr&cba  Kh&n  was  among  them,  and  came  with  a  swoid  hanging  to  his  neck. — 
Akbar-ndmttj  yoL  i.,  p.  385. 

3  HindAl  and  'Askari. 

3  '*  Ehnillm,  commonly  known  as  Kol&b." — Akhar-ndma^  Tol.  i.,  p.  338.  It  lies 
between  Darw&z  and  Sbnghn&n  beyond  the  Oxus. — ^Erskine,  toI.  ii.,  p.  359.  Bnraes' 
Trarelfl,  vol.  iiL,  p^  275. 

*  'Askail  was  allowed  to  go  with  him,  and  reoeiyed  the  district  of  Karatigln  in 
jigir^-^Akbar^ttdmay  vol.  i.»  p.  838. 

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230  NIZAMXT-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

Mirz&  Ibr&him  remained  in  Eisbam.  The  royal  camp  then 
returned  to  K&bnl,  where  it  took  up  winter  quarters,  and  an 
order  was  issued  directing  the  officers  to  look  afler  the  equip- 
ment of  the  army. 

At  the  end  of  the  year  Hum&yun  left  E&bul,  with  the  intention 
of  proceeding  against  Balkh,  and  a  person  went  to  Kol&b  to 
summon  Mirz&  E&mr&n  and  Mirz&  'Askari.  When  His  Majesty 
reached  Badakhsh&n,  Mirz&  Ibr&him  and  Mirz&  Hind&l  came  to 
wait  upon  him,  and  at  the  instance  of  Mirzi  Sulaim&n,  Mirza 
Ibr&hfm  was  left  at  Kisham.  Mirz&  K&mr&n  and  Mirzd  ^Askari 
once  more  showed  their  hostility,  and  did  not  come  in  to  pay 
their  homage.  Hum&yiin  marched  on  to  the  fort  of  Aibak,  and 
the  aidlik^  of  Pir  Muhammad  Eh&n,  governor  of  Balkh,  with 
several  of  his  chief  nobles,  had  to  take  reftige  in  the  fort,  which 
Hum&yun  then  invested.  The  Uzbeks  being  reduced  to  ex- 
tremity surrendered  at  discretion. 

In  consequence  of  Kamr&n's  defection,  a  council  of  war  was 
held  to  consider  whether  he  might  not  make  an  attempt  upon 
K&bul  while  the  Emperor  was  engaged  at  Balkh.  Hum&yun 
declared  his  opinion  that  as  the  invaaion  of  Balkh  had  been 
undertaken,  it  should  be  prosecuted  in  fiill  confidence ;  so  the 
march  was  continued.  But  many  of  the  men  were  discouraged 
by  K&mr&n  remaining  absent.  When  the  army  came  near  Balkh, 
and  was  about  to  take  up  a  position,  ShSh  Muhammad  Sult&n 
Uzbek,  with  three  hundred  horsemen,  made  his  appearance.  A 
force  was  sent  against  him,  and  a  sharp  fight  followed.  K&buli, 
brother  of  Muhammad  K&sim  Eh&n  Fauji,  was  killed  in  the 
conflict,  and  one  of  the  chiefs  of  the  Uzbeks  was  taken  prisoner. 
Next  day  Pir  Muhammad  Eh&n  came  out  of  the  city,  (and  was 
joined  by)  'Abdu-1  'Aziz  Eh&n,  son  of  'Abid  Eh&n,  and  Sult&n 
of  Hiss&r,'  who  had  come  to  his  assistance. 

After  mid-day  the  two  armies  came  in  contact,  and  the  battle 
began.    Hum&yun  was  fully  accoutred,  and  with  Mirz&  Sulaiman, 

1  <'Ehw&ja  M&k"  was  the  atdlik.-^Akbar-fidma,  toI.  i.,  p.  347. 
>  One  MS.  reads  <<  Saidtin  i  Mistdr,"  the  Sult&ns  of  HissCur. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBAfiT.  231 

Mirzi  Hind&l,  and  H&ji  Mahammftd  Sult&ii,  defeated  the  yan- 
guard  of  the  enemy,  and  drove  it  back  towards  the  city.  Pir 
Mohammad  Kh&n  also  and  his  men  were  repulsed  and  driven 
into  Balkh.  At  sunset  the  Ghaghat&i  troops,  who  had  got  near 
to  the  city,  turned  back.  Many  of  the  Ghaghat&i  chiefs  had 
their  wives  and  families  in  K&bul,  and  were  alarmed  because 
Mirz&  K&mr&n  had  not  joined  the  army.  So  the  night  before 
the  day  when  Balkh  would  have  &llen,  they  met  together  and 
conveyed  their  opinion  to  His  Majesty  that  it  was  not  advisable 
to  pass  over  the  river  of  Balkh,  but  rather  to  fall  back  towards 
Darra  Gaz,  and  take  up  and  secure  a  strong  position ;  then,  afler 
a  short  time,  the  garrison  of  Balkh  would  surrender.  They 
urged  their  views  so  strongly  that  Hum&yun  retreated.  Darra 
Gaz  is  on  the  road  to  K&bul,  so  friends  and  foes,  being  unaware 
of  what  had  passed  in  the  council,  conceived  the  notion  that  a 
retreat  to  K&bul  was  intended.  The  Uzbeks  were  emboldened, 
and  followed  in  pursuit.  Mirz&  Sulaim4n  and  Husain  Kuli 
Sult&n,  the  seal-bearer,  who  protected  the  rear,  had  an  action 
with  the  van  of  the  Uzbeks,  and  were  defeated,  and  then  the 
chiefs  who  were  anxious  to  go  to  K&bul  made  off  thither,  each 
one  taking  the  road  that  pleased  him.  All  control  was  lost. 
About  a  thousand  of  the  enemy  came  up.  His  Majesty,  who 
fought  in  the  conflict,  inflicted  a  wound  with  his  spear  on  one  of 
the  foremost  of  the  enemy  and  unhorsed  him;  and  by  the 
strength  of  his  own  arm  he  cut  his  way  out  of  the  confusion. 
Mirz&  Hind&l,  Tardi  Beg,  Mun'^im  Kh&n,  and  a  party  of  other 
nobles  saved  themselves  by  fighting.  Sh&h  Bid&gh  Khan  and 
Tolak  Kh&n  Kuchin  performed  deeds  of  great  valour  in  this 
battle. 

Hum&yiin  reached  K&bul  in  safety,  and  remained  there  for 
the  rest  of  the  year.  Mirz&  K&mr&n  stayed  at  Kol&b,  and 
Gh&kar  ''All  Beg  Kol&bi,  who  was  hostile  to  him,  attacked 
Kol&b  with  a  large  force.  K&mr&n  sent  Mirz&  'Askari  against 
him,  but  'Askari  was  defeated ;  and  on  being  sent  a  second  time, 
he  again  returned  unsuccessful.  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  and  Mirz&  Ibr&- 

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232  KIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

him  now  marched  against  E&mr&n  from  Kisham  and  Kundaz,  and 
he,  not  having  sufficient  forces  to  oppose  them,  retreated  to  Bostik. 
A  body  of  Uzbeks  fell  upon  him  on  the  march  and  carried  off 
a  large  part  of  his  baggage.  In  this  distressed  state  £&mr&n 
wished  to  proceed  bj  way  of  Zoh&k  and  B&mi&n  into  the  Haz&ia. 
When  Hum&y  dn  was  informed  of  this,  he  sent  a  force  to  Zoh&k  and 
B&mf&n  to  protect  the  country.  Earr&cha  Kh&n,  El&sim  Husun 
Sult&n,  and  some  other  traitorous  nobles,  despatched  a  messenger 
to  E4mrfin,  advising  him  to  take  the  road  to  Zoh&k,  and  promis- 
ing to  join  him  in  the  day  of  battle.  When  Mirz&  K&mr&n 
came  in  sight,  Karr&cha  Kh&n  and  his  associates  cast  the  dirt 
of  ignominy  on  their  heads,  and  deserted  Hum&y  un.  Being  joined 
by  these  men,  K&mr&n  offered  battle.  Although  Hum&ydn's 
force  was  small,  it  met  the  attack  bravely,  and  a  desperate 
fight  followed.  Plr  Muhammad  Akhtd  and  Ahmad,  son  of 
Mirz&  KuU,  were  killed  in  this  fight.  His  Majesty  exerted 
himself  greatly.  He  received  a  sword-cut  on  the  top  of  his 
head,  and  his  horse  was  wounded;  but  he  kept  his  assailants  off 
with  his  spear,  and  made  his  way  out  of  the  fight.^  He  then 
proceeded  towards  Zuh4k  and  B&mi&n,  and  was  joined  by  a  party 
of  fugitives,  who  had  taken  the  same  route. 

Mirzd  K&mr&n  now,  once  more,  obtained  possession  of  K&bnl. 
Hum4yun  went  with  H&ji  Muhammad  and  a  party  of  adherents 
towards  Badakhsh&n.  Sh&h  Bid&gh,  Tolak  Euchin,  and  Majntin 
K&kshfil,  and  a  party  of  ten  were  sent  out  to  reconnoitre  in  the 
direction  of  E&bul,  but  of  the  whole  party,  one  only,  Tolak 
Euchin,  returned  to  the  Emperor.  Astounded  at  the  treachery 
of  his  followers,  he  went  and  encamped  at  Andar&b.  Here  he 
was  joined  by  Sulaiman  Mirz4,  Ibr&him  Mirz&,  and  Mirz& 
Hinddl,  with  their  forces.  After  forty  days  Hum&yiiin  marched 
towards  E&bul.  In  the  mountains  he  was  met  by  Mirz&  Kamr&n, 
Earr4cha  Eh&n,  and  the  forces  of  E&bul.'    The  armies  drew 

^  See  suprd,  p.  145. 

*  Ham&ytiii  tried  to  arrange  matters  peaceably,  bat  bia  efforts  were  fruatnited, 
cbiefly  by  Karr&cba  Kb&n's  influence  over  K&mitn. — Akbar^ndma^  toL  L,  p.  363. 
See  Erskine,  yoI.  ii.,  p.  391. 


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TABAS^Frl  AKBABT.  233 

up  against  each  otbw.  ILwe  Ehw&ja  'Abdu-s  Samad  Masur 
deserted  K&mr&ii  and  joined  Hnm&yun,  who  received  him 
graciodsly.  E4mr&n  was  defeated,  and  fled  to  the  moantains  of 
Mandrnd.^  The  traitor,  Earr&cha  Kh&n,  was  taken  prisoner, 
and  was  being  conducted  to  Hnmayiin,  when  Eambar  'Ali 
Bah&ri,  whose  brother  had  been  pnt  to  death  at  Eandah&r  bj 
order  of  the  £h&n,  seized  the  opportunity  and  killed  him.  Mirz& 
'Askari  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Emperor's  men  in  this  battle. 

The  Emperor  now  returned  to  K&bul,.and  remained  there  for 
a  year  in  peace.  Again  a  body  of  soldiers,  craving  for  action, 
went  off  and  joined  K&mr&n,  and  he  collected  round  him  a  body 
of  nearly  15,000  horse.  H&ji  Muhammad  Kh&n  went  off  with- 
out leave  to  Ghaznin;  so  Hum&yun  was  compelled  to  march 
towards  Lamgh&n  and  interrupt  E&mr&n's  proceedings.  Then, 
in  concert  with  the  Afgh&ns  of  Muhmand,  the  khail  of  D&ud- 
z&i,  and  the  chiefis  of  Lamgh&n,  E&mr&n  went  off  towards  Sind. 
Hum&yun  remained  for  a  while  in  Lamgh&n  hunting,  and  then 
returned  to  E&bul.  K&mr&n,  supported  by  the  Afgh&ns,  again 
advanced,  and  once  more  Hum&yun  marched  out  against  him. 
Hum&ytin  sent  to  Bair&m  Elh&n,  governor  of  Eandah&r,  directing 
him  by  some  way  or  other  to  go  to  Ghaznin  and  secure  H&ji  Mu- 
hammad Eh&n.  The  H&ji  had  sent  to  Miiz&  K&mr&n,  advising 
him  to  come  to  Ghazni,  and  take  possession  of  the  country,  for  he 
was  ready  to  show  his  obedience.  Hereupon  E&mr&n  marched 
from  Pesh&war  by  way  of  Bangash  and  Gurdez  towards  Ghaznin, 
but  before  he  could  reach  there  Bair&m  Khan  had  entered  the 
city,  and  H&ji  Muhammad  was  compelled  to  go  to  him.  Bair&m 
Eh&n  and  the  H&ji  went  together  to  E&bul,  and  E&mr&n,  hearing 
of  this  on  his  march,  retreated  to  Pesh&war. 

Hum&yun  now  returned  from  Lamgh&n  to  K&bnl,  but  a  few  days 
before  his  arrival  H&ji  Muhammad  had  made  his  escape  and  had 
gone  off  again  to  Ghaznin.  Bair&m  Eih&n  was  again  sent  with 
some  other  nobles  after  him,  and  when  he  brought  him  back  the 
H&ji  received  forgiveness.  Mirz&  ^Askari,  under  the  orders  of 
^  *"  By  thfl  pass  of  B&db&j  towarcLi  the  Afghka  ooimtrf ."— Enkine,  yoL  ii.  p.  393. 

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234  KiZAHir.D  DrN  ahmad. 

Ehw&ja  Jal&lu-d  din  Mahmud,  had  been  carried  to  Badakhsh&n 
and  placed  under  the  charge  of  Mirzd  Sulaim&n,  who  was  to  conrej 
him  to  Balkh;^  and  Sulaim&n  accordingly  sent  him  thither.  In 
the  coarse  of  this  journey  'Askari'^s  days  came  to  an  end  in  the 
country  of  Btim. 

The  Afgh&ns  kept  Miizd  E&mr&n  among  them,  and  busied 
themselyes  in  raising  forces,  so  Hum&ydn  was  compelled  to 
go  out  against  them.  In  the  course  of  this  campaign  H&ji 
Muhammad  Kh&n  was  executed  with  his  brother,  in  punish- 
ment of  his  many  offences.  Supported  by  the  Afghans,  Mirz& 
E&mr&n  made  a  night  attack  on  Hum&yiin^s  camp,  and  Mirz& 
Hind41  was  killed  in  the  engagement.  The  date  of  his  death 
is  found  in  the  words  ''  Shahddat  ash  ha  talab  shud"  K&mr&n's 
attack  failed,  and  he  retreated.  The  family  and  attendants  of 
Hind&l  were  sent  to  Ghaznin  with  the  young  prince  Akbar,  and 
the  territory  of  Ghaznin  and  its  dependencies  was  assigned  to 
them  as  an  iktd\ 

When  Hum&yun  continued  his  advance  agidnst  the  Afgh&ns, 
they  were  unable  to  protect  K&mr&n  any  longer,  so  being  with- 
out resource  he  fled  to  Hinddst&n,  and  took  refuge  with  [Sult&n] 
Salim  Sh4h  Afgh&n.  AH  his  people  and  followers  were  harried, 
and  Hum&yun  then  returned  to  E&bul.  After  the  army  had 
taken  a  few  days'  rest,  it  marched  by  way  of  Bangash  and 
Gurdez  against  Hindust&n.  All  the  disaffected  in  these  parts 
received  chastisement.  Hnm&yiin  crossed  the  Indus  between 
Dinkot  and  Nil&b  (5  Safar,  962  a.h.,  29  Deer.,  1554  a.d.). 

Mirz&  Kamr&n,  disgusted  with  the  ungenerous  treatment  he 
received  from  Salim  Sh&h  hakim  of  Hindust&n,  had  taken  flight 
and  escaped  into  the  hills  of  Si41kot.  From  thence,  by  great 
energy,  he  had  conveyed  himself  to  Sultdn  Adam  Ghakar. 
Thereupon  Sultfin  Adam  secured  him,  and  wrote  to  inform 
Hura4yun.  This  overture  was  graciously  received  by  Hum&yun, 
who  sent  Mun'im  Kh4n  to  demand  the  captive.    Sult4n  Adam 

^  ThJB  was  equivalent  to  banisbment.  'Askari  died  between  Dftmascos  and  Meoea 
in  H.  965  (A.D.  1568}.— £rskme»  Yol.  ii.,  p.  897. 

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TABAKAT-I  AEBABf.  235 

«iirrend^^  K&mr&n,  who  was  brought  into  Hum&yiin^s  presence 
at  Parii&Ia.  The  Emperor,  in  his  natural  humanity,  was  ready 
to  oTorlook  the  offences  of  K&mr&n,  but  the  officers  and  the 
ehiefe  of  the  Ghaghat&i  clans,  who  had  suffered  many  things 
through  E&mran's  hostility,  having  agreed  together,  went  to 
Bam&ytin,  and  stated  that  the  security  of  the  Ghaghat&f  clans 
and  people  depended  on  the  destruction  of  Mirzd  E&mr&n,  for 
they  had  repeatedly  experienced  the  effects  of  his  hostility. 
Himayun  had  no  escape  but  by  consenting  that  E&mr&n  should 
ke  blinded.  ^Ali  Dost  Barbegi,  Saiyid  Muhammad  Bikna  and 
Ghol&m  ^Ali  8hash-angt$sht  (the  six-fingered)  deprived  Mini 
£4mr&n  of  sight  with  a  lancet.^  The  date  of  this  event  has 
been  anticipated  a  little.  Afterwards  Mirz&  K&mr&n  obtained 
permission  to  make  the  pilgrimage,  and  being  furnished  with  all 
that  he  could  require  for  the  journey,  he  set  out.  He  arrived 
at  Mecca,  and  there  died.' 

Eumi&yun,  having  reached  the  foot  of  the  fort  of  Boht&s, 
determined  upon  the  conquest  of  Kashmir.  It  was  represented 
to  him  that  a  zaminddr  named  Bir&na  had  a  place  in  the  hills 
60  strong  that  none  of  the  Sult&ns  had  been  able  to  subdue  it, 
and  that  he  might  protect  the  road  and  prevent  the  passage  into 
Kashmir,  so  that  the  conquest  would  be  difficult.  But  Humdydn'^s 
judgment  did  not  acquiesce  in  these  objections,  and  he  marched 
onwards.  At  this  time  the  news  arrived  of  the  march  of  [Sultdn] 
Salim  Kh&n  Afgh&n  from  Hindustdn  to  the  Panj&b,  and  it  caused 
gi^t  discontent  in  the  army.  When  the  time  for  departure 
^ved,  those  officers  and  amirs  who  were  adverse  to  the  Kashmir 
expedition  went  off  all  at  once  to  K&bul.  Upon  the  Emperor 
discovering  that  no  one  &voured  the  campaign  in  Kashmir,  he 
^turned  towards  K&bul.  Grossing  the  Indus,  he  gave  directions 
for  rebuilding  the  fort  of  Bikr&m  (Pesh&war),  and  as  his  men 
laboured  heartily  in  the  work  it  was  soon  accomplished.  Sikandar 
Kh&u  Uzbek  was  appointed  governor  of  the  fort.    Upon  Humd- 

'  See  mpr^  p.  147. 

'  Four  years  after,  in  h.  964  (5di  October,  1557  a.d.).— EiBkixie,  toI.  ii.,  p.  419. 

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236  NIZAHXI^D  DIN  AHMAD. 

ytin's  reaching  E&bul,  Prince  Akbar  set  ont  for  Ghaznin,  and 
Ehw&ja  Jal&lu-d  din  Mahmtid  and  a  party  of  nobles  proceeded 
thither  in  attendance  upon  him. 

After  a  time  the  intelligence  came  from  India  of  the  death  of 
[Sult&n]  Salim  Kh&n,  and  of  dissensions  among  the  A%h&nB. 
Some  designing  persons  had  informed  His  Majesty  that  Bair&m 
Elh&n  entertained  hostile  intentions,  so  Hum&ydn  proceeded  in 
force  to  Kandah&r  [which  had  been  long  held  by  Bair&m  Kh&nJ. 
The  latter  came  forth  to  meet  Ham&yun  with  due  ceremony,  and 
showed  every  mark  of  fealty  and  obedience.  When  Hum4y6n 
returned  he  appointed  Mun'im  Ehfin  to  Eandah&r.  But  Mnn'im 
Eh&n  remonstrated,  and  said  that  an  expedition  to  Hindustfin  was 
resolved  upon,  and  if  the  chief  men  were  offended  and  alienated, 
disaffecticm  would  arise  in  the  army.  After  the  conquest  of 
Hindust&n  that  course  might  be  pursued  which  the  necessities  of 
the  time  might  require.  So  the  government  of  Kandah&r  was 
confirmed  to  Bair&m  Eh&n,  and  that  of  Zamin-d&war^  to 
Bah4dur  Kh&n,  brother  of  'All  Kuli  Kh&n  Sist&ni.  The  great 
camp  then  returned  to  K&bul,  and  the  army  was  employed  in 
preparing  for  the  invasion  of  India. 

One  day  when  Hum&ydn  was  riding  about  and  hunting,  he 
observed  that  as  his  mind  was  dwelling  upon  the  invasion  of 
India,  he  would  ask  the  names  of  the  first  three  persons  he  met, 
and  would  take  them  as  auguries  of  the  result.  The  first  person 
they  encountered,  upon  being  asked,  said,  that  his  name  was 
Daulat  Khw&ja.  A  little  ftirther  on  they  met  another  villager, 
who  said  his  name  was  Mur&d  Khw&ja.  On  this  His  Majesty 
observed  how  excellent  it  would  be  if  the  third  person'^s  name 
should  prove  to  be  Sa^&dat  Khw&ja.  At  a  short  distance  they  met 
the  third  man,  and  his  name  really  turned  out  to  be  Sa^&dat 
Khw&ja.'  All  the  king's  companions  were  greatly  surprised  and 
impressed  with  this  result,  and  became  sanguine  of  victory  in 
Hindust&n.^ 

^  It  WM  taken  away  from  Tardi  Beg.— Ertkine,  vol.  ii.,  p.  508. 

2  The  three  names  ngoifj  j9ra^>erity,  wish,  tuceeu. 

3  This  same  story  is  told  by  Ehondamir,  who  died  twenty  yean  before  this 
See  nq^  p.  118. 

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TABAEAT-I  AEBABT.  237 

In  Zi-1  hrija,  961,  (November,  1653),  the  Emperor  began 
his  march.  When  the  army  encamped  at  Pesh&war,  Bair&m 
Ehdn,  according  to  orders,  came  np  from  Kandah&r,  and  the 
royal  standards  passed  oyer  the  riyer  Indus.  Bair&m  Kh&n, 
Khizr  Khw&ja  Eh&n,  Tardi  Beg  Eh&n,  Iskandar  Sult&n,  and 
some  other  nobles,  went  on  in  advance.  T&tfir  Kh&n  K&si,  the 
goremor  of  Boht&s,  although  the  fort  had  been  strengthened, 
made  no  resistance,  and  fled.  But  ^dam  Ghakar,  although  he 
owed  service,  did  not  join  the  army.  Hum&ydn  continued  his 
march  towards  L&hore,  and  when  the  Afghans  of  that  city  be- 
came aware  of  the  near  advance  of  his  army,  they  took  to  flight. 
He  entered  Lahore^  without  opposition,  and  then  sent  on  the 
nobles  in  command  of  the  advance  to  J&landar  and  Sirhind. 
The  districts  of  the  Panj&b,  Sirhind,  and  Hiss&r  all  came  with- 
out a  straggle  into  the  hands  of  the  Chaghat&i  forces. 

A  body  of  A%h&ns  having  assembled  at  Dfp&lpur,  under  the 
leadership  of  Shahb&E  Eh&n  and  Nasir  Eh&n  Afgh&n,  the  Emperor 
sent  Mir  Abu-1  Ma'ali  and  'AH  Eull  Sist&ni<  to  disperse  them. 
The  A%h&ns  were  defeated,  and  their  baggage  and  their  wives  and 
&milies  became  the  prey  of  the  victors. 

Sikandar  Afgh&n,  who  held  possession  of  Dehli,  sent  30,000  men 
under  T&t&r  Kh&n  and  Haibat  Eh&n  to  attack  the  advanced  forces 
in  Sirhind.  '  The  Chaghat&i  forces  concentrated  at  J&landar,  and 
for  all  the  numbers  of  the  enemy  and  their  own  paucity  they  were 
ready  to  fight.  They  advanced  and  crossed  the  Sutlej.  Towards 
the  close  of  day  the  Afgh&ns  became  aware  of  their  transit,  and 
marched  forth  to  give  battle.  Notwithstanding  the  strength  of 
the  enemy,  the  Chaghat&i  chiefs  determined  to  fight,  and  as  the 
sun  went  down  a  great  battle  began.  The  Afgh&ns  began  the 
battle  with  their  archers,  but  as  it  was  getting  dark  the  arrows 
took  little  effect  on  the  Mughals,  but  the  Afgh&ns  being  greatly 
annoyed  by  the  fire  (dtaahi)  threw  themselves  into  a  neighbour- 
ing village.    As  most  of  the  houses  in  the  villages  of  Hindust&n 

1  2  Babi'u-B  s&nl,  962  h.;  23rd  February,  1555  a.d. 

*  The  <*Kh&ii-zain6n"  of  Akbar*8  reign.    The  HS.  calli  him  <<SiBt&nf/'  bat  it 
Bhonldbe''Shaibiait" 


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238  KIZAHU-D  DrN  AHICAD. 

are  thatched,  a  fire  broke  out,  and  lighting  up  the  field  of  battle 
the  [Mughal]  archers  came  out  and  plied  their  weapons  heartily 
by  the  light  of  the  burning  village.  The  enemy,  in  the  glare  of 
the  fire,  presented  a  fine  mark  for  their  shafts,  and  being  unable 
to  endure  longer  took  to  flight.  A  great  victory  was  gained, 
and  elephants  and  much  spoil  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  yictors. 
When  the  news  of  the  victory  reached  L&hore,  the  Emperor  was 
greatly  delighted,  and  showed  great  honour  to  his  generals.  All 
the  Panj£b,  Sirhiud,  and  Hiss&r  Firozah  were  now  in  his  posses- 
sion, and  some  of  the  dependencies  of  Dehli  also  were  in  the 
hands  of  the  Mughals. 

On  hearing  of  this  defeat,  [Sult&n]  Sikandar  Afgh&n  marched 
forth  to  take  his  revenge,  with  80,000  horsemen  and  elephants 
and  artillery.  He  marched  to  Sirhind,  and  there  he  entrenched 
and  fortified  his  camp.  The  Ghaghat&i  generals  strengthened 
the  fortifications  of  Sirhind,  and  making  a  good  show  of  resist- 
ance, they  wrote  letters  to  Hum&yun  for  reinforcements.  He 
thereupon  sent  Prince  Akbar  towards  Sirhind,  and  as  he  ap- 
proached the  generals  came  forth  to  meet  him.  The  forces  were 
drawn  out  in  array  with  the  greatest  show  against  the  enemy, 
who  was  four  times  more  numerous  than  the  Muo:hals.  For 
some  days  the  daring  spirits  in  both  armies  challenged  each  other 
to  combat  and  displayed  their  valour,  till  at  length  the  vanguard 
of  Prince  Akbar  was  drawn  up  for  battle.  A  second  division, 
under  Bairam  Kh&n  Kh&n-Kh&n4n,  on  the  one  side ;  and  on 
the  other  a  third  division  with  Iskandar  Kh&n,  'Abdu-Ua  Eh&n 
Uzbek,  Sh&h  Abil4  Ma'&li,'A]I  Kuli  Kh&n,  and  Bah&dur  £h&n. 
Then  they  attacked  the  enemy.  In  the  engagement  all  the  nobles 
exhibited  dauntless  courage  and  the  most  determined  resolution. 
The  Afgh&ns,  100,000  in  number,  were  defeated,  being  inferior 
in  courage,  and  [Sult&n]  Sikandar  fled.  The  victors  pursued 
the  enemy  and  put  many  of  them  to  death ;  and  having  secured 
an  enormous  booty,  returned  triumphant  to  wait  upon  the 
Emperor  and  congratulate  him.  Under  his  orders  a  despatch  of 
the  victory  was  drawn,  in  which  the  honour  of  the  victory  "^ 


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TABAKAT.I  AKBABI.  239 

ascribed  to  Prince  Akbar,  and  this  was  circulated  in  all  direc- 
tions.^ 

Sikandar  £h&n  Uzbek  was  then  sent  on  to  Dehli,  and  the 
lojal  camp  was  moved  to  S&m4na.  A  body  of  Afgh&ns  in 
Dehli  made  their  escape  in  hot  haste,  and  Sikandar  Uzbek 
entered  and  occnpied  the  city.  Mir  Abd-1  Ma^&li  was  sent  to 
L&kore  to  keep  in  check  [Sult&n]  Sikandar,  who  had  fled  into 
the  Siwalik  mountains.  In  the  month  of  Bamaz&n  the  Emperor 
entered  Dehli,  and  once  more  the  khutba  was  read  and  the  coins 
were  stamped  with  his  name  in  the  territories  of  Hinddst&n. 
The  chiefs  who  had  taken  part  in  the  campaign  were  most  liberally 
rewarded,  and  each  one  was  made  the  ruler  of  a  province.  The 
remainder  of  this  year  was  spent  in  ease  and  enjoyment. 

Ab6-I  Ma'*&Ii,  who  had  been  sent  to  oppose  [Sultin]  Sikandar, 
treated  the  nobles  who  had  been  appointed  to  support  him  very  un- 
eeremoniously,  interfering  with  their  territories  and  appropriating 
their  treasure.  So  Sikandar  daily  grew  stronger.  This  came  to 
the  knowledge  of  the  Emperor,  who  immediately  sent  Bair&m 
Ehdn  in  attendance  upon  Prince  Akbar  as  his  atdlik  or  governor, 
to  pat  an  end  to  Sikandar's  operations.  Sh&h  Abd-l  Ma'&Ii  was 
ordered  to  proceed  to  Hiss&r  Firozah. 

At  this  time  a  person  named  Eambar  Diw&na  had  collected 
roand  him  a  body  of  supporters  in  the  Do&b  and  Sambal,  and 
had  taken  and  plundered  Bay&na.  Unquiet  and  adventurous 
men  gathered  about  him  from  all  quarters.  '^Ali  Kuli  £h&n 
Sistani  was  sent  against  him,  upon  which  he  shut  himself  up 
in  the  fortress  of  Bad&un.  In  the  course  of  a  few  days  'Ali 
£ali  Eh&n  took  the  fort,  captured  Kambar  Diw&na,  put  him 
to  death,  and  sent  his  head  to  the  Emperor. 

But  now  the  most  extraordinary  event  occurred.  On  the  8th 
Rabfu*!  awwal,'  at  sunset,  the  Emperor  ascended  to  the  roof  of 
the  library,  and  there  stood  for  a  short  time.     As  he  was 

X  Ahmad  Yftdgftr,  whom  hiBtorj  of  the  reign  of  Hnm&Ttin  is  generally  copied 
▼erbatim  from  this  work,  here  makes  a  slight  Tariation  which  is  given,  tuprH  p.  68. 
*  Thf  JHrikh-i  StUdtSn-i  AJdgham  gives  the  date  7  Z(-l  hijja,  965  h. 


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240  KIZAMtr-D  Dm  AHMAD. 

descending,  the  muazsnn  cried  aloud  the  summons  to  prayer,  and 
he  reverently  sat  down  on  the  second  step.  When  he  vrss 
getting  up  again  his  foot  slipped,  and  he  fell  from  the  stairs  to 
the  ground.  The  people  in  attendance  were  greatly  shocked^ 
and  the  Emperor  was  taken  up  senseless  and  carried  into  the 
palace.  After  a  short  time  he  rallied  and  spake.  The  Court 
physicians  exerted  all  their  powers,  but  in  vain.  Next  day  he 
grew  worse,  and  his  case  was  beyond  medical  help.  Shaikh  Jfili 
was  sent  to  the  Panjiib  to  summon  Prince  Akbar.  On  the  15th 
Babi  u-1  awwal,  963  h.  (24th  January,  1556),  at  the  setting  of 
the  sun,  he  left  this  world  for  Paradise.  The  date  of  his  death 
is  given  in  the  line,  "Sumdi/itn  bdd%hdh  az  ham  uftM!^^ 

He  reigned  for  more  than  twenty-five  years,  and  he  was  fifty- 
one  years  old.  His  angelic  character*  was  adorned  with  every 
manly  virtue,  and  in  courage  and  heroism  he  excelled  all  the 
princes  of  the  time.  All  the  wealth  of  Hindust&n  would  not  have 
sufficed  to  maintain  his  generosity.  In  the  sciences  of  astrology 
and  mathematics  he  was  unrivalled.  He  made  good  verses,  and 
all  the  learned  and  great  and  good  of  the  time  were  admitted  to 
his  society  and  passed  the  night  in  his  company.  Great  decorum 
was  observed  in  his  receptions,  and  all  learned  discussions  were 
conducted  in  the  most  orderly  manner.  The  light  of  favour 
shone  upon  men  of  ability  and  worth  during  his  reign.  Such 
was  his  clemency  that  he  repeatedly  pardoned  the  crimes  of 
Mirza  K4mr&n  and  the  Ghaghat&i  nobles,  when  they  were  taken 
prisoners  and  were  in  his  power.  He  was  particular  about  his 
ablutions  (wazH)^  and  never  allowed  the  name  of  God  to  pass 
from  his  tongue  until  he  had  performed  them.  One  day  he 
called  Mir  'Abdu-1  Hai,  the  Bodar  or  chief  judge,  by  the  name 
of  'Abdal.  But  when  he  had  gone  through  his  ablutions  he 
apologized,  and  said  that  as  Sai  was  a  name  of  the  Almighty 
he  was  unable  to  use  that  name  before  performing  purification. 
Every  apparent  and  conceivable  virtue  was  manifest  in  him. 
May  God  have  mercy  on  him  ! 

I  Ab6-1  Fazl  obserres  that  this  makes  the  date  one  year  less  than  it  onght  to  be.— 
AkfMfT'iM.may  toL  i.,  p.  442. 

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TABAEXT-I  AXBABF.  241 

l^aikh  Juli,  who  was  sent  off  to  the  Panj&b  daring  His 
Majesty's  ilbiess,  obtained  an  interview  with  Prince  Akbar  at 
Eai&nor.  He  communicated  the  &ct  of  the  King'^s  illness,  and 
intelligence  of  his  death  soon  after  arrived.  After  due  observance 
of  the  rites  of  mourning,  the  nobles  who  were  in  the  suite  of  the 
Prince,  under  the  leading  of  Bair4m  Kh&n,  acknowledged  the 
succession  of  the  Prince,  and  so,  on  the  2nd  Babi'u-s  sdni,  he 
ascended  the  throne  of  empire  at  Kal&nor. 

SuLTAK  Muhammad  'AdalI. 

Himun  was  a  shopkeeper  (bakkdl)  in  the  town  of  Bewarf,  in 
Mew&t.  He  was  afterwards  superintendent  of  the  markets  and 
director-general  of  the  army,  but  now  he  rose  still  higher,  and 
came  to  be  one  of  King  'Adali's  chief  advisers.     •    •    •    • 

'Adali  one  day  held  a  Court  in  the  fort  of  Gw41ior,  and  nobles 

of  renown  were  present.     A  distribution  of  j'dgira  was  being 

made,  and  ^Adali  made  an  order  that  the  country  of  Kanauj, 

which  was  the  j'dgir  of  Sli&h  Muhammad  Farmuli,  should  be 

t^en  from  him  and  given  to  Sarmast  £h&n  Sarbani.     When 

this  was  announced,  Sikandar  Kh&n,  son  of  Sh&h  Muhammad, 

a  young  and  daring  man,  cried  out  fiercely,  "  Things  have  come 

to  this  pass  that  they  are  taking  our  jdgirs  away  from  us  and 

are  giving  them  to  this  set  of  Sarbani  dog-sellers."     His  father, 

Sh&h  Muhammad,  was  ill,  but  he  forbad  his  son  to  utter  such 

unseemly  and  harsh  expressions.    But  the  son  retorted,  ^'Sher 

Kh&n  (Sher  Sh&h)  once  put  you  in  an  iron  cage  and  intended 

to  take  your  life,  but  Salim  Kh&n  interceded  for  you  and  was 

the  means  of  delivering  you  from  that  peril.     Now  this  Sur 

&ction  is  determined  upon  ruining  you,  and  you  do  not  see  it. 

These  men  will  not  leave  you  in  peace,  and  why  should  we 

suffer  this  degradation?"    Hereupon  Sarmast  Kh&n  Sarbani, 

who  was  a  very  tall  and  powerful  man,  placed  his  hand  in  a  false 

coaxing  way  upon  the  shoulder  of  Sikandar,  and  said,  ''What 

does  all  this  mean,  my  lad  P "  intending  to  make  him  prisoner. 

VOL.  T.  16 

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242  KIZAMU-B  DfN  AHMAD. 

Bat  Sikandar  gaessed  his  object,  drew  a  dagger  and  inflicted 
such  a  wound  npon  the  shoulder  of  Sarmast  Kh&n  that  he  fell 
dead  at  his  feet.  He  then  killed  and  wounded  sereral  others. 
In  the  midst  of  this  scene  ^Adali  got  up  and  ran  into  the  women^B 
apartments.  Sikandar  rushed  after  him,  but  'Adali  bolted  the 
door  on  the  inside,  and  with  difficulty  escaped.  The  nobles  of 
'Adali  \dio  were  present  drew  their  swords  to  prevent  the  escape 
of  Sikandar,  who,  raging  like  a  maniac,  cut  down  and  killed  and 
wounded  wherever  he  went.  This  state  of  affairs  went  on  for 
an  hour  or  two  (yak  do  gari)^  till  Ibr&him  Kh&n  Sur,  the 
husband  of  'Adalfs  sister,  drew  his  sword  and  wounded  Sikandar. 
Others  then  fell  upon  him  and  despatched  him.  Daulat  Kh&n 
Loh&ni  killed  Sh&h  Muhammad  Farmuli  also  with  one  blow  of 
his  sword. 

On  the  very  day  of  this  tragedy  it  happened  that  as  Mu- 
hammad Farmuli  was  going  to  wait  upon  'Adali  he  met  T&j 
Khan  Kir&ni,  brother  of  Sulaim&n  and  'Im&d  Kir&ni,  as  he  was 
coming  out  of  the  fort  of  Gwalior,  after  having  taken  leave  of 
the  King.  They  both  inquired  as  to  each  other's  affairs,  and  T&j 
Kh&n  said,  ^'  I  am  going  to  retire  from  this  field  of  strife  ** 
(m'arika) :  "  come  with  me,  for  here  all  things  are  changed." 
Muhanmiad  Farmuli  did  not  acquiesce,  but  went  to  pay  his  visit 
to  'Adali,  when  what  we  have  seen  happened, 

^When  Tdj  Khdn  fled  from  Gwalior,  he  formed  designs  against 
Bengal.  'Adali  first  sent  a  force  after  him,  and  then  marched 
against  him  in  person.  The  hostile  forces  met  near Chhatr&mau, 
forty  ko8  from  Agra  and  thirty  from  Kanauj,  and  T&j  Kh&n  was 
defeated.  He  fled  to  Chunar,  and  on  his  way  he  took  posses- 
sion of  several  local  treasuries  belonging  to  'Adali,  and  enriched 
himself  with  their  contents.  He  also  seized  a  troop  (halka) 
of  elephants,  one  hundred  in  number,  and  went  and  joined 
his  brothers   'Im&d,  Sulaim&n,  and   Khw&ja  fly&s,  who  held 

^  This  and  some  other  passages  hare  been  copied  by  the  Tdrfkh-i  Ddiuli,  and  an 
given  in  Vol.  IV.  pp.  606, 607.  This  original  Yersion  of  the  Tahakdt  seems  prefer- 
able. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  243 

Beveral  districts  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges  and  at  Khaw&spdr 
T&nda.  Open  war  began,  and  'Adali  led  his  army  from  Gwalior 
to  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  and  there  fronted  his  adyersaiy. 
One  day  Himdn  told  'Adali  that  if  he  wonid  give  him  a  troop 
{halka)  of  elephants,  he  would  cross  the  riyer  and  take  the 
ooiirage  out  of  the  Kir&ni  rebel.  'Adall  complied  with  this 
request,  and  Himun  defeated  the  rebels. 

Ibr&him  Kh&n,  son  of  Gh&zi  Kh&n  Stir,  had  married  the 
BiRter  of  'Adali,  and  was  one  of  the  cousins  of  Sher  Kh&n  (Sher 
Sh&h).  His  wife  found  out  that  ^Adali  intended  to  put  him  in 
confinement,  so  he  fled  from  Chun&r,  and  went  to  his  father  Gh&zi 
S[h&n,  who  held  the  government  of  Bay&na  and  Hindun.  ''Adali 
sent  ^f  sa  Kh&n  Ni&zi  in  pursuit  of  him,  and  a  fight  took  place 
near  K&Ipi,  in  which  'fsa  £hdn  was  defeated.  Ibr&him  then 
proceeded  to  Dehli,  and  caused  the  khutba  to  be  read  in  his  name. 
Afterwards  he  took  possession  of  Xgra  and  of  several  districts. 
^Adali,  upon  hearing  of  these  conquests,  marched  against  Ibr&him. 
On  reaching  the  Jumna,  Ibr&him  Kh&n  sent  a  person  to  'Adali, 
promising  that  if  'Adali  would  send  to  him  B&I  Husain  Jalw&ni, 
Bah&dur  Kh&n  Sarw&ni,  called  A'zam  Hum&ydn,  and  some  other 
great  nobles,  npon  whose  assurances  of  protection  he  could 
depend,  he  would  come  in  and  make  his  submission.  These 
nobles  were  accordingly  sent.  But  Ibrahim  won  them  all  over 
to  his  side^  and  then  declared  against  'Adali,  who,  having  no 
hope  of  support,  returned  to  Ghun&r.  Ibr&him  Kh&n  now  took 
the  title  of  Ibr&him  Sh&b,  and  assumed  the  insignia  of  royalty. 

About  this  time  also  Ahmad  Kh&n,  another  nephew  of  Sher 
Kh&n  (Sher  Sh&h),  who  was  married  to  a  second  sister  of 
'AdaliX  and  was  one  of  the  territorial  amira  of  the  Panj&b, 
received  the  support  of  Tat&r  Kh&n  K&nsi,  Haibat  Kh&n,  and 
Nasib  Kh&n,  who^were  among  the  principal  nobles  of  Salim  Kh&n's 
(Sh&h's)  time.  ^  Thus  supported  he  assumed  the  title  of ''  Sult&n 
Sikaudar,''  and  leil  his  forces  against  Ibr&him.  The  rival  armies 
met  at  the  village  of  Farra,  ten  ko9  from  iigra.  Sikandar'^s 
army  did  not  exceed  10,000  horse,  but  Ibr&him  had  70,000 

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244  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

horse  and  200  persons  to  whom  be  had  given  velvet  tents, 
banners,  and  kettle-drums.  Sikandar  offered  peace,  upon  oon- 
dition  of  receiving  the  government  of  the  Panj&b.  But  Ibr&hf  m 
was  proud  of  the  great  strength  and  preponderance  of  his  army, 
80  he  rejected  the  peaceful  overtures  of  Sikandar,  and  arrayed 
his  army  for  battle.  In  the  end  Sikandar  was  victorious,  and 
Ibr&him  was  compelled  to  fly  to  Sambal.  Sikandar  then 
became  master  of  Agra  and  Dehli. 

Intelligence  now  arrived  that  the  Emperor  Hum&yun  had 
marched  from  E&bul  to  Hindiist&n,  and  had  taken  Lahore ;  so 
Sikandar  gathered  his  forces  and  went  towards  that  city.  Ibr&him 
also  collected  a  new  army  at  Sambal,  and  went  in  the  direction  of 
£&lpi.  'Adali  now  sent  Himun,  the  bakkdl,  who  was  his  trasir, 
with  a  large  army,  and  with  500  war-elephants  and  artillery, 
against  Agra  and  Dehli.  When  Himun  reached  Kalpi,  he 
resolved  to  dispose  of  Ibrdhim  first,  and  hastened  to  meet  him. 
A  great  battle  followed,  in  which  Himun  was  victorious,  and 
Ibr&him  fled  to  his  father  at  Bay&na.  Himun  followed  and 
invested  Bay&na,  which  he  besieged  for  three  months. 

Sikandar  Kh&n,  ruler  of  Bengal,  now  raised  the  standard  of 
rebellion,  and  marched  with  the  forces  of  that  country  against 
Jaunpdr,  Kdlpi,  and  Agra.  'Adali  therefore  summoned  Himun^ 
who  accordingly  raised  the  siege  of  Bay&na.  When  he  reached 
the  village  of  Mand&kar,  six  ko8  from  Agra,  Ibrahim  came  up 
and  attacked  his  rear,  but  he  was  defeated  and  again  fled  to  his 
father.  From  thence  he  went  to  the  country  of  Bhath,  and 
fought  with  the  B&jd,  B&m  Chand,  who  made  him  prisoner. 
But  the  Bdja  showed  him  great  honour,  seated  him  upou  the 
throne,  and  waited  upon  him  as  a  servant.  Here  Ibr&him  re- 
mained until  a  party  of  the  tribe  of  Mi&nas,^  who  dwelt  near 
R&isin,  being  at  enmity  with  B&z  Bah&dur,  the  ruler  of  M&lwa, 
invited  Ibr&him  to  be  their  ruler.  They  drew  out  their  forces 
against  Bdz  Bah&dur,  and  Ibrdhim  joined  them.  Durg&vafci 
the  Bdni  of  Garha  marched  from  her  own  country  to  support 
^  A  tribe  of  Afgb&nfl.— Briggs*  Fiiishta,  yoI.  ii.  p.  149. 


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TABAEJCT-I  AEBARr.  245 

him.  But  B&z  Bah&dar  hearing  of  this^  sent  some  persons  to 
the  H&ni,  and  induced  her  to  relinquish  this  design  and  return 
home.  Upon  this  defection  Ibr&him  thought  it  inexpedient 
to  tarry  longer  where  he  was,  so  he  went  to  the  country  of 
Orissa,  one  of  the  dependencies  of  the  kingdom  of  Bengal. 
Here  he  remained  until  the  year  975  (1567-8),  when  Sulaim&n 
Kir&nl  took  possession  of  Orissa.  Upon  the  faith  of  solemn 
promises  he  then  came  to  see  Sulaim&n,  who  treacherously  caused 
him  to  be  slain. 

The  victorious  Himtin  continued  his  march  and  joined  ^Adali. 
They  fought  with  Muhammad  Eh&n  Gauria  at  the  village  of 
Ghappar-ghatta^  fifteen  koa  from  .^gra,  and  Muhammad  was 
killed.  Thus  victorious  ^Adali  went  to  Chun&r,  and  sent  Himun 
to  ^gra  and  Dehli  to  oppose  the  progress  of  Hum&ydn.  Si- 
kandar  Kh&n  Uzbek,^  Eiy&  Kh&n  Gang,'  and  the  other  nobles 
who  were  in  ^gra,  abandoned  the  city,  and  retreated  before  him 
towards  Dehli.  ''f  sa  Khdn  marched  against  Dehli,  but  being 
encountered  and  defeated  by  Tardi  Beg  Elh&n  at  P&nipat,  he 
was  put  to  death  by  the  Imperial  officers.  'Adali  was  still  at 
Chun&r,  when  Ehizr  Eh&n,  son  of  Muhammad  Eh&n  Gauria, 
caused  the  khutba  to  be  read  and  coins  to  be  struck  under  the 
title  which  he  had  assumed  of  Sult&n  Bah&dur.  To  avenge  his 
&ther,  he  made  war  upon  ''Adali,  and  put  him  to  death.  Thus 
terminated  the  Afgh&n  rule,  and  Hind  came  under  the  Imperial 
sway.    ^Adali  reigned  for  nearly  three  years. 

^  Sikaadar  Ehfcn  was  a  descendant  of  the  Uzbek  kings,  and  was  a  prominent  man 
in  the  reign  of  Akbar.    See  Blochmann's  Ain-i  AkbarU  toL  i  p.  36o. 

'  Kijfc  Ekin  attained  high  rank  in  Akbar's  reign,  and  appears  frequently  in  the 
following  pagea.    See  Blochmann's  Alu^-i  Akbwri^  Yol.  i.  p.  343. 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


246 


NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 


Ebion  of  the  Ebiperob  Jalalu-d  DiN  Muhammad  Akbab.^ 


Ybabs  of  thb  Ilahi 

;  OB,  Bbigk  of 

Akbajl*                   1 

1. 

27  Rabl'u-I  &kbir. 

963    10 

or  11  March,  1666              1 

2. 

9  Jam&da-l  awwal,  964 

»> 

1657 

3. 

20 

066 

1668 

4. 

2  Jiiiii&da.l  akhir 

966 

ff 

1669 

5. 

16 

967 

ff 

1660 

6. 

24 

968 

tf 

1561 

7. 

6Bajab 

969 

91 

1562 

8. 

16     „ 

970 

n 

1563 

9. 

27     „ 

971 

1) 

1564 

10. 

8  Sha'bfin, 

972 

»t 

1565 

11. 

18        „ 

973 

It 

1566 

12. 

29        „ 

974 

fi 

1667 

13. 

11  Bamaz&n, 

976 

f) 

1668 

14. 

22        ., 

976 

yy 

1569 

15. 

2  Sbaww&l, 

977 

%t 

1570 

16. 

H        „ 

978 

)» 

1671 

17. 

26        „ 

979 

n 

1672 

18. 

6  Z14  ka'da, 

980 

n 

1673 

19. 

^l        ^ 

981 

tf 

1574 

20. 

27        „ 

982 

)9 

1575 

21. 

9  ZM  hijja, 

983 

%f 

1576 

22. 

20        „ 

984 

}t 

1577 

23. 

2Miiharrain, 

986 

}) 

1678 

24. 

12.     „ 

987 

}} 

1579 

26. 

24        „ 

988 

1580 

26. 

6  Safar, 

989 

t1 

1681 

27. 

16    „ 

990 

n 

1582 

28. 

28    „ 

991 

if 

1683 

29. 

8  Babl'u-l  awval, 

992 

It 

1684 

80. 

19 

993 

ft 

1585 

81. 

29 

994 

t« 

1586 

32. 

11  Babru-BHM, 

996 

tt 

1587 

33. 

22 

996 

It 

1588 

34. 

4  Jum&da-l  awwal,  997 

It 

1589 

35. 

14 

998 

yt 

1590 

86. 

24 

999 

1591 

37. 

1000 

If 

1692 

38. 

17 

1001 

tt 

1593 

39. 

28 

1002 

It 

1594 

40. 

9  Rajab 

1003 

It 

1596 

41. 

20    „ 

1004 

tt 

1696 

42. 

2  Sha'b&n, 

1006 

tt 

1697 

43. 

13      „ 

1006 

It 

1598 

44. 

23      „ 

1007 

It 

1699 

45. 

4  Ramaz&n, 

1008 

It 

1600 

46. 

16        „ 

1009 

It 

1601 

47. 

26        ,. 

1010 

It 

1602 

48. 

6  Shaww&l, 

1011 

It 

1603 

49. 

17        „ 

1012 

It 

1604 

60. 

28        „ 

1013 

It 

1605 

Akbar  died  on  the  13  Jum&da-g  s&ni, 

1014; 

13  Oct  1605. 

•  Thli  Table,  u  far  as  the  46th  year,  has  been  drawn  np  ttom  the  jtHar. 

nAma  of  Ab^-l  Paal,  which  is  the  most  accurate  of  the  authoridee  and  most 

eonsUtent  with  itself,  though  it  oeeaaionally  shows  a  sUffht  error,  as  in  the 

«th  year,  w 
Akhfr.    Tht 
at  the  end  a 

bioh  must  have  begun 

on  the  18tl 

1.  not  the  l«th  of  Jainid»4 

}  TdhakAt  and  BadAdnf 
f  981  and  ended  on  the 

so  astray  at  tbe  23nd  year,  whieh  began 
Istdayof  98eHUni. 

He  18  familiarly  called  maU/a  IfM, 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TABAKXT-I  AKBAEr.  247 

Shaikh  Ahii-1  Fazl,  in  his  great  work  entitled  Akbar-ndmay  haa 
recorded  folly  and  circumstantially  all  the  events  in  the  life  of 
Chid's  vicegerent,  from  the  day  of  his  birth  till  the  present  year, 
the  thirty-eighth  year  of  the  Il&h(  era^  and  the  year  1002  of  the 
Hijra  (1593-^  aj).).  But  this  hnmble  servant  of  the  State, 
Niz&ma-d  din  Ahmad  Mutasaddi^  having  written  a  history  of  all 
the  kings  who  have  raised  the  banner  of  sovereignty  in  Hindust&n, 
it  is  indispensable  that  he  should  also  write  a  history  of  all  the 
incidents  in  the  life  of  the  Emperor.  The  greatness  of  the 
theme  will  probably  imbue  his  mind  with  ability  to  perform  his 
undertaking.  The  history  of  this  great  Emperor  must  be  the 
prominent  feature  in  all  books,  so  that  there  is  little  need  of  the 
present  work,  but  as  I  have  felt  it  my  duty  to  write  a  history  of 
the  Sult&ns  of  Hindiist&n,  it  seems  right  to  crown  my  work  with 
a  relation  of  the  auspicious  reign  of  this  great  Emperor. 

It  will  be  remembered  that  in  the  history  of  the  reign  of  the 
late  Emperor  Hum&yun  our  narrative  had  reached  the  point 
where  Prince  Akbar  was  sent  to  the  Siwalik  hills  along  with 
Bair&m  E[h&n  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  to  crush  Sikandar  Afghan.  When 
he  reached  the  pargana  of  Kal&nor,  one  of  the  dependencies  of 
Lahore,  the  sad  intelligence  of  the  death  of  the  Emperor  his 
&ther  was  brought  to  him,  and  plunged  him  in  the  deepest 
sorrow.  Bair&m  Kh&n,  commander-in-chief,  with  the  concur- 
rence of  the  nobles  and  officers,  raised  His  Highness  to  the  throne 
in  the  town  of  Kal&nor  at  noon-day  of  Friday,  the  2nd  of 
Babl'u-s  s&ni,^  963  h.,  with  all  due  state  and  ceremony,  and 
letters  of  grace  and  favour  were  sent  to  all  parts  of  Hinddst&n. 

Rrat  year  of  the  Ildhi. 

The  Bdhi  is  a  true  solar  year  beginning  with  the  Nau-roz!^ 
The  first  year  of  this  auspicious  era  corresponded  with  Monday, 
the  27th  Babru-1  &khir,  963  h.  (10  March,  1556  a.d.). 

>  The  M88.  luiTe  "Babi'u-l  awwal;"  bat  this  is  inoonnstent  with  the  date  in 
page  241  mprd^  and  is  opposed  to  aU  the  other  authoritieB. 
*  The  Penian  solar  months  are  used  in  this  era. 

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248  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

Among  the  prominent  events  of  the  early  days  of  the  reign 
yras  the  rebellion  of  Sh&h  Abn-1  Ma^&II.  This  young  man  was 
a  descendant  of  the  Saiyids  of  Turmuz,  and  was  remarkable  both 
for  his  beauty  and  intelligence.  The  late  king  had  a  great 
partiality  for  him,  and  this  fostered  his  pride  so  that  pre- 
sumptuous ideas  got  the  mastery  over  him,  and  his  conduct  was 
marked  by  some  unseemly  actions.  The  Kh&n-khan&n  arrested 
him,  and  was  about  to  execute  him  ;  but  the  young  Emperor  was 
mercifully  disposed,  and  was  unwilling  that  the  beginning  of  his 
reign  should  be  stained  with  the  execution  of  a  descendant  of 
the  Saiyids  before  any  crime  had  been  proved  against  him.  So 
he  placed  him  in  the  custody  of  Fahlaw&n  Kal-gaz  kotwal^  and 
sent  him  to  Lahore.  Abu-1  Ma'&li  escaped  from  custody,^  and 
the  pahlawdn^  in  shame  for  his  fault,  committed  suicide. 

So  long  as  Sikandar  Afgh&n  was  in  the  field,  the  officers  of 
the  Emperor  were  unable  to  take  any  measures  for  the  capture 
of  the  fugitive,  but  sent  all  their  regular  forces  against  Sikandar. 
The  Imperial  forces  encountered  the  Afgh&ns  near  the  Siw&Iik 
mountains,  and  gained  a  victory  which  elicited  gracious  marks 
of  approval  from  the  Emperor.'^  Sikandar  took  refuge  in  the 
mountains  and  jungles,  and  the  Imperial  forces  were  engaged  for 
six  months  in  hunting  him  about  and  endeavouring  to  capture 
him.  £aj&  B&m  Chand,'  S&j&  of  Nagarkot,  was  the  moat  re- 
nowned of  all  the  r&jds  of  the  hills,  and  he  came  and  made  his 
submission.  In  consequence  of  the  heavy  rains,  His  Highness 
left  these  parts,  and  went  to  J&landhar,  where  he  stayed  for  five 
months. 

Tardi  Beg  Kh&n,  who  was  one  of  the  most  famous  of  the 
nobles  of  Humdyun's  reign,  and  held  an  exalted  place  in  that 

>  He  fled  to  the  country  of  the  Gakhan,  and  there  oolleoting  tn  armj,  he  inTaded 
Kashmir,  hut  was  defeated.  Obliged  to  leave  the  Qakhar  country,  he  went  and  hid 
at  Dip&lpt&r,  bat  was  diflcoTered,  and  sent  a  prisoner  to  the  fort  of  fiaj&na. — Badfc6Bl, 
Tol.  ii.  p.  10. 

**  The  Emperor  went  as  far  as  Damhari,  and  Bair&m  Ehfin  commanded.  The  to 
lasted  three  months. — Akbar^ndma^  yoI.  ii.  p.  23.    Bad&6n(,  Tol.  ii.  p.  12. 

*  Ah6-1  Faal  and  Firishta  call  him  "  Dharm  Chand ;  *'  Bad&Aiii  <*  fiftm  Chaad." 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  249 

monarch'^s  estimation,  in  the  same  week  that  the  Emperor  died, 
caused  the  khutba  to  be  read  in  Dehli  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor 
Akbar.  He  also,  with  the  help  of  Khw&ja  Sult&n  ^Ali,  wazir 
and  mir-munahiy  who  was  also  mir-i  'arz  and  mir-i  mdl,  kept 
under  control  the  affairs  of  Dehli,  and  of  Mew&t  and  other 
parganas  which  had  bat  lately  been  brought  under  royal  authority. 
He  sent  Mirz&  Abu-1  £&sim,  son  of  Prince  K&mr&n,  along  with 
the  effects  and  establishments  and  war-elephants  of  the  late 
Emperor,  to  his  successor,  the  Emperor  Akbar. 

When  Hum&yun  marched  to  Hindust&n,  he  consigned  the 

government  of  £&bul  and  Ghaznl  to  Mun^im  £hdn,  one  of  his 

chief  nobles,  and  he  also  made  him  guardian  (atdlik)  of  his  son, 

Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim.    He  also  left  there  all  his  ladies. 

The  city  of  Kandahdr  and  its  dependent  territories  were  the 

jagir  of  Bair&m  Khfin  Kh&n-kh&n&n.     By  the  kindness  of  His 

Majesty  the  government  of  Badakhsh&n  was  consigned  to  Mirz& 

Sulaim&n,  sou  of  Eh&n  Mirzd,  son  of  Sult&n  Mahmtid,  son  of 

Mirza  Snlt&n  Abti  Sa'id  Ourg&n.    When  the  intelligence  of  the 

facts  (of  the  death)   of  Hum&ytin   reached   Mirz&   Sulaim&n, 

ambitious  designs  took  hold  of  him,  and,  with  his  son  Mirzd 

Ibr&him,  he  marched  against  X&bul,  and  laid  siege  to  it.    MunHm 

Elh&n  wrote  a  full  report  of  all  the  facts  of  the  matter,  and  sent 

it  to   the  Emperor.     But  before  his  despatch  arrived,  Akbar 

had  sent  Muhammad  Kuli  Birl&s,  and  some  other  nobles,  to 

E&bul,  to  fetch  the  ladies  who  had  been  left  there.      When 

the  news  of  the  siege  of  £&bul  arrived,  an  imperative  farmdn 

was  issued,  directing  these  nobles  to  make  all  haste  to  K&bul, 

and  to  raise  the  siege.    When  these  nobles  passed  the  Mil&b 

(Indus),  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  saw  that  he  could  effect  nothing  by 

hostile  means,  so  he  employed  as  an  intermediary  £azi  Kh&n 

Badakhshi,  who  was  one  of  his  confidential  nobles,  and  one  of  the 

holy  men  of  the  time,  to  inform  Mun'im  £h&n  that  if  his  name 

were  recited  in  the  khuiba,  he  would  take  his  departure.    Mun*im 

Slh£n  knew  that  the  garrison  of  the  fort  was  suffering  from  the 

protracted  siege,  so  he  consented  that  the  name  of  Mirz&  Sulaim&n 

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250  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

Bhoald  be  mentioned  in  the  list  of  the  titles  (zail  i  alkdh)  of  His 
Majesty  the  Emperor.  When  Mirza  Sulaimdn  was  informed  of 
this  concession,  he  immediately  departed  for  Badakhsh£n. 

Soon  after  the  accession  of  the  Emperor,  'Ali  Kuli  Eh&n^ 
received  the  title  of  Khdn-zamdn  and  marched  towards  Sambal 
to  repress  Sh&di  Kh&n  Afgh&n,  one  of  the  nobles  of  Sultdn 
Muhammad  'Adali.  When  he  reached  the  banks  of  the  Bahab, 
he  sent  some  of  his  men  over  the  river  with  2000  or  3000  horse 
to  reconnoitre  the  enemy.  This  detachment  crossed  the  river 
without  care  and  circumspection,  and  Sh&di  Kh&n,  perceiving  his 
opportunity,  suddenly  fell  upon  them.  Many  of  Eh&n-zam&n's 
men  were  killed,  and  many  were  drowned  in  the  river.  When 
the  Kh&n  received  intelligence  of  this,  he  consulted  with  the 
nobles  who  were  with  him,  such  as  ♦  ♦  ♦,  upon  the  propriety  of 
crossing  the  river  to  avenge  this  disaster.  Just  at  this  juncture, 
letters  arrived  from  Tardi  Beg  Khin  and  other  nobles  who  were 
in  Dehli,'  stating  that  Himdn,  the  vaUil  of  Muhammad  Khfin 
'^dali,  had  approached  Dehli  with  a  large  force  and  many 
elephants,  intent  upon  battle,  and  that  they  should  bring  up 
their  forces  with  all  possible  speed.  Kh&n-zam&n  and  all  the 
faithful  and  prudent  nobles  marched  off  instantly  towards  Dehli ; 
but  before  they  arrived,  Tardi  Beg  Eh&n  had  been  defeated. 
This  matter  has  been  recorded  among  the  incidents  of  the  reign 
of  Sult&n  ^Adali,  and  there  is  no  need  to  repeat  it  here. 

When  Himun  approached  iigra,  Sikaudar  Kh&n  Uzbek,  the 
governor  of  that  city,  was  obliged  to  evacuate  the  place  and  join 
Tardi  Beg  Kh&n.  'Abdu-Ua  Uzbek,  L&l  Sult&n  Badakhshi,  'All 
Euli  Andarabi,  Mirak  Kh&n  Kol&bi,  Haidar  Muhammad  Akhta« 
begi,  and  Mirz&  Kuli  Beg  Khdn  assembled.  Maul&n&  Pir 
Muhammad  Shirwdni  also  came  to  Tardi  Beg  on  a  mission  from 
Bair&m  Khdn.  These  all  brought  reinforcements  with  them. 
As  Himun  drew  near  to  Dehli,  the  great  nobles  led  their  forces 

1  *Ali  Enli  Kh&n  was  an  Uzbek,  and  bod  of  Haidar  Snltin  Shaibiinf,  a  ataancfa 
adherent  of  Hum&y&n. 
'  Akbar  had  made  him  gotemor  of  Dehli. — Faizf  Sirhindi. 

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TABAKJCT-I  AKBABr.  251 

oat  of  the  city,  and  marahalled  them  in  the  field  in  sight  of 
the  enemy.  Sikandar  Kh&n  and  'Abda-Ua  Eh&n  Uzbek  and 
L&l  Sult&n  Badakhshi,  who  were  on  the  right  wing,  defeated 
the  forces  opposed  to  them.  Then  Himuu,  with  a  reserve  which 
he  had  and  some  fierce  elephants,  made  an  attack  apon  the 
Mnghals,  and  Tardi  Beg  Eh&n,  being  anable  to  repel  this  assault, 
was  obliged  to  retreat.  But  although  Himiin  had  thus,  by  his 
tactics  and  artifice,  prevailed  over  Tardi  Beg  Eh&n,  he  did  not 
think  of  pursuing  him.  That  portion  of  the  enemy's  army 
which  had  been  defeated,  finding  themselves,  to  their  surprise, 
unmolested,  returned  to  the  scene  of  action,  and  then  learned 
that  Tardi  Beg  Eh&n  had  been  discomfited  and  put  to  flight. 
Himun  then  occupied  Dehli,  and  Tardi  Beg  Kh&n  and  the  other 
nobles  proceeded  to  the  Emperor.  Kh&n-zam&n  joined  them  at 
the  town  of  Sirhind. 

The  Emperor  and  his  followers  were  engaged  at  J&landhar 
in  counteracting  the  efforts  of  Sult&n  Sikandar.  When  the 
intelligence  of  this  disaster  reached  him,  be  appointed  Ehw&ja 
Ehizr  Kh&n,  who  belonged  to  the  lineage  of  the  Mughal  Sult&ns, 
and  had  married  Gulbadan  Begam,  the  aunt  of  the  Emperor,  to 
oppose  Sult&n  Sikandar,  while  he  himself  marched  to  Dehll. 
Upon  his  reaching  the  town  of  Sirhind,  the  defeated  nobles 
waited  upon  him.  But  Ehdn-khandn,  who  had  the  general 
direction  of  state  affairs,  had  deemed  it  desirable  to  destroy 
Tardi  Beg  Eh&n.  So  he  had  summoned  ^  him  to  his  tent,  and 
had  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death.'  He  had  also  placed  in 
confinement  Ehw&ja  Sult&n  'Ali  and  the  Mir  Mumhi  and  the 
Khanjar-heg  of  Tardi  Eh&n.  When  the  royal  tents  were  pitched, 

^  The  word  lued  is  "  taihid,"  but  Ab6-I  Fazl  says  it  was  a  friendly  inTitation. 

'  There  had  been  a  long  standing  quarrel,  aggravated  by  sectarian  bitterness,  be- 
tween Bair&m  Khfin  and  Tardi  Beg.  Bad&6ni  (ii.  14)  says  that  Bair&m  Kh&n  got 
a  kind  of  permission  from  the  Emperor  to  put  TardS  Beg  to  death.  Abd-l  Fazl  and 
Firishta,  however,  show  that  he  had  some  difficulty  in  justifying  the  act.  Firishta 
•tates  that  **  he  understood  from  the  best  informed  men  of  the  times,  that  had  Tardi 
Beg  Kh&n  not  been  executed  by  way  of  example,  such  was  the  condition  of  the 
Mughal  army  and  the  general  feeling  of  those  foreigners,  that  the  old  scene  of  Sher 
8h&h  would  have  been  acted  over  again."~Brigg8,  toI.  iL  p.  186. 

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252  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

'All  Kuli  Kh&n  and  *  *  *  were  sent  forward  with  the  advanced 
forces,  and  the  Emperor  followed  to  confront  the  enemy. 

Himdn  had  greatly  vaunted  his  achievements  at  Dehli,  and 
had  taken  to  himself  the  title  of  B&ja  Bikram&jit.^  He  had 
gathered  under  his  command  a  mighty  force,  and  had  fifteen 
hundred^  war-elephants.  With  these  he  hastened  to  meet  the 
Imperial  army.  He  had  sent  on  his  artillery^  in  advance,  and  a 
detachment  of  the  Emperor's  army,  which  had  gone  forward,  fell 
in  with  the  artillery  at  P&nipat,  and  took  it  at  the  point  of  the 
sword.  When  Himun  was  informed  of  this  disaster,  he  was 
much  depressed,  but  he  promised  his  officers  an  increase  of  their 
emoluments,  and  gave  to  each  one  an  elephant  on  which  to  ride 
and  exhibit  his  devotion.  He  himself  mounted  an  elephant 
named  Sawd  (wind),  and  went  forth  with  scowling  brow  to  meet 
his  royal  adversary. 

On  the  morning  of  Friday,  [2nd]  Muharram,  964  h. 
(5  November,  1656),  the  intelligence  of  his  march  was  brought 
in  from  the  advanced  guard,  and  the  generals  marshalled  their 
forces  to  receive  the  attack.  Husain  Kuli  Beg  and  ♦  ♦  *  • 
other  brave  officers  fought  bravely,  and  defeated  their  adver- 
saries. Himun  then  advanced  with  his  elephants,  and  made  such 
a  determined  charge  on  the  Imperial  army  that  the  left  wing 
was  shaken.^  But  by  the  exertions  of  the  brave  archers  and  by 
resolute  use  of  spear  and  sword,  firmness  was  restored.    Himun 

1  The  MS.  of  the  E.  I.  Lih.,  which  often  contaioB  a  word  or  two  more  than  the 
other  MSS.  which  have  heen  used,  here  observes  parenthetically,  "This  Bikramfrjit 
was  a  riLJ&,  who  held  dominion  over  the  greater  part  of  HindiUt&n,  and  the  Hindita 
helieye  that  one  thousand  six  hundred  years  have  passed  since  the  time  of  liia 
ascendancy." 

^  ^Ifi  augments  the  number  to  <*  nearly  three  thousand,  a  number  that  for  many  a 
long  year  had  not  been  gathered  together  in  India,"  and  adds  that  more  than 
a  thousand  were  captured.  Abd-1  Fazl  (ii.  p.  50)  and  Bad&dni  (iL  p.  16}  say  that 
1500  were  captured. 

'  «< Which  was  obtained  fr«m  Turkey:  m  mamdiik-i  Mpi  niikdn  ml-^Utf."— 
Faizi  BirhindL 

*  According  to  Ab64  Faal,  Himfin  diridied  his  army  into  three  diTisionfl.  H« 
himself  commanded  the  centre^  which  was  oompoeed  of  500  elephants  and  20,e00 
Afgh6n  and  B&jp6t  horse. 


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TABAIAT.I  AKBAKr.  253 

then  drew  o£F  his  forces^  and  made  an  assault  upon  the  centre, 
which  was  under  the  command  of  Kh&n-zamfin.  He  led  all 
his  elephants  against  the  Ehdn'^s  men,  who  received  him  with 
showers  of  arrows.  An  arrow  pierced  the  eye  of  Himtin,  and 
came  out  at  the  back  of  his  head.  When  those  who  were 
fighting  under  him  saw  his  condition,  their  hands  were  paralyzed, 
and  they  broke.  The  Imperial  forces  pursued  them,  and  cut 
many  to  pieces. 

The  elephant  on  which  Him6n  was  riding,  when  Himun  fell 
wounded  in  the  hotcda  and  its  driver  was  killed,^  made  off 
towards  the  jungle.  It  so  happened  that  Sh&h  Kuli  Kh&n  fell 
in  with  this  elephant,  and  made  his  own  driver  mount  it.  The 
driver  then  perceived  that  there  was  a  man  lying  wounded  in 
the  hotvda^  and  upon  examination  this  person  proved  to  be 
Him6n  himself.  Sh&h  Euli  Eh&n,  fully  alive  to  the  importance 
of  his  discovery,  drove  the  elephant,  along  with  several  others 
which  had  been  captured  in  the  field,  to  the  presence  of  the 
Emperor.  Bair&m  Kh&n  Kh&n-khan&n  then  put  Himun  to 
death  with  his  own  hand.^ 

Sikandar  Eh&n  Uzbek,  according  to  orders,  pursued  the  fugi- 
tives to  Dehli,  and  sent  many  of  them  to  hell.  Next  day  the 
army  marched  from  P&nipat,  and  without  halting  anywhere  went 
straight  to  Dehli.  All  the  inhabitants  of  the  city  of  every 
degree  came  forth  to  give  His  Majesty  a  suitable  reception,  and  to 
conduct  him  with  due  honour  into  the  city.  He  remained  there 
one  month.  Intelligence  was  brought  in  that  all  the  children 
and  dependents  of  Himun,  with  his  treasures  and  effects,  were 

1  Ab&-1  Fazl  states  that  Himtln's  own  driTer,  in  fear  of  his  life,  betrayed  his 
master. — Akbar-ndma^  Tol.  ii.  p.  49. 

3  Bad&&nl,  Ab<i-1  Fazl  and  Faizl  all  state  that  Bair&m  Eh&n  killed  Ulmtl  after 
hftTtng  failed  to  induce  the  Emperor  to  do  so.  Bair&m  Eh&n  said,  according  to 
Bad&(ini,  "  •  This  is  yonr  first  war  {gkazd)^  prove  yonr  sword  on  this  infidel,  for  it  will 
be  a  meritorioos  deed.'  Akbar  replied, '  He  is  now  no  better  than  a  dead  man, 
how  can  I  strike  him  ?  If  he  had  sense  and  strength,  I  would  try  my  sword.'  Then, 
in  the  presenee  of  them  all,  the  Kh&n,  as  a  warrior  of  the  faith,  cut  him  down  with 
his  sword."  HimiS's  head  was  sent  to  E&bul,  and  his  body  to  Dehli,  to  bo  exposed 
OTcr  the  gates. — Akbar-ndma,  toI.  ii.  p.  61 ;  Badfe6nf,  vol.  ii.  p.  16 ;  Tdrikh^i 
Alfi;  AkboT'tidma  of  Faizi  Sirhindi.    See  also  ntprd,  p.  65. 


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254  KIZAMU-D  BIN  AHlf  AB. 

in  Mew&t ;  so  Maul&n&  Fir  Muhammad  Shlrw&ni  was  sent 
thither.  He  captared  all  the  persons,  and  took  possession  of  all 
the  treasures  and  valuables,  and  conducted  them  to  the  foot  of 
the  throne.^ 

Second  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Tuesday,  the 
9th  Jum&da-l  awwal,  964  h.  (10  March,  1557).  Intelligence 
arrived  that  Khlzr  Kh&n  Khw&ja^  had  been  defeated^  by  Si- 
kandar  Afghan  ;  the  Emperor  therefore  set  out  for  Lahore,  to 
oppose  the  victor.  When  he  reached  J&landhar,  Sikandar  fell 
back  to  the  Siw&lik  hills,  and  the  royal  forces  pursued  him  to 
Disawa/  and  from  thence  to  Damhari.  It  now  became  obvious 
that  Sikandar  meant  to  retreat,  and  had  no  intention  of  fighting. 
A  party  of  distinguished  nobles  was  sent  in  pursuit,  and  by 
rapid  marches  came  up  to  the  camp  of  Sikandar.  He  then  shot 
himself  up  in  the  fort  of  Mankot.^  The  loiperial  army  followed, 
and  laid  siege  to  the  fort.  Day  by  day  the  batteries  were 
advanced,  and  the  garrison  was  closely  pressed. 

At  this  time  Her  Highness  Mariam  Makdni,  mother  of  the 
Emperor,  with  other  royal  ladies,  arrived  in  Hindust4n  from 
K&bul,  to  the  great  satisfaction  of  the  Emperor.  Muhammad 
Kuli  Birl&s,  Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad  Eh&n  Atka,  and  the 
other  great  nobles  who  had  been  sent  to  assist  Mun'im  Kh4n  at 
Kdbul  against  Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  at  the  same  time  returned  to 

^  Alfi  adds  that  many  Afghans  were  killed,  and  that  Mew&t  was  annexed  to  the 
Imperial  dominions. 

*  Governor  of  Lahore.— T.  Alfi. 

*  At  the  village  of  Chamiy&ri,  twenty  kon  from  Lahore. — Badddnf,  toI.  ii.  p.  17. 
According  to  AhCk-l  Fuzl,  it  was  only  an  advanced  force  of  2000  men  that  was 
defeated.  But  still  the  Emperor  was  informed  by  all  who  came  from  the  Panj&b 
that  the  whole  force  of  the  £mpire  would  be  required  to  put  down  Sikandar. — 
Akbar-ndmoy  vol.  ii.  p.  68. 

*  ^'Diwaja  '*  in  some  copies.  .BadCifinf  says  (vol  ii.p.  18)  *<  DSaawa  and  DihmSxl" 
The  Akbar-ndma  (vol.  ii.  p.  61)  "  Dehsuna  and  Damhari.*' 

B  It  consists  of  four  strong  towers,  built  by  (Sult&n)  Salim  Kh&n  AfghCoi,  when  lie 
warred  against  the  Gbakars."— JtAr^ar-ftdma^  p.  62 ;  T.  Alfi\  Akbar^dmm  of  FaisL 
See  tuprd,  Vol  IV.  p.  494. 


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TABAKiCT-I  AEBAEr.  235 

Hindustan  to  the  service  of  their  roaster.  When  the  ladies 
were  about  the  distance  of  a  stage  from  the  Imperial  camp,  the 
Emperor  left  Bair&m  Khdn  in  command  of  the  army,  and  went 
forth  to  meet  them,  hia  heart  receiving  great  comfort  from  the 
reunion. 

After  a  prolonged  siege,^  Sikandar  Afgh&n,  being  hard  pressed, 
requested  that  some  confidential  noble  might  be  sent  in  to 
arrange  terms  with  him.'  The  Emperor  commissioned  Atka 
Kh&n  to  perform  this  duty.  When  he  entered  the  fortress, 
Sikandar  addressed  him  in  very  deprecatory  terms,  confessing 
that  he  had  been  very  bold  and  presumptuous,  and  that  he  knew 
he  had  no  chance  in  resistance.  He  begged  that  he  might  be 
permitted  to  retire  to  Bengal,  promising  to  remain  faithful  in  his 
allegiance,  and  offering  to  leave  his  son  as  a  hostage.  Atka 
Kh&n  returned,  and  reported  these  proposals,  through  Pir  Mu- 
hammad Kh&n,  to  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and  upon  his  communicating 
them  to  the  Emperor,  they  were  graciously  approved.  Sikandar 
accordingly  sent  his  son,  'Abdu-r  Rahman,  along  with  Gh&zi 
Kh&n  Sur,  and  he  also  sent  with  them  several  war-elephants 
and  various  articles  of  tribute.  So  on  the  27th  Bamaz&n,  964, 
the  fort  was  surrendered  to  the  royal  forces.^  On  the  2nd 
Shaww&l  the  army  marched  on  its  return  towards  Lahore.  After 
four  months  and  fourteen  days  the  army  marclied  from  Lahore 
on  its  return  to  Dehli. 

One  day,  while  the  army  was  lying  before  M&nkot,  His 
Majesty  had  two  elephants,  named  respectively  Fatuhi  and 
Bakhsh&,  brought  out  to  fight  for  his  amusement;  and  as  the 
animals  pressed  each  other,  they  approached  very  close  to  the 
tent  of  £h&n-kh&n&n.     It  so  happened  that  the  Kh&n  was  ill, 

1  Kearlj  six  months,  and  after  mounds  {aarkobs)  and  batteries  had  been  brought 
dose  up. — Alp.  Bad4(ini  adds  (toI.  ii.  p.  18)  that  grain  had  become  Tory  scarce  in 
the  for^  and  that  desertions  dail j  took  place. 

*  AbU-l  Fazl  and  Faizi  say  that  the  defeat  and  death  of  'Adali  had  its  effect  in 
Iffinging  about  the  surrender. — Akbar^ndma^  vol.  ii.  pp.  72-73.    See  »uprd^  p.  245. 

*  Sikandar  receiyed  the  districts  of  Bihar  and  Kharld  mjagir.  He  died  two 
yean  later. — Akbar'Wlmay  toI.  IL  p.  73. 


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256  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

and  confined  to  his  bed  with  boils.  The  suspicion  came  into  his 
mind  that  the  elephants  were  perhaps  directed  thither  by  the 
royal  servants,  and  this  idea  was  encouraged  by  the  people  who 
were  around  him.  So  he  sent  a  person  to  the  Emperor  to  inquire 
what  fault  his  detractors  had  imputed  to  him,  that  he  should 
have  been  subjected  to  this  mark  of  the  royal  displeasure.^  After 
returning  to  Lahore  Khan-kh&n&n  still  harped  upon  this  matter; 
and  sending  for  Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad  Atka,  he  told  him 
his  suspicion,  that  this  unkind  action  of  His  Majesty  had  been 
instigated  by  him.  When  Atka  Eh&n  heard  this  charge,  he 
was  much  distressed;  so  he  took  all  his  sons  with  him  to  the 
house  of  £h&n-kh&n&n,  and  by  taking  an  oath  upon  the  Kur£n 
removed  his  suspicions.^ 

After  four  months  and  fourteen  days,  the  army  marched'  from 
Lahore  to  Dehli.  Upon  reaching  J&landbar  a  halt  was  made, 
and  Khdn-kh&nan  was  married  to  Sult&n  Begam,  daughter  of 
Mirz4  Nuru-d  din,  who  was  a  son  of  the  sister  of  the  late  Emperor 
Hum&yun.  The  Emperor  Huradyun,  during  his  lifetime,  had 
promised  her  to  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and  now,  under  the  orders  of 
the  Emperor  Akbar,  the  union  was  accomplished.  Kh&n-kh&n&n 
gave  a  splendid  banquet,  to  which  he  invited  His  Majesty,  who 
was  graciously  pleased  to  honour  it  with  his  presence.  The 
Kh&n  was  profuse  in  his  generosity  on  the  occasion.  At  the 
beginning  of  the  third  year  of  the  Il&hi,  the  army  recommenced 
its  march  for  Dehli. 

Third  year  of  the  Beign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  coincided  with  Tuesday,  20ih 
Jum&da-l  awwal,  965  h.  (10th  March,  1558),  and  on  the  25th 
Jum&da-s  s&ni  His  Majesty  arrived  at  Dehli.    He  then  turned 

1  According  to  Abd-1  Fazl,  Bair&m  made  his  commnnicatioii  through  M&ham  Anka 
{Akbar-ndinay  ToL  IL  p.  74).     "  The  Emperor  assured  him  that  it  was  accidental." — 

'  This  paragraph  is  omitted  in  one  MS.,  but  the  T,  Alfl  tells  the  story  in  afxict 
agreement  with  this. 
'  On  the  15th  Safar,  965  m—Akbar-ndma,  yoL  ii.  p.  79. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAKf.  267 

hia  attention  to  the  concerns  of  his  subjects  and  army,  and 
jostice  and  mercy  held  a  prominent  place  in  his  councils.  The 
Kh&n-khan&n,  in  concert  with  the  ministers  and  nobles  of  the 
State,  used  to  attend  twice  a  week  in  the  dtwdn-khdnahy  and 
transact  business  under  the  directions  and  commands  of  His 
Majesty. 

[InfatiKUion  of  KMn-zamdn  for  one  of  the  royal  troopers.'] 

In  this  year  Mus&hib  Eh&n,  son  of  Khw&ja  Eal&n  Beg,  one 
of  the  principal  nobles  of  the  late  Emperor,  was  put  to  death  by 
order  of  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  because  he  had  shown  great  ill-feeling 
and  malice  towards  the  Ehdn. 

One  day  in  this  year  His  Majesty  went  out  riding  on  an 
elephant  called  Lakhna,  and  as  he  was  going  along,  the  animal 
mshed  after  another  elephant.  It  so  happened  that  he  came  to 
a  ditch  into  which  he  stumbled,  and  the  Emperor  was  thrown 
from  his  seat  on  the  neck  of  the  animal,  but  his  foot  was  caught 
in  the  rope  ^  which  was  tied  round  the  beast's  neck.  The  man 
who  was  riding  behind  him  came  to  the  ground,  but  His  Majesty 
dung  to  the  rope  until  a  number  of  persons  collected  and 
released  his  foot.  The  elephant  extricated  himself  by  his  own 
strength,  and  His  Majesty  again  mounted  him  and  returned 
home.  After  the  expiration  of  six  months  the  Emperor  em- 
barked in  a  boat  and  fell  down  to  Agra,  where  he  arrived  on 
the  17th  Muharram,  966  h.  (30th  Oct.,  1558),  in  the  third  year 
of  the  Il&hi.« 

One  of  the  most  important  incidents  of  this  year  was  that 
relating  to  Maul&n&  Pir  Muhammad  Shirw&nl.  The  Pir  was 
the  general  manager  {tcakil-i  mullah)  of  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n,'  and 

»  Which  in  Hindi  they  call  "  kawdna^—Akbar-ndmat  toI.  iL  p.  90.  It  is  the 
bsnd  in  which  the  driver  fixes  his  feet. 

*  "He  took  up  his  residence  in  the  citadel  {ark)  of  the  city  which  was  called 
B&dal-garh." — Akbar-ndma,  toI.  ii.  p.  95. 

'  Bad&6ni  relates  that  the  Eh&n-kh&n&n  and  Pir  Muhammad  were  one  day  out 
hunting  together,  and  that  the  former  heing  hungry,  the  Pfr  entertained  kim  and  his 
suite.    To  the  great  astonishment  of  the  Kh&n,  IMr  Muhammnd's  hunting  equipage 
supplied  thirty  (three  P)  hundred  gohlets  of  sherhet  and  eight  hundred  dishes  of . 
food.— Bod&dni,  yoL  ii.  p.  26. 

TOL.  T.  17 


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258  KIZAMir-D  DFN  AHtf  AD. 

all  the  business  of  the  State  passed  through  his  hands.    He  was 
the  person  to  whom  the  nobles  and  officers  had  to  make  their 
applications,  and  of  the  many,  high  and  low,  who  attended  at 
his  door,  he  admitted  hardly  any  one.    His  temper  now  became 
BO  arrogant  and  perverted  that  for  some  days  he  would  not  come 
out  of  his  house.     The  £h&n-kh&nan  went  to  call  upon  him  as 
upon  a  sick  person.     The  slave  asked  the  £h4n-kh&n&n  to  wait 
until  he  had  made  known  his  wish  to  the  Pir.    This  greatly 
incensed  the  Kh&u-kh&n&n.     When  Pir  Muhammad  was  in- 
formed of  what  had  passed,  he  rushed  out,  and  made  many 
apologies  to  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  who  told  him  how  the  slave  had 
refused  him  admission.     The  Pir  made  the  excuse  that  the  slave 
did  not  know  him.     Kh&n-kh&n&n  asked  him  how  he  knew  what 
the  slave  thought.     But  for  all  that  had  passed,  when  the  Kh£n- 
kh&n&n  went  in,  his  servants  were  not  permitted  to  attend  him, 
excepting  Tahir  Muhammad  Sult&n,  Mir-i  fardghat^  who  made 
his  way  in  to  look  after  his  master.     The  Khan-kh&n&n  sat  for  a 
while ;  but  when  he  came  out,  he  thought  over  this  conduct  of  Pir 
Muhammad.    After  a  few  days  he  sent  Ehw&ja  Aminu-d  daala 
Mahmdd,  subsequently  Khw&ja-i  Jah&n,  Mir  'Abdu-Ua  Bakhshi, 
Khwaja  Muhammad  Husain  Bakhshi,  and  several  other  of  his  fol- 
lowers, to  Pir  Muhammad  Khan,  with  this  message:  *' Formerly 
you  were  a  poor  student,  and  came  to  £andah&r  in  a  needy, 
forlorn  condition ;  but  I  perceived  some  signs  of  excellence  in  yon, 
and  remembered  some  old  services.    I  therefore  advanced  you  to 
the  dignity  of  Khan  and  Sult&n.     But  your  nature  is  unable  to 
bear  this  great  advancement,  and  the  bad  points  in  your  cha- 
racter get  the  mastery  of  you.     I  therefore  think  it  advisable 
to  deprive  you  for  a  time  of  royal  distinctions  and  dignity,  so  that 
you  may  come  to  your  proper  senses.     Ton  must  return  your 
banner,  kettle-drum,  and  all  other  marks  of  honour."     So  all 
signs  of  dignity  were  immediately  taken  away  from  him,  and 
he  became  simple  Pir  Muhammad.     Some  days  afterwards  he 
was  taken  to  the  fort  of  Bayana,  under  Kh&n-kh&n&n's  orders, 
and  fi*om  thence  was  sent  to  Mecca;  but  he  proceeded  to  Gujar^, 


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TABAEXT-I  AKBABn  259 

and  there  remained  until  after  the  fall  of  Bairdoi  Kh&n,  when 
he  returned  to  Qourt. 

The  o£See  of  mkil  to  Kh&n-khdn&n,  which  was  thus  taken 
from  Fir  Muhammad,  was  given  to  H&ji  Muhammad  Sist&ni, 
vho  was  one  of  the  Kh&n's  servants.  At  this  time  the  dignity  of 
SaddraUi  mamdiik  (office  of  Lord  Chief  Justice)  was  conferred 
upon  Shaikh  Oad&i,  son  of  Shaikh  Jam&l  Kambu  of  Dehli, 
through  the  interest  of  Kh&n-kli&n4n,  who  remembered  the 
kindness  which  he  had  received  from  the  Shaikh  during  the  time 
of  his  exile  in  Gujar&t.^  The  honour  thus  conferred  gave  the 
Shaikh  precedence  over  the  grandees  {akdbir)  of  Hindustin  and 
Khor&s&n.  At  the  same  period  also  that  pattern  of  great  men, 
Mir  'Abdu>l  Latif  Eazwini,  was  appointed  tutor  to  His  Majesty, 
and  His  Majesty  used  often  to  read  with  him  gha%ah  in  mystic 
language.^ 

The  fort  of  Gwalior  was  celebrated  for  its  height  and  strength, 
and  had  always  been  the  home  of  great  rdjds.  After  the  time 
of  Salim  Kh&n  (Isl4m  Sh&h)  the  fort  had  been  placed  in  the 
charge  of  Sahail,  one  of  his  ghuidms,  by  Sult&n  Muhammad 
'Adali.  When  the  throne  of  Akbar  had  been  established  at 
Agra,  Habib  'Ali  SulUin,  Maks^d  'Ali  Eor,  and  Kij&  EJi&n 
were  sent  to  take  the  fort.  They  invested  it  for  some  days,  and 
the  garrison  being  in  distress  surrendered.' 
• 
Fourth  year  of  the  Eeign» 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Friday,  the  2nd 
Jum^a-l  &khir,  966  h.  (10th  March,  1559  a.d.).  In  this  year 
Kh&n-zani&n  was  sent  to  reduce  Jauupur,  the  capital  of  the 
Sharkiya  kings,  which  was  now  in  possession  of  the  Afgh&ns. 
He  accordingly  marched  thither  with  a  large  force,  and  having 

1  Aoeording  to  Abd-1  Fazl  he  exercised  great  influence  oyer  Bair&m  Khfrn,  and 
ihb  appointment  had  a  baleful  effect — Akbar'nama,  toI.  ii.  p.  109. 

>  In  Bahral.6khir.— T.  Alfi.    See  tuprd,  p.  168. 


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260  NIZAHUD  DTN  AHMAD. 

won  great  victories,  he  annexed  that  country^  to  the  Imperial 
dominions.  In  this  year  Habib  'AU  Khan  was  sent  against 
the  fort  of  Rantambhor.  Daring  the  rule  of  Sher  Kh&n  Afgh&n 
this  fort  was  under  the  charge  of  H&ji  Eh&n,  one  of  his  ghuldnu^ 
and  this  Haji  Kh&n  had  now  sold  the  fort  to  R&i  Saijan,'  a 
relation  {az  khishdn)  of  B&i  XJdi  Singh,  who  held  great  power 
in  these  parts.  He  had  brought  all  the  parganas  under  his  rule, 
and  had  enforced  his  authority.  Habib  'Ali,  with  his  army, 
invested  the  fort,  and  ravaged  all  the  neighbourhood;  the  amirs 
then  departed  to  their  ya^lr«. 

Shaikh  Muhammad  Ghaus  arrived  at  ^gra  from  Gujarat ;  but 
as  a  memoir  of  the  Shaikh  is  given  among  the  memoirs  of  the 
Bhaikhs  of  the  age  in  this  work,  it  is  unnecessary  to  dilate  upon 
the  subject  here.  To  be  brief,  in  the  year  966,  the  Shaikh 
arrived  with  his  disciples  and  a  large  party  at  Agra,  and  was 
honoured  with  a  royal  reception.  But  there  was  ill-feeling 
between  him  and  Shaikh  6ad&i,  and  Shaikh  Gad&i  held  great 
ascendancy  over  Kh&u-kh&n&u ;  the  consequence  was  that  Shaikh 
Muhammad  did  not  receive  that  attention  from  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n 
that  he  had  expected.  He  was  greatly  annoyed  at  this,  and  went 
off  to  Gwalior,  which  was  his  place  of  residence,  and  there 
remained  until  the  end  of  his  days,  discharging  the  duties  of 
a  Shaikh.  His  Majesty  settled  upon  him  one  kror  (of  tankaa  f) 
as  a  pension. 

At  this  time,  while  the  Court  was  at  Xgra,  Bah&dur  Eh&n,' 
brother  of  Kh&n-zam&n,  marched  to  effect  the  conquest  of  M&Iwa^ 
which  had  formerly  belonged  to  the  Khiljl  monarchs,  but  which 
had  been  brought  into  subjection  by  B&z  Bali&dur,  son  of  Shuj&' 
Eh&n  Afgh&n.^  He  had  reached  the  town  of  Siri  when  the 
agitation  arose  about  Bair&m  Kh&n,  and  under  the  orders  of  the 
Kh&n  he  returned. 

1  •*  And  Benares.*'— 7*.  Alfi,         *  See  Bloc1iiDann*8  Ain-i  Aihari,  ToL  L  p.  409. 
*  lb.  p.  828.  «  lb,  p.  42S. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBABr.  261 

Fifth  year  of  the  Beign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  was  Saturday,  16th  Jum&da-l  &khir, 
967  H.  (10th  March,  1560  a.d.).  The  general  management  o^ 
Imperial  affairs  was  under  the  direction  of  Bair&m  Eh&n ;  but 
there  were  envious  malignant  men,  who  were  striving  to  ingratiate 
themselves  in  His  Majesty's  favour,  who  lost  no  opportunity  of 
speaking  an  ill  word  to  pervert  the  mind  of  the  Emperor.  Pro* 
minent  among  these  men  was  Adham  Kb&u,  who,  being  the 
son  of  M&ham  Anka,^  held  a  higher  position  than  all  the  other 
courtiers.  In  accord  with  his  mother^  he  constantly  showed 
his  malice;  but  £h&n-kh&n&n's  wisdom  and  ability  were  so 
manifest,  that  Adham'*s  ill-natured  observations  did  not  meet  with 
the  royal  approval.  But  at  length,  on  the  8th  Jum&da-s  s&ni, 
967  B.,  His  Majesty  crossed  the  river  Jumna  on  a  hunting 
expedition,  and  £h&n-khan&n  remained  behind  at  ^gra  in 
charge  of  the  government.  His  Majesty  reached  the  town  of 
Sikandar,  half  way  to  Dehli.  At  this  time  Shah&bu-d  din 
Ahmad  Kh&n  Naishapuri'  held  the  government  of  Dehli,  and 
Her  Highness  Mariam  Mak&ni,  mother  of  the  Emperor,  was 

>  This  name  has  been  printed  in  Firishta,  Bad&dni,  and  other  works  as  ''  Atka,*' 
and  the  translator  of  Firishta  has  accordingly  called  **  M&ham  Atka**  the  father^ 
instead  of  mother  of  Adham  Kh&n.  Firishta's  explanation  is  nseful.  He  says  that 
**  a  norae's  husband  and  her  male  relations  are  called  Atka ;  the  wet-nurse  herself,  in 
Tnrkl,  is  called  Anka  (or  according  to  the  pronunciation  marked  by  the  Calcutta 
Chaghat&i  Dictionary  ^^anagah**) ;  a  foster  brother  is  termed  *^Koka"  (or,  with  the 
affix  of  unity,  <«  KoMuUh,**  which  Ab6-1  Fazl  writes  ''  Gokalidth**).  M&ham  Anka 
was  Akbar's  wet-nurse,  and,  as  Mr.  Blochmann  quotes,  **  she  attended  on  him  from  the 
oadle  tiU  after  his  accession."  In  the  Akbar-ndma  her  position  and  the  influence  she 
exercised  are  made  rery  appareuL  She  was  Akbar's  nunc  (see  auprd^  p.  226],  and  when 
he  grew  up  she  was  the  chief  of  his  harem.  She  exercised  great  influence  oyer  him, 
and  in  the  direction  of  public  affairs.  Her  share  in  bringing  about  the  fall  of  Bair&m 
Kh6n  appears  in  the  text,  and  after  that  erent  she  became,  according  to  Abfi-l  Fazl, 
the  goTeming  spirit  and  real  minister.  It  does  not  appear  who  was  her  husband, 
but  she  was  related  to  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n.  Mr.  Blochmann  says  of  Adham 
Kh&n,  her  son,  that  ^  the  name  of  his  father  is  unknown :  he  is  evidently  a  royal 
bastard.*'  There  is  a  mystery  about  the  paternity,  but  this  statement  seems  iu- 
eonsistent  with  the  respectful  terms  used  by  Abd-1  Fazl  in  speaking  of  the  lady. 
Some  passages  relating  to  this  remarkable  woman  will  be  found  among  the  Extracts 
from  the  AJkbar-ndma,  See  Briggs'  Firishta,  vol.  ii.  p.  211.  Blochmann's  Aht^i 
Aibari,  p.  323. 

*  See  Blochnuuin's  Ain-i  Akbari,  voL  i  p.  332. 


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262  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

in  that  city.  M&ham  Anka,  who  was  related  to  Shah&bu-d  din 
Ahmad  Kh&n/  settled  in  her  own  mind  that  the  best  thing  she 
could  do  was  to  incite  the  Emperor  to  proceed  to  Dehli,  where, 
in  coUasion  with  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad,  she  (Anka)  might 
settle  what  was  the  best  course  to  pursue.  In  furtherance  of 
this  plan,  she  represented  to  the  Emperor  that  Her  Highness 
Mariam  Mak&ni  was  in  a  weak  ailing  state,  and  had  a  great 
desire  to  see  him.  This  statement  distressed  the  Emperor,  and 
he  determined  to  go  on  to  Dehli.'  Shah&bu-d  din  came  out  in 
state  to  meet  His  Majesty,  and  was  graciously  received. 

M&ham  Anka^  in  agreement  with  Shahabu-d  din,  seized  every 
opportunity  of  saying  something  to  set  the  mind  of  the  Emperor 
against  Bair&m  Eh&n.  Thus,  she'  insinuated  that  so  long  as 
Bair&m  Kh&n  was  in  power,  the  Emperor  would  have  no  will 
of  his  own  over  the  aflFairs  of  State, — ^that  the  whole  power  was 
in  the  Kh&n''s  hands,  and  His  Majesty  was  under  his  control. 
At  length  she  said  that  when  Ehan-kh&n&n  discovered  that  she 
had  been  the  cause  of  the  Emperor's  proceeding  to  Dehli,  he 
would  have  a  grudge  against  her,  and  that  she  was  quite  unable 
to  contend  against  his  animosity.  She  therefore  begged  His 
Majesty  to  give  her  leave  to  proceed  to  Mecca,  so  that  at  the 
holy  city  she  might  offer  up  prayers  for  His  Majesty  in  absence, 
instead  of  serving  him  in  presence.  The  assiduous  attention  of 
M&ham  Anka  had  won  the  regard  of  the  Emperor,  and  he  would 
not  listen  to  the  suggestion  of  separation  from  her.  He  said 
he  would  request  Eh&n-kh&n&n  to  overlook  her  offence,  and  he 
sent  a  message  to  the  Kh&n  to  this  effect:  **As  I  have  come 
all  this  way  without  consulting  you,  my  attendants  have  fallen 
under  your  suspicion.  Now  you  must  make  yourself  quite  at 
ease  about  them,  so  that  you  may  continue  to  serve  me  with  a 
tranquil  mind.'*^    Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  was  very  vigilant  and 

^  Thifl  wntenoe  if  found  only  in  the  MS.  of  the  East  India  librarf. 
>  "  He  reached  Dehli  on  the  28th  Jumfrda-l  &khir." 

s  The  Yeib  thronghout  this  passage  is  in  the  plural,  but  the  context  makes  it  elear 
that  M&ham  Anka  is  the  unexpressed  nominatiTe. 

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TABASAT-I  AKBABI.  263 

caalioos  in  his  proceedings.  He  began  to  strengthen  the  forti* 
fieations,  and  took  every  precaution  to  get  a  control  over  State 
affiurs:  all  the  while  exerting  himself  in  concert  with  M&ham 
Anka,  to  set  the  attendants  of  the  Emperor  against  the  minister. 

£h&n-kh4n&n,  on  receiving  the  Emperor^'s  message,  sent 
Xhw4ja  Amina-d  din  Mahmud  H&ji  Mnhammad  Sist&nf  and 
Tarsun  Beg,^  who  held  important  offices,  to  Dehli,  to  wait  upon 
EQs  Majesty,  with  this  statement :  *^  The  devotion  and  loyalty 
of  your  servant  would  never  allow  him  to  do  anything  to  any 
servant  of  the  State  against  His  Majesty's  wishes ;  for  nought 
but  kindness  and  favour  is  due  to  all  those  who  faithfully 
discharge  their  duties/^ 

The  royal  ears  had  been  filled  with  injurious  stories  and  state- 
ments against  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  so  the  £h&n's  message  did  not 
receive  His  Majesty's  approval,  and  the  messengers  were  sent 
back.  When  the  report  of  His  Majesty^s  displeasure  with 
Khan-kh&n&n  became  public,  all  men  turned  their  backs  upon 
bim,  and  their  &ces  towards  the  Emperor.  Among  the  first 
who  were  admitted  to  royal  favour  was  Kiy&  Kh&n  Gang.' 
Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Khan,  with  the  assistance  of  M&ham 
Anka,  inspired  every  one  who  came  to  Court  with  the  hope  of 
receiving  dignities  uni  jdgirs  suitable  to  their  condition. 

Kh&n-kh&n&n  had  long  entertained  a  desire  to  go  on  pil- 
grimage to  the  holy  places.  He  informed  the  amirs  and  kkdns 
who  still  held  to  him  of  the  project  he  had  formed,  and  then 
quitted  the  Imperial  service.  He  sent  along  with  these  men 
Bah&dur  Kh&n,  whom  he  had  called  from  M&lwa,  and  leaving 
i!l!gra,'  he  proceeded  towards  N&gor  on  his  pilgrimage  to  the 
holy  places.  When  he  arrived  at  Bay&na,  he  set  at  liberty 
Muhammad  Amin  Diw&na,  who  was  there  confined,  and  sent 
bim  to  Court.      As    soon   as  intelligence  of  Eh&n-kh&n&n''s 

^  See  Blochmann*!  Atn-i  Akhari,  vol.  L  pp.  842,  874.  >  Ih,  p.  348. 

'  He  left  Agra  lor  N6gor  on  the  12th  Bajab,  and  on  reaching  Bay&na  he  liberated 
Sh&h  Ab6-1  Ma*&lS,  and  Muhammad  Amin  Dlw&na,  directing  them  to  proceed  to  the 
Kmperor.  Bnt,  says  Ab(i-1  Fazl,  hia  object  in  setting  free  such  turbulent  peiaona 
was  only  to  foment  dl«tarbaacef.^.^^ar-ff<^ma,  toI.  ii.  p.  126. 


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264  KIZAMU.D  DFN  AHMAD. 

departure  from  Agra  arrived,  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n  and 
M&ham  Anka  represented  to  His  Majesty  that  he  had  left  ^ra 
with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  Panj&b.  His  Majesty  then 
sent  Mir  '  Abdu-l  Latif  to  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n  with  this  message  : 
^'  As  I  was  fully  assured  of  your  honesty  and  fidelity,  I  left  all 
important  affairs  of  State  in  your  charge,  and  thought  only  of 
my  own  pleasures.  I  have  now  determined  to  take  the  reins 
of  government  into  my  own  hands,  and  it  is  desirable  that  yon 
should  now  make  the  pilgrimage  to  Mecca,  upon  which  you  have 
been  so  long  intent.  A  suitable  jdgir  out  of  the  parganas  of 
Hindust&n  shall  be  assigned  for  your  maintenance,  the  revenues 
of  which  shall  be  transmitted  to  you  by  your  agents." 

When  Mir  'Abdu-1  Latif  communicated  this  message  to  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n,  he  listened  attentively,  and  having  parted  firom  the 
Mir,  he  left  Mew&t  on  his  way  to  N&gor.  Of  all  his  fol- 
lowers there  now  remained  with  him  only  Wali  Beg  Zu-1  Kadar, 
his  sons  Husain  Kuli  Beg  and  Isma^il  Kuli  Beg,  who  were 
relations  of  his,  Sh&h  Euli  Mahrim,  Husain  Eh&n  his  sister's 
son,  and  his  son-in-law  Mahdi  K&sim  Kh&n.  Upon  reaching 
Ndgor,  he  sent  his  banner,  kettle-drums,  and  all  other  marks  of 
nobility,  to  the  Emperor  by  the  hands  of  Husain  Euli  Beg.  The 
Emperor  had  left  Dehli,  and  was  proceeding  towards  the  Panj&b.^ 
He  had  reached  the  pargana  of  Jhajhar  when  Husain  Euli  Beg 
waited  upon  him.  Among  the  persons  present  (with  the  Beg) 
was  Sh&h  Abu-1  Ma'dii,  who,  being  mounted  on  horseback, 
endeavoured  to  overtake  His  Majesty.  This  greatly  offended 
the  Emperor,  who  ordered  the  culprit  into  confinement,  and 
placed  him  in  the  custody  of  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad.  The 
surrender  of  the  banner  and  the  other  insignia  of  nobility 
gratified  the  Emperor. 

Fir  Muhammad  Eh&n  Shirw&ni,  whom  the  Eh£n-kh&n&n  had 

banished  from  the  country  and  sent  to  Mecca,  had  waited  in 

Gujar&t  for  the  proper  season  (of  sailing).     On  hearing  of  the 

disgrace  of  the  Eh&n-kh&n&n,  he  returned  to  Court  with  all 

1  "Ntgor."— .^dflr-urfiwa,  vol  ii.  p.  12«. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBARF.  265 

possible  speed.  He  met  with  a  verj  gracious  reception,  and  was 
honoured  with  the  title  ^^  Nasiru-l  Mulk"  as  well  as  with  a 
banner  and  kettle-drums.  He  was  then  sent  with  a  force  to 
hasten  Kh&n-kh&n&n''s  departure  for  Mecca,  and  accordingly 
marched  after  him.  After  this  His  Majesty  returned  to  Dehli, 
and  a^riTidn  was  issued,  summoning  Mun'im  Kh&n  from  K&bul. 

As  Mai  Deo  B&j&  of  Joudhpdr  held  a  strong  and  threatening 
position  in  the  way  to  Gnjar&t,  with  the  intention  of  attacking 
Bair&m  Kh&n^  the  Kh&a  delayed  his  movements,  and  eventually 
marched  from  N&gor  towards  Bikanir.  B&i  Kaly&n  M&l  and 
his  son  B&j  Sing,^  who  were  the  zdminddrs  of  that  country, 
received  him  with  great  kindness,  and  treated  him  most  hospita- 
bly. After  staying  there  a  few  days,  and  resting  from  the 
fatigues  of  the  journey,  he  learnt  that  Pir  Muhammad  Eh&n 
had  been  sent  to  pursue  him,  and  this  greatly  annoyed  and  dis- 
tressed him.  Some  evil-minded  persons,  having  found  their 
opportunity,  played  upon  the  feelings  of  the  Eh&u-kh&n&n,  and 
inciting  him  to  rebellious  acts,  he  went  towards  the  Panjab. 

When  he  arrived  at  the  fort  of  Tabarhindh  (Sirhind),  which 
was  the  jdgir  of  Sher  Muhammad  Diw&na,  one  of  his  old 
servants,'  to  whom  he  had  shown  great  kindness,  in  full  confi- 
dence of  his  faithfulness,  Eh&n-kh&n&n  left  there  his  son  Mirz& 
£han  ['Abdu-r  Rahim],  who  was  then  in  the  third  year  of  his 
age,  but  who  is  at  the  present  day  exalted  to  the  dignity  of 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  and  sipdh-saldr  (commander-in-chief).  He  also 
left  his  females  and  property,  and  proceeded  on  his  course.  Sher 
Muhammad  thereupon  appropriated  all  the  property,  and  treated 
the  dependents  of  the  Eh&n-kh&n&n  with  great  indignity.  The 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  was  in  the  pargana  of  Dip&lpur  when  he  was 
informed  of  these  proceedings.  He  sent  his  diwdn  Ehw&ja 
Muza&r  'Ali  (who  afterwards  became  Muzaffar  Eh&n')  along  with 

^  Thej  belonged  to  the  R&thors  of  BikanSr,  and  will  frequently  appear  in  the 
IbUowing  pages.    Bee  Blochmann's  Aln^i  Akbarij  Yol.  L  p.  357. 

*  Bad&dnl  (toI.  li  p.  40}  calla  him  the  reputed  son  {pitar-i  khwdndah)  of 
Eh6]|.kh&n&n. 

>  Blochnuuin's  Ain-i  Akbari,  voL  i.  p.  34S. 


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266  KIZXMir-D  DTN  AHMAD. 

Darwesh  Muhammad  Uzbek  to  ezpostnlate  and  intercede  with 
Sher  Muhammad,  but  the  latter  seized  Muzaffar  'Ali,  and  sent 
him  prisoner  to  the  Emperor.  Sorely  troubled  by  these  acts,  the 
Kh&n  went  on  to  J&landhar. 

On  the  Emperor  being  informed  of  Kh&n-kh&n&u's  advance 
towards  the  Panj&b,  he  despatched  Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad 
Kh&n  Atka,^  his  son  Ydsuf  Kh&n,'  Husain  Kh&n  a  relation  of 
Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  £h&n,  and  a  body  of  nobles  to  the 
Panj&b.  When  the  royal  forces  reached  the  town  of  Dagd&r,' 
and  proceeded  from  thence  to  the  pargana  of  Eon&,^  they 
hemmed  in  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  so  that  he  was  oblige^  to  fight. 
Compelled  to  action,  he  drew  up  his  forces,  and  confronted  the 
royal  army.  A  sharp  action  ensued,  with  considerable  loss  to 
both  sides,^  and  Eh&n-kh&nan,  being  defeated,  fled  towards  the 
Siw&lik  hills.  Wall  Beg  Zd-1  Kadar  and  his  son  Isma'U  Kuli 
Beg  (who  now  holds  a  position  among  the  great  nobles),  Ahmad 
Beg,  Ta'kub  Beg  Hamad&ni,  and  all  his  brothers,  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  great  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  royal  troops. 
This  victory  was  gained  in  the  fifth  year  of  the  Ilahi,  agreeing 
with  967  A.H. 

After  Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad  £h&n  Atka  had  marched  for 
the  Panj&b,  the  Emperor  left  Khw&ja ' Abdu4  Majid  Harawi  (who 
had  been  admitted  to  the  position  of  a  minister  {silk  i  wuzard)^ 
and  had  been  honoured  with  the  title  of  Asaf  £h&n,^  in  charge  ' 
of  Dehli,  and  on  the  2nd  Zi-1  ka'da,  967,  himself  marched  to 
the  Panj&b.  He  placed  Husain  KuU  Beg,  son  of  Wall  Zu-1 
Kadar,  by  way  of  precaution,  in  custody  of  Xsaf  Kh&n,  with 

1  Blochmann's  Afn-iAkbari,  yoI.  ii.  p.  821.  '  Ih.  p.  323. 

'  *'  In  tlie  Ticinitj  of  J&landhar,  between  the  Satlej  and  Biyah.'* — Akbar^mdma^ 
Yol.  ii.  p.  140. 

«  Bad&6ni  (p.  40)  calls  it  «Ean(ir.**  Abd-l  Fazl«  «Konaj6r."  Faiii  tajt 
"  Eon&ch6r/'  one  of  the  villages  of  pargana  RfrhCin. 

*  According  to  Abd-l  Fazl  and  Faizi,  the  Imperial  forces  were  at  first  repulsed, 
and  the  yictorj  was  gained  only  by  the  great  gallantry  and  desperate  exertions  of  the 
Imperial  generals. 

*  Asaf  was  the  wazir  of  Snlaimfrn,  and  proTcrbial  for  his  wisdvm.  See  Bloch* 
mann's  Aln^i  Akbari^  Yol.  i.  pp.  366,  368. 


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TABAXAT-I  AKBARr.  267 

directions  to  treat  him  generously,  and  do  him  no  harm.  When 
the  Emperor  reached  J&Iandhar,  Man'im  Eh&n,  who  had  been 
sammoned  from  E&bul,  arrived,^  and  was  accompanied  bj  Mukim 
Kh&n,  sister's  son  of  Tardi  Beg  £h&n,  and  several  other  amirs. 
Mun'im  Kh&n  was  raised  to  the  dignity  of  minister  {tcakdlat), 
and  received  the  title  of  Khin-kh&n&n,  and  the  nobles  in  his 
company  received  favours  and  honours  suitable  to  their  respective 
positions. 

At  this  place  Akbar  received  the  intelligence  of  the  vic- 
tory gained  by  Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad  Kh&n.  Those  who 
had  been  taken  prisoners  in  that  engagement  were  brought  into 
the  royal  presence  captive  and  forlorn,  and  were  committed  to 
safe  custody.  One  of  the  number,  Wali  Beg,  who  had  received 
a  severe  wound,  died  in  prison.  So  his  head  was  cut  off  and 
sent  to  Dehli.  The  Emperor  then  marched  onwards  toward  the 
Siw&lik  hills,'  in  pursuit  of  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n.  He  reached  the 
neighbourhood  of  Talw&ra,  a  district  in  the  Siw&lik,  belonging 
to  B&J&  Gobind'  Ghand,  where  the  Kh&n-kh&n&n  had  sought 
refuge.  A  party  of  adventurous  soldiers  dashed  forward  into 
the  hills,  and  surrounding  the  place  put  many  of  the  defenders 
to  the  sword.  Sult&n  Husain  Jal&fr  was  killed  in  the  action. 
When  they  brought  his  head  into  the  presence  of  the  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n,  in  a  burst  of  feeling  he  exclaimed,  '^  This  life  of  mine  is 
not  worth  so  much,  that  a  man  like  this  should  be  killed  in  my 
defence.'*  Depressed  and  anxious,  the  Eh&n  instantly  sent  one 
of  his  followers,  Jam&l  Eh&n,  to  the  Emperor  with  this  message: 
^^  I  deeply  repent  my  deeds,  which  have  not  been  entirely  under 
my  own  control ;  but  if  I  am  favoured  with  the  royal  clemency, 

»  ''On  the  15th  ZM  ka'da."— ^Jtiflr-iirfmii,  toI.  ii.  p.  143.  Muldm  Kb&n 
aftenraidi  became  Shujli*at  Eh&n.  See  Blochmann's  Ain-%  Akbari^  toI.  i.  p.  371. 
Bad&dni  sap  the  meeting  was  at  LCidhiy&na. — Bad&dai,  yoI.  iL  p.  43. 

*  He  flnt  went  to  Lahore,  which  he  reached  on  the  26th  ZS-1  hijja.~^A^r-ii^»Mi, 
ToL  iL  p.  145. 

*  AM-1  Faxl  tays:  '<  B4j6  Ganee  of  Talw4ra,  a  strong  place  in  the  midst  of  the 
Siwfclik  bills ;"  and,  according  to  him,  the  royal  forces  had  a  good  deal  of  fighting 
with  the  hill  people. — Akbar'ttdma,  yol.  ii.  p.  146. 

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268  KIZi)CMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

I  will  throw  the  veil  of  oblivion  over  my  misdeeds,  and  will 
present  myself  in  your  presence,  and  hdpe  for  your  forgiveness." 

When  this  message  was  brought  to  the  ears  of  the  Emperor, 
the  recollection  of  old  services  rose  up  in  his  memory,  and  he  gave 
orders  that  Maul&n&  'Abdu-lla  Sult&nptiri,  who  had  received  the 
title  of  Makhdumu-1  Mulk,  should  proceed,  with  several  other 
attendants  of  the  Court,  to  Kh&n-khdndn,  and  having  assured 
him  of  the  Emperor's  kindly  feeling,  should  bring  him  to  his 
presence.^  When  the  £h&n-kh&n&n  approached  the  royal  camp, 
all  the  amirs  and  khans  went  out,  by  the  Emperor's  order,  to 
meet  him,  and  conducted  him  to  the  Emperor  with  every  mark 
of  honour.  On  his  coming  into  the  royal  presence,  the  Kh£n 
placed  his  sad  countenance  upon  the  ground  of  supplication,  and 
craved  forgiveness  for  his  oiFences.  The  Emperor  received  him 
with  the  most  princely  grace,  and  presented  him  with  a  splendid 
robe  of  honour.  Two  days  afterwards,  he  gave  him  permission 
to  depart  on  a  pilgrioiage  to  Mecca'  and  the  holy  places.  The 
royal  camp  then  moved  on  its  return  to  Dehli,  and  the  Emperor 
went  towards  His&r-Firozah  hunting. 

Khan-kh&n&n,  with  his  people,  took  the  road  to  Gujar&t.  He 
reached  the  city  of  Pattan,  in  Gujar&t,  and  there  rested  for  some 
days.  This  city  was  then  under  the  government  of  Musa  Kh&n 
Lodi  Pul&dl.  Kh&n-kh&u&n  went  about  examining  the  city,  and 
one  day  he  went  out  to  the  Eol&bi  (lake),  a  place  within  sight  of 
the  city,  and  famous  for  Sahasuak.^  They  call  it  in  the  Hindi 
language  Nard.  A  temple  R&n&mand,  like  a  thousand  temples, 
stood  there,  and  gave  it  celebrity.  After  visiting  this  place^  he 
went  about  (the  lake)  in  a  boat.  When  he  disembarked  and 
returned  home,   an   Afgh&n,   named   Mub&rak  Eh&n   Loh&nf, 

>  Bad&dni  (vol.  ii  p.  44)  says  it  was  Mua'im  Eh&n  who  conducted  him  to  th« 
Emperor,  and  that  he  plac^  aU  his  tents  and  attendants  at  the  fallen  minister's 
disposal. 

'  According  to  Bad&6nS  (toI.  ii.  p.  44),  the  Emperor  furnished  him  with  money, 
and  the  nobles,  great  and  small,  and  the  courtiers,  lent  their  assistance,  **  and  made 
up  the  supply  of  money  and  goods  which  the  Turks  call  *  Chandogh,* " 

s  «  Bahnas  Lang."— Bad&dni,  yoI.  ii.  p.  45. 

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TABAEXT-I  AEBAEr.  2G9 

whose  father  had  been  killed  in  an  action  with  the  Mughals/ 
came  to  wait  upon  the  Kh&n-kh&D&n,  with  the  intention  of 
wreakinf^  vengeance  upon  him.  When  they  were  shaking  hands, 
he  assassinated  him  with  his  dagger.^  The  words  *•*'  Muhammad 
Bair&m"  contain  the  date  of  this  murder.  Some  scoundrels 
then  plundered  the  encampment  of  the  deceased.  Muhammad 
Amin  Diw&na  and  B&b&  Zambdr,  with  several  of  the  eunuchs, 
rescued  from  the  fray  Mirz&  ^Abdu-r  Rahim,  the  son  of  the 
Xh&n-kh&n&n,'  who  was  then  a  child  of  only  four  years  of  age, 
but  in  these  days  has  been  exalted  to  the  dignity  of  Kh&n* 
kh&n&n.  They  conducted  the  boy  to  Ahmadab&d,  and  from 
thence  they  carried  him  to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor,  in  the 
hope  of  obtaining  his  protection.  The  Emperor  received  the 
child  with  the  most  princely  &vour,  and  the  good  qualities  which 
he  exhibited  so  won  upon  the  Emperor's  mind,  that  his  prosperity 
went  on  growing  until  he  attained  the  dignity  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n. 
When  the  Khan-khanan  (Bair&m  Khan)  went  to  Gujar&t, 
the  Emperor  proceeded  towards  His&r-Firozah  on  a  hunting 
excursion,  but  the  army  was  sent  on  to  Dehli,  the  capital,  by 
the  direct  route.  Having  hunted  with  some  leashes  of  a  kind 
of  leopard,  which  is  called  cMta  in  Hindi,  on  the  4th  Babi^u-1 
awwal,  968  h.  (9th  Nov.,  1560),  he  arrived  at  Dehli,  and  there 
stopped  awhile  for  a  little  rest  and  enjoyment.  On  the  2nd 
Babi'u-s  s&ni  he  started  for  Agra  by  boat,  and  arrived  there  on 
the  12th  of  the  same  month. 

Sixth  pear  of  the  Reign, 

The  beginning  of  this  year  was  Sunday,  24th  Jum&da-l  &khir, 
968  H.  (10th  March,  1561).  In  this  year  the  marriage  of 
Muhammad  Baki  Khan  was  celebrated  with  a  lady  whose  &mily 

^  He  bad  been  put  to  deatb  by  order  of  tbe  Kh&n-Eb&n&a. — Bad&tfnf,  toI.  ii.  p.  45. 

*  fie  bad  tbirty  or  forty  companions.  lie  stabbed  tbe  Kb&n  witb  bis  dagger  in 
file  beck,  so  tbat  tbe  point  came  ont  of  bis  bosom,  and  one  of  tbe  assassin's  com- 
pMiiona  finisbed  tbe  business  witb  bis  sword. — T.  Alfi^  KndAkbar^ndma,  yuLii.p.  165. 

>  His  mother  and  tbe  attendants  were  also  rescued  by  tbe  courage  of  Mubammad 
Amln  and  bis  followers.— T.  Al/i, 


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270  KIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

connexions  have  been  explained  in  another  place.  The  ceremony 
W3S  performed  with  great  magnificence,  and  was  followed  by 
rejoicings  and  feasting  for  several  days. 

In  the  days  of  Sher  Kh&n  the  country  of  M&lwa  had  been 
held  by  Shuj&'at  Kh&n/  who  was  one  of  his  own  clan  {Khdua 
khail)^  and  after  his  death  it  had  come  into  the  hands  of  his 
son  B&z  Bah&dur.  It  now  came  to  His  Majesty's  knowledge 
that  B&z  Bah&dur  had  given  himself  up  to  sensaality,^  and  cared 
nothing  for  the  country.  Tyrannical  and  overbearing  men  had 
consequently  oppressed  the  poor  and  helpless,  and  the  peasantry 
and  people  had  been  reduced  to  distress.  The  honour  of  the 
Imperial  throne  required  that  this  country  should  be  again 
brought  under  its  control,  and  find  peace  and  security.  So 
Adham  Kh&n,  Plr  Muhammad  Eh&n,  S&dik  Eh&n,  Eiy&  Eh4n 
Gang,  'Abdu-Ua  Kh&n  Uzbek,  Shah  Muhammad  Kandah&ri, 
and  some  other  amirs,  were  nominated  to  effect  the  conquest  of 
that  country.'  They  accordingly  marched  thither,  and  when 
they  came  within  ten  kos  of  S&rangpur  in  that  country,  B&z 
Bahadur,  who  was  in  that  city,  awoke  from  his  slumber  of  neglect^ 
and  took  up  a  position,  which  he  fortified,  two  Aos  from  the  city. 

B&z  Bah&dur  was  the  most  accomplished  man  of  his  day  in  the 
science  of  music  and  in  Hindi  song.  He  spent  much  of  his  time 
in  the  society  of  singers  and  musicians.  When  the  Imperial  army 
was  at  ten  kos  from  S&rangpur,  Adham  Kh&n  sent  forward  an 
advanced  force  to  the  entrenchments  which  B&z  Bah&dur  had 
thrown  up  around  his  army.  Several  attempts  were  made  to 
entice  him  out  of  his  lines,  and  the  royal  forces  drew  together 
in  order  to  surround  him.  B&z  Bah&dur  then  threw  off  his 
apathy,  and  marched  out  to  give  battle.  But  the  Afgh&n  nobles 
in  his  army  were  disaffected,  and  made  their  escape,  and  he 
himself  was  obliged  to  take  flight.^     Eup-mati,   his  favourite 

^  He  was,  as  before  stated,  commonljr  called  '*  Shuj&wal  Kh&n/'  bat  Bad&^ni 
(vol.  ii.  p.  47}  goes  a  little  wider,  and  calU  him  *<  Sazawal  Kh&n." 
'  Ab(i-l  Fazl  calU  him  also  drankard. 
*  **  With  five  or  six  thousand  men.'* — Faizi. 
«  «  Towards  £h&ndesh  and  Borhlinpar."— Faizi. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  271 

wife,  who  used  to  recite  poetry,  several  other  wives,  and  all  his 
treasure  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Imperial  forces.  As  the 
fogitives  were  making  off,  a  eunach  of  B&z  Bah&dar^s  woanded 
Bup-mati  with  a  sword,  to  prevent  her  fidling  into  the  hands 
of  strangers;  and  when  Adham  Kh&n  summoned  her  to  his 
presenee,  she  took  poison  and  killed  herself. 

Adham  Khan  wrote  an  account  of  the  victory  to  the  Emperor. 
He  retained  all  the  ladies  and  musicians  and  singers,  but  he  sent 
some  elephants,  under  charge  of  S4dik  Kh&n,  to  Court.  This 
retention  of  the  ladies  and  other  spoils  displeased  the  Emperor, 
and  made  him  deem  it  necessary  to  proceed  in  person  to  M&Iwa. 
On  the  2 1st  Sha'ban,  968  H^  the  Emperor  left  Agra,  and  marched 
towards  M&lwa.  When  he  reached  the  fort  of  G&grdn,  which 
is  celebrated  among  the  fortresses  of  M&lwa  for  its  strength  and 
height,  he  gave  orders  for  its  reduction.  But  the  commandant 
of  the  fort  hastened  to  surrender,  and  presented  his  tribute. 
This  greatly  pleased  the  Emperor,  who  made  a  forced  march  in 
the  night,  and  arrived  by  dawn  in  the  vicinity  of  S&rangpur.^ 
Adham  Kh&n  had  left  Sarangpur  in  order  to  besiege  G&grun,  so 
he  met  the  Emperor  at  three  ko9  distance  from  that  place,'  and 
was  graciously  received.  Then  they  rode  on  to  the  city,  and 
Adham  Kh&n's  abode  was  given  up  to  His  Majesty.  Adham 
Kh&n  now  collected  all  his  spoils,  and  presented  them  to  the 
Emperor,  who  stayed  a  few  days  to  refresh  and  enjoy  himself, 
and  then  returned  to  Agra. 

At  that  place  Pir  Muhammad  Kh&n  Shirw&ni  and  other  nobles 
who  had  jdgirB  in  M41wa,  waited  upon  the  Emperor.  They 
were  honoured  with  gifts  of  robes  and  horses,  and  were  then 
sent  back  to  their  jdgirs.     When  the  Emperor  was  near  ^arwar, 

^  The  joornej  was  performed  in  sixteen  days. — Faizi. 

3  ft* As  he  knew  nothing  of  the  Emperor's  approach,  he  was  astounded,  and  wondered 
what  was  the  reason." — T,Alfl,  Ahii-l  Fazl  also  describes  the  amazement  of  Adham 
Eh&n  at  the  sndden  appearance  of  the  Emperor,  who  had  marched  so  fast  that  he 
outstripped  the  messengers  sent  by  Hliham  Anka  to  warn  Adham  Eh&n.  He  also 
describes  how  Adham  Kh&n  surrendered  his  spoils,  and  how  reloctantly  he  at  last 
gmve  up  the  women  and  the  singing  and  dancing  girls  of  B&z  Bah&dur.— ^A^r- 
mfsM,  ToL  ii.  p.  178. 


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272  NIZAMir-D  DTN  AHMAD. 

a  formidable  tiger  came  out  of  the  jungle.  The  Emperor  slowly 
approached  the  beast,  and  with  one  blow  of  his  sword  brought 
her  to  the  ground.  Some  of  his  attendants  killed  the  young 
ones  with  swords  and  spears. 

Muhammad  Asghar,  mir-munsM^  who  was  celebrated  for  the 
beauty  of  his  writing  and  composition,  was  now  appointed  Jtflr- 
munshiy  and  received  the  title  of  Ashraf  Kh&n.  On  the  29th 
Eamazin,  968,  the  Court  reached  Agra. 

When  'Adali^  the  Afghan,  was  slain  by  the  sons  of  Muhammad  ' 
Xh&n  Bangali/  who  was  one  of  the  nobles  of  SaHm  Kh&n  A%h&n, 
^Adalfs  son,  Sher  Xh&n,  took  his  seat  upon  the  throne  of  Govern- 
ment, in  the  fort  of  Chun&r,  and  then  led  an  army  to  attempt 
the  conquest  of  Jaunpur.  Thereupon  Kh&n-zam&n  sent  infor- 
mation to  the  Imperial  Courfc,  and  the  amirs  who  held  jdgin  in 
that  part  of  the  country  were  commanded  to  support  Ehan- 
zam&n.  Ibr&him  £h&n  Uzbek,  Majnun  £h&n  K&kshal,  Sh&ham 
Kh&n  Ja14ir,  Kam^l  Kh&n  Gakhar,  and  many  other  chiefs,  in 
obedience  to  the  royal  order,  joined  Kuli  Kh4n  (Kh&n-zam4n).* 
The  Afgh&ns,  having  crossed  the  river,  gave  battle,  but  Khdn- 
zam&n  exerted  himself  gallantly,  and  put  them  to  flight. 

Various  actions  of  Khan-zam&n  excited  a  suspicion  of  his 
intention  to  rebel,  so  towards  the  close  of  the  year  His  Majesty 
proceeded  towards  Jaunpur,  on  a  progress  of  hunting  and 
pleasure.  On  approaching  Ealpi,  the  camp  was  about  to  be 
pitched,  when  'Abdu-Ua  Eh&n  Uzbek,  who  held  K4Ipi  in  jdgir^ 
came  forward,  and  begged  His  Majesty  to  honour  his  house 
by  taking  up  his  quarters  there.  The  proposal  was  graciously 
accepted,  and  'Abdu-Ua  Xh&n  rendered  the  services  due  from 
him,  and  presented  his  offerings,  for  which  he  was  honoured  by 
His  Majesty ''s  approbation. 

When  the  Court  reached  Karra,  ^Ali  Kuli  Kh&n  Kh&n-zamfin 

^  See  tuprc^y  p.  66. 

'  The  force  of  the  enemy  vas  nearly  20,000  horse,  60,000  foot,  and  600  elephants. 
Eh&n-zam&n  declined  to  meet  them  in  the  open.  Wlien  the  enemy  crossed  the  riTer, 
he  bore  all  before  him,  bnt  h*s  force  was  erentnally  cnt  np  in  the  streets  and  anbnrbs 
of  JannpCir. — Akbar^dma,  toL  ii.  p.  186. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  273 

and  his  brother  Bah&dar  Khan  came  up  by  forced  marches  from 
their  jdgir  of  Jaonpdr,  and  on  being  received,  they  presented 
suitable  offerings.  Their  fidelity  and  services  being  recognized, 
they  received  presents  of  horses  and  robes,  and  were  then  dis- 
missed to  i\iQiT  jdgirB.  On  the  17th  Zi-1  hijja,  of  the  sixth  year 
of  the  Il&hi,  corresponding  with  968  h.,  the  Court  reached  i^gra. 

Shamsu-d  d(n  Muhammad  Atka,^  who  bore  the  title  of  Khdn-i 
*azam,  and  held  the  government  of  the  Panjdb,  now  came  to 
Court.  He  was  graciously  received,  and  the  direction  of  the 
affairs  of  the  State  was  committed  to  his  charge.^  About  the 
same  time,  Adham  Khdu,  in  obedience  to  a  royal  command, 
came  firom  M&lwa  to  the  capital^  and  was  welcomed  with  due 
honour. 

On  the  8th  Jum&da-l  awwal,  969  h.,  the  Emperor  started  to 
pay  a  visit  to  the  tomb  of  Eutbu-1  auliy&  Khwdja  Mu'inu-d  din 
Chishti.'  When  he  reached  the  town  of  Sdmbar,  Bdj&  Bih&ri 
Mal,^  one  of  the  chief  rdjda  of  that  country,  came  with  great 
loyalty  and  respect,  along  with  his  son  Bhagw&n  D&s,^  to  pay 

^  Sbamsa-d  din  Mubammad  wai  a  natire  of  Ghaznf,  and  began  life  as  a  common 
loldier  under  Prince  K&mr&n.  It  was  be  wbo  assisted  tbe  Emperor  Hum&yiin  ont 
of  the  river  after  the  disastrous  battle  of  Kananj  {jtuprd,  p.  205).  He  accompanied 
the  Emperor  in  his  exile,  and  his  wife  was  one  of  the  nurses  {anka)  of  Akbar.  As 
ibster  fiither  {atka)  of  Akbar,  he  received  the  title  of  Atka  Kh&n,  and  his  sons  were 
the  kokas  or  kokaltdshea  of  tbe  Emperor.  His  family  is  sometimes  called  the  Atka- 
khttiL — Blochmann's  Ain-%  Akbari^  vol.  L  p.  321. 

'  **  This  appointment  greatly  annoyed  M6ham  Anka,  who,  from  her  superior  intelli- 
gence and  many  services,  bad  deemed  herself  permanent  minister  {wakil  i  taUanat  bik- 
utikldl).  Mu*nim  Kh&n,  who  bad  been  the  ostensible  minister,  was  also  aggrieved." 
— Akbar-ndma,  vol.  ii.  p.  189. 

9  He  was  a  native  of  Sist&n,  and  is  called  also  Sanjari. — Akbar-ndma,  vol.  ii.  p.  195. 

*  Bih&ri  Mai  was  a  Kachbw&hah,  and  was  the  first  R&jpdt  cbief  who  joined  Akbar. 
He  is  often  called,  as  in  our  MS.,  Bih&r&  Mai.  He  and  bis  family  played  distinguished 
ports  in  the  reign  of  Akbar,  and  Intermarried  with  the  Imperial  family.  His  four 
hroihers  were  named  P(iran,  Rnpsi,  Askaran,  and  Jag  Mai.  He  hud  three  sons  in 
Akbar's  service,  Bhagw&n  D&s,  Jagann&th,  and  Salh&di;  the  first  of  whom  was 
a  meet  distinguished  ofiicer,  and  on  one  occasion  saved  the  Emperor's  life.  He  is 
also  called  Bhagwan  and  Bhagwant  D&s.  The  son  of  the  latter,  named  M&n  Sing, 
WB8  no  less  distinguished,  and  attained  the  highest  rank. — See  Blocbmann's  Aht^i 
jiihari^  voL  i.  pp.  328,  333,  339. 

*  The  MSS.  have  «  Gobind  D&b,"  but  Bad&tini  (vol  ii.  p.  60)  is  right  in  calling 
him^'Bhagw&nD&B." 

TOI*.  T.  18 


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274  NIZAMU-D  DrK  AHMAD. 

his  services  to  His  Majesty.  He  was  received  with  great  honour 
and  attention,  and  his  daughter^  an  honourable  lady,  was 
accepted  by  His  Majesty,  and  took  her  place  among  the  ladies 
of  the  Court.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to  Ajmir,  and  he 
dispensed  many  gifts  and  pensions  among  the  inhabitants  of  that 
noble  city.  Mirz&  Sharafu-d  din  Hu8ain>  who  held  a  j&^  in 
the  territory  of  Ajmir,  came  to  pay  his  homage.  He  was  sent 
with  several  other  amirn  of  that  province  to  effect  the  conquest 
of  the  fort  of  Mirtha,^  about  twenty  h)%  from  Ajmir,  which  was 
held  by  Jai  Mai.'  His  Majesty  then  started  for  i^gra,  and 
making  forced  marches,  he  performed  the  distance,  one  hundred 
and  twenty  hM^  in  a  day  and  night.' 

Seventh  pear  of  the  Beign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Tuesday,  7th 
Bajab,  969  h.  (10  March,  1562).  At  the  beginning  of  this 
year  Mirz&  Sharafu-d  din  Hnsain  besieged  the  fort  of  Mfrtha, 
being  assisted  by  Sh&h  Biddgh  Kh&u,^  and  his  son  'Abdn-l 
Matlab  Eh&n,  Muhammad  Husain  Shaikh,  and  some  other 
nobles.  Great  exertions  were  made  on  both  sides,  but  at  length 
it  was  agreed  that  the  garrison  should  march  out  with  their 
horses  and  arms  {kamchi)^  but  leave  behind  all  their  property 
and  effects.  When  the  victorious  army  went  to  take  possession 
of  the  fort,  Jai  Mai  marched  out  with  his  men.  But  Deo-das, 
in  shame  and  pride,  set  fire  to  the  property  which  was  in  the 
fortress,  and  then  sallied  forth  at  the  head  of  a  party  of  R&jpdts, 
and  passed  in  front  of  the  royal  army.  Mirz&  Sharafo-d  din  and 
other  nobles  followed  Deo-d&s,  and  when  they  came  up  with  him, 
he  turned  round  and  attacked  them.  Many  of  the  royal  soldiers 
fell,  and  nearly  200  B&jputs  were  slain.    Deo*d&8  himself  was 

>  Kiriha,  or  Mairiha,  fortj  miles  west  by  Mrih  from  AjmSr." 

*  Jai  Mai  waa  the  oomraaodaiit  cm  behalf  of  B&i  M&l  Xkc.^Akhm  nimm^  toL  iL 
p.  204. 

*  Dar  8habdn-ro9,    The  T,  Alfi  giyes  the  mor&  probable  tine  of  <^tkrM  dftji^" 
and  Ab6-1  Fazl  saya  «<leflB  than  ihiee  days." 

*  See  Blochmaxm'B  JLi$i^%  Akbari,  toL  i.  p.  371, 


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TABAEAT-I  AXBABJ.  275 

unhorsed,  and  being  overtaken  aa  he  lay  upon  the  ground,  he 
waa  cat  to  pieeea.^  The  fort  of  Mlrtha  was  then  oceupied  bj 
the  Imperial  forces. 

Aboat  this  time  Pir  Muhammad  Kh&n,^  who^  after  the  depar- 
ture of  Adham  E3i4n,  held  the  government  of  M&lwa^  assembled 
the  forces  of  that  province,  and  marched  to  subdue  the  countries 
of  Xair  and  Burh&npur.  He  laid  siege  to  Bij&garh,  the  prin- 
cipal of  all  the  fortresses  of  that  country,  which  he  took  by 
BtoriD,  and  put  all  the  garrison  to  the  sword,^  He  then  marched 
against  Asir,  a  well-known  place  in  Kh&ndesh«  Grossing  the 
river  Nerbadda,  he  gave  many  of  the  towns  and  villages  to  the 
swoid  and  destruetion,  and  came  to  Burh&npur.  That  city  also 
he  took  by  storm,  and  gave  orders  for  a  general  massacre. 
M^uiy  of  the  learned  men  and  saiyid%  of  the  place  he  caused  to 
be  decapitated  in  his  presence.  The  governors  of  ^ir  and 
Burh&npur,  and  B&z  Bah&dur,  who  lived  in  this  vicinity  since 
his  flight  from  M&lwa,  now  concerted  together,  and,  assisted  by 
all  the  zaminddrs  of  the  country,  they  assembled  a  force  with 
which  they  assailed  Pir  Muhammad  Kh&n.^  Unable  to  resist, 
Pir  Muhammad  fled  towards  Mandd,  and  when  he  came  to  the 
Kerbadda,  he^  and  all  the  nobles  with  him,  plunged  into  its 
waters.  It  so  happened  that  a  camel  came  up  and  bit  the  horse 
upon  which  he  was  riding.  He  was  thrown  off  into  the  water 
and  drowned,  thus  receiving  the  recompense  of  his  deeds.^  The 
other  nobles,  on  reaching  M&lwa,  found  that  the  country  was 
lofirt,  so  they  pursued  their  course  to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor. 

I  «  Some  say  lie  was  wounded,  but  escaped,  and  after  some  yean  re-appeared  in 
Hie  gniM  of  a  jogU  Some  recognized,  otiers  repttdiated,  Mm.  At  length  he  was 
kflled  in  one  of  their  qnaxrek." — Tdrikh^i  Alfl. 

*  '^  Whose  boldness  and  courage  were  greater  than  his  jadgment"— .<^dar-fidwta, 
ToL  ii.  p.  211. 

'  *'He  next  proceeded  against  Snlt&np6r,  and  annexed  it  to  the  Imperial  X/ark." 
tone^"^Akdar'ndma,  toL  ii.  p.  212. 

*  As  hii  men  <*were  pnrsoing  their  straggling  march  homewards,  laden  with  spoil. 
Pfr  Mohammad  made  an  attempt  to  beat  off  the  porsoers,  but  he  was  ill  supported." 
— ^JUor-fidifitf,  Tol.  ii.  p.  213. 

*  Badk&Bl  (toL  ii.  p.  51)  is  eloquent  vpon  the  sabject :  "  By  way  of  water  he 
went  to  fire ;  and  the  sighs  of  orphans,  poor  wretches,  and  eapttTes  settled  his  business." 


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276  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

B&L  Bah&dur  pursaed  them,  and  brought  the  whole  of  Malwa 
once  more  into  his  power.  The  amirs  who  had  abandoned 
M&lwa,  and  had  come  to  Court  without  orders,  were  imprisoned 
for  a  time,  and  then  set  at  liberty, 

^Abda-lla  Kh&n  Uzbek  now  received  ordere  to  retrieve  this 
disaster  in  M&lwa,  and  Mu'inu-d  din  Ahmad  EJi&n  Farankhudi, 
and  several  other  Kh&ns,  were  directed  to  assist  him.  Towards  the 
end  of  the  year  969  h.  (1562  A.D.),  "'Abdn-Ua  and  his  auxiliaries 
entered  M4Iwa,  and  B&z  Bah&dur,  being  unable  to  withstand 
him,  took  to  flight.^  A  force  was  sent  in  pursuit,  and  coming  up 
with  the  fugitives,  killed  many  of  them.  B&z  Bah&dur  found 
protection  for  some  time  with  R&n4  TJdi  Sing,^  one  of  the  chief 
rdjds  of  M&rwdr,  and  afterwards  he  repaired  to  Gujarit,  but 
eventually  he  threw  himself  upon  the  mercy  of  the  Emperor, 
and  sought  a  refuge  from  the  frowns  of  fortune.^  'Abdu-Ua  Khia 
remained  at  Mandu,  and  the  other  amirs  returned  to  their  yo^ir^. 
Mu'in  Eh&n,  after  setting  the  affairs  of  the  country  in  order, 
returned  to  Court. 

An  intimacy  and  friendship  had  existed  between  the  late 
Emperor  Hum&yun  and  Shdh  Tahm&sp  Sdfi  of  Persia.  When 
Hum&yun  died,  and  was  succeeded  by  Akbar,  the  Sh&h  was 
desirous  of  keeping  up  friendly  relations.  He  accordingly  sent 
his  nephew,  Saiyid  Beg,  son  of  Ma'^sum  Beg,  to  whom  he  gave 
the  title  Ummu-ughli  (nucleus  son),  as  his  ambassador,  with 
costly  presents.  When  Saiyid  Beg  approached  Agra,  many 
kh&ns  and  great  men  were  sent  forth  to  meet  him,  and  to  bring 
him  into  the  city  with  suitable  honours.  The  sum  of  seven  lacs 
of  tanhas  was  appropriated  to  him.  He  remained  at  A§;r2k  two 
months,  and  having  received  a  horse  and  a  robe,  he  took  his 
departure,  carrying  with  him  presents  from  Hindust&n. 

»  "  To  the  hiUfl  of  Kambalmk."— T.  Alfi. 

«  «  At  Chitor  and  TJdiptir."— Badiiini,  vol.  ii.  p.  61. 

'  He  was  imprisoned  for  some  time,  but  (soon  after  his  release)  he  died. — Bad&6ni, 
vol.  ii.  p.  61.  Faizi  sajs  he  was  granted  a  manaab  of  2000.  See  Blochmann's 
4if^i  Akbari,  yol  i.  p.  428. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  277 

Eighth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Wednesday,  18th 
Hajab,  970  h.  (13  March,  1563  a-d.).  A  tragical  event  occurred 
in  the  coarse  of  this  year.^  Adhara  Kb4n  Eokalt&sh,  son  of 
M&ham  Anka^'  conld  not  endare  to  see  the  elevation  of  his 
compeers.'  In  the  presumption  of  youth,  and  pride  of  wealth  and 
station,  he  yielded  to  the  incentives  of  Shah&bu-d  d(n  Ahmad 
Kh&n,  Mu'nim  Eh&n  Kh&n-kh4n&n,  and  several  other  nobles, 
and  murdered  Eh&n-i  'azam  [Shamsn-d  din  Muhammad  Atka], 
then  prime  minister,  as  he  was  sitting  in  his  public  office.  Then 
trusting  to  the  favour  and  kindness  which  had  been  sliown  to 
him  by  the  Emperor,  he  went  and  stood  at  the  door  of  the 
harem.  His  Majesty  rushed  out  of  the  harem,  sword  in  hand, 
and  the  assassin  was  bound  hand  and  foot,  and  cast  over  the 
parapet  in  punishment  of  his  crime.^  This  murder  was  com- 
mitted on  the  morning  of  Sunday,  12th  Bamaz&n,  970  H.  All 
those  who  had  taken  part  in  the  conspiracy  fled,  and  hid  them- 
selves through  fear  of  punishment.  Mu'^nim  Kh&n  and  Mu- 
hammad K&sim  Eh&n  Mir-i  bahr  (commander  of  the  boats) 
went  over  the  Jumna,  and  destroyed  the  bridge  by  which  they 
crossed.  Shab&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Khan  Naishapiiri  concealed 
himself.  His  Majesty  showed  great  solicitude  for  the  sons  of 
the  deceased  minister,  and  for  M&ham  Anka;  but  the  latter, 
in  anger  and  in  grief  for  her  son,  fell  ill  and  died  forty  days 
afterwards. 

1  Abtf-I  Fazl  and  most  other  writers  plaee  this  oTent  one  year  earlier. 

'  He  was  her  jonnger  ton.  His  brother  was  Muhammad  B&kf  Eh&n.  See  Ahbar" 
ndmoy  Tol.  ii  p.  218.    Blocbmann's  Ain^i  Akbariy  vol.  L  pp.  323  and  381. 

*  The  T.  Alfi  represents  him  as  gratified  with  the  death  of  Bair&m  Eh&n,  who  had 
always  been  iiispiciow  and  watchfhl  of  him. 

A  Bad&ikni  pkoes  this  aseassination  in  969  h.  He  says  the  nnfortnnate  minister 
was  eat  to  pieces  {pdra  pdra),  and  he  adds  that  as  a  spark  of  life  was  left  in  the 
aesosrin  after  his  ML,  the  Emperor  ordered  him  to  be  thrown  OTer  the  parapet  again. 
He  was  boned  one  day  before  his  victim.  Firishta's  aeeonnt  agrees ;  but  the  trans- 
lation is  inaocurate  in  two  points.  It  calls  the  minister  Shah&bn-d  din  instead  of 
Shamsn-d  din,  and  maVes  M&ham  Anka  father  of  the  minister  instead  of  mother  of 
the  assassin.    Bee  Extract  finom  Akhar-nimaj  itifrd. 


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278  KIZiCliTJ.D  Dm  AHHAD. 

Next  day  (after  the  murder)  Ashraf  Kh&n  Mir-mumhi  re- 
ceived orders  to  seek  out  and  bring  back  to  His  Majesty  Mu'^nim 
Eh&n,  Shah&bu-d  d(n  Ahmad  Eh&n,  and  K&sim  Eh&n.  The 
thought  of  having  participated  in  this  plot  weighed  upon  the 
mind  of  Mu'nim  Eh&n,  so  although  he  held  the  title  of  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n,  and  held  the  offices  of  minister  (wakdlat)  and  tutor 
{atdlik\  he  having  found  an  opportunity  left  i^gra  by  night,  and 
went  ofip  along  with  E&sim  Kh&n,  commander  of  the  boats,  to- 
wards K&bul,  where  his  son  * Abdu-1  Ghani  Eh&n  was  then  li^ng. 
When  they  came  to  the  pargana  of  Sarut,  in  the  Doab,  the 
jdgir  of  Mir  MahmM  Munshi^  one  of  the  MunshFs  officers, 
Kasim  j^li  SIst&ni,  who  was  shikkddr  of  the  district,  having 
heard  of  their  arrival  as  ftigitives  from  the  Court,  went  out  with 
a  party  of  the  inhabitants,  and  made  them  prisoners.  They 
were  then  sent  to  His  Majesty,  who  winked  at  their  offence, 
and  reinstated  them  in  their  offices. 

Conquest  of  the  Qdkhar  country. 

The  country  of  the  Gakhars  lies  upon  the  banks  of  the  river 
Sind,  well  known  as  the  NlJ-db.  This  territory,  from  the 
Siwdlik  hills  to  the  borders  of  Kashmir,  has  been  from  all  time 
the  possession  of  the  Gakhars,  although  other  tribes,  such  as  tlie 
Khari,  J&nuba,  Jatriya,  Bhukiy&l,  and  Jat  dwell  in  those  parts 
in  subordination  to  the  Gakhars.  From  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  of  the  late  Emperor  B&bar  to  the  present  time,  this  tribe 
would  not  suffer  any  intermission  of  loyalty  to  the  illustrious 
dynasty,  but  remained  steadfast  in  their  obedience  and  devotion. 
Strang  Sult&n  was  especially  noted  for  his  fidelity  and  loyalty. 
When  Sher  Eh&n  acquired  the  supreme  power  in  Hindust&n,  he 
wanted  to  bring  the  Gttkhars  under  his  authority,  and  used 
strenuous  exertions  to  effect  his  purpose,  but  made  little  progress, 
until  he  succeeded,  after  much  trouble,  in  getting  S&rang  Sultin 
into  his  hands  as  a  prisoner.  He  ordered  S&rang  Sult&n  to  be 
flayed,  and  shut  up  his  son  Kam&l  Kh&n  in  the  fort  of  Gwalior. 


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TABAEiiCT^I  AKRABr.  279 

After  the  death  of  Sdrang^  his  brother  i([dam  became  the  chief 
of  the  clan.  He  abo  espoused  the  cause  of  the  Imperial  ^mily, 
and  opposed  the  Afgh&ns. 

When  Sher  Kh&n  died,  and  his  son  Salim  Eh&n  obtained 
the  supreme  authority,  he  also,  in  imitation  of  his  father,  plun- 
dered and  laid  waste  various  portions  of  the  Gakhar  terri- 
tory, and  did  his  utmost  to  vex  and  injure  them.  On  one 
occasion,  when  some  prisoners  were  brought  to  G-walior  for 
punishment,  he  ordered  them  to  be  placed  in  a  house  with  a 
quantity  of  gunpowder,  and  the  house  to  be  set  on  fire.  Common 
report  tells  how  all  these  captives  were  blown  into  the  air,  and 
how  their  bodies  were  blown  to  pieces.  Kam&l  Kh&n,  who  was 
sitting  in  a  comer  of  the  house,  was  by  God's  mercy  saved. 
When  Salim  Kh&n  heard  of  his  preservation  he  sent  for  him, 
and  having  induced  him  to  take  an  oath  of  fidelity,  appointed 
him  to  act,  in  concert  with  the  governor  of  the  Panj&b,  in  the 
subjugation  of  the  Gakhar  territory. 

Afterwards,  when  Hindust&n  again  came  under  the  rule  of 
the  Imperial  house,  Elamil  Kh&n  followed  the  example  of  his 
predecessors,  and  paid  his  allegiance.  He  was  treated  with 
princely  fiivour,  and  received  a  grant  of  the  parganas  of  Hanswa, 
Fathpdr,  and  Elarra-M&nikpur  as  a  jdgir.  There  he  remained 
until  Sher  Kh&n,  the  son  of  Salim  Kh&n,  attacked  'Ali  Kuli 
Eh&n,  and  endeavoured  to  get  possession  of  these  districts. 
Kam&l  Kh&n  was  then  ordered  to  support  'Ali  Kuli  Kh&n, 
and  he  exhibited  such  courage  and  resolution  that  he  was 
graciously  told  that  whatever  request  he  liked  to  make  should 
be  granted.  Kam&l  Kh&n,  in  his  love  for  his  native  land^ 
begged  that  he  might  be  restored  to  his  paternal  inheritance. 
A  farm&n  was  accordingly  issued  that  of  the  territories  for- 
merly held  by  Sult&n  S&rang,  and  now  in  the  possession  of 
Adam  Kh&n  Gakhar,  one  half  should  be  given  to  Kam&l 
Kh&n,  and  the  other  half  should  remain  in  the  possession 
of  Adam  Kh&n.  Orders  were  accordingly  issued  to  the  amir% 
of  the  Panj&b,  to  Mir  Muhammad  Kh&n,  known  as  Khdfi-i 


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280  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

kaldn^^  and  to  Kntbu-d  din  Muhammad  Kh&n,  that  if  Adam 
Eh&n  made  any  resistance  to  the  arrangement,  they  were  to  take 
the  whole  of  the  territory  from  him,  and  give  it  to  Kamal  Khan. 
When  the  amirs  informed  Adam  Kh4n  of  the  purport  of  the 
farmdnsy  he  and  his  son  and  his  army  were  dissatisfied,  and  paid 
no  heed  to  the  command.  A  royal  army  marched  into  the 
country  of  the  Gakhars  to  subdue  it,  and  Adam  Kh&n  and  his 
son  resisted.  Some  sharp  fighting  followed,  but  the  Gakhars 
were  defeated,  and  Adam  Eh&n  was  made  prisoner.  His  son, 
with  the  defeated  army,  fled  into  Kashmir,  but  after  some  time 
he  also  was  taken  prisoner.*  All  the  GkJchar  territory  then  came 
under  the  power  of  the  Imperial  officers,  and  they  made  it  over 
to  Kamdl  Kh&n.  The  amirs  also  placed  Adam  Kh&n  and  his 
son  in  charge  of  Kam&l  Kh&n,  and  departed  to  their  own  jdgirs. 
Kam&l  Khan  kept  Adam  Kh&n  near  him  until  he  died. 

Affairs  of  Mu'nim  Beg  {ai  Kdbul). 

When  Mu'nini  Kh4n  left  Kdbul  to  visit  the  Court  of  the 
Emperor,  Muhammad  Kh&n  Akhta-begi  was  left  there  as  go- 
vernor, but  on  Mu'nim  Kh&n  being  informed  of  his  ill-treatment 
of  the  people  of  K&bul,  he  removed  him  from  ofBce,  and  appointed 
his  own  sou,  Ghani  Kh&n,  in  his  place.  He  also  sent  back  his 
nephew  Abu-1  Fath  Beg,  son  of  his  brother  Faz&il  Beg,  to 
assist  Ghani  Khan  in  his  government.  After  a  time  M&h 
Ghochak  Begam  and  the  people  of  K&bul  were  greatly  distressed 
by  the  proceedings  of  Ghani  Kh&n.^  Among  other  acts  he  kept 
in  confinement  Tolak  Kh&n  Kulchiu,  one  of  the  oldest  servants 
of  the  dynasty,  until  the  people  interfered  and  set  him  at  liberty. 

^  He  was  the  elder  brother  of  Atka  Kh&n,  Khdn-i  *azam.  Eatba-d  din  ires  a 
joanger  brother.  They  belonged  to  the  Atka-khaU,  See  note,  fvprd,  p.  27S. 
Blochmann'g  Ain-i  AJcbari^  pp.  322  and  833. 

>  Both  father  and  son  were  placed  in  the  custody  of  Eam&l  Eh&n.  The  father 
was  kept  in  confinement  till  his  death ;  the  son  was  put  to  death. — Akbar^ndm*^ 
Tol.  ii.  (The  episode  about  the  Gakhars  seems  to  have  been  omitted  from  the  printed 
edition  of  the  Akbar^ndma,) 

*  '^  He  was  wanting  in  sense  and  snaTity."~>^^ter-fidm0,  toI.  ii.  p.  231. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBART.  ^81 

Tolak  Kh&n  then  went  to  the  village  of  M&m&-kh&tdD,  which 
was  his  jdgir^  and  there  waited  his  opportunity.  It  happened 
that  a  caravan  from  Balkh  came  and  halted  in  the  village  of 
Gh&rikar&n,  and  Ghani  Kh&n  went  forth  in  haste  to  meet  it. 
Tolak  Kh&n  assembled  a  body  of  his  servants  and  adherents, 
and  making  a  rapid  night  march  fell  upon  Ghani  E3i&n,^  and 
made  him  prisoner.  At  length  some  persons  intervened,  and 
obtained  the  freedom  of  Ghani  £h&n.  They  took  from  him  a 
treaty  and  covenant  that  he  would  never  again  molest  Tolak 
Eh&n,  but  before  Ghani  Eh&n  got  back  to  K&bul,  he  broke  his 
covenant,  and  marched  against  Tolak  IShkn  with  a  strong  force. 
Tolak  £h&n,  however,  was  apprised  of  the  movement,  and  fled 
to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor.  Ghani  Eh£n  pursued  him  in 
Tain  for  some  distance,  and  then  returned  to  E&bul. 

Some  little  while  afterwards  Ghani  Beg  went  out  one  day  for  a 
stroll  in  the  melon  gardens,  and  the  opportunity  was  seized  by 
[M&h  Ghochak  Begam]  the  mother  of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Haklm,^ 
in  concert  with  Sh&h  Wali  Atka,  Mirz&  Faz&il  Beg  and  his  son 
Abu-l  Fath  Beg,  to  enter  the  fort  and  close  the  gates  against 
Ohani  Eh&n.  On  returning  and  finding  the  gates  of  the  fortress 
closed,  Ghani  Eh&n  understood  that  the  people  had  revolted 
against  him.  Unable  to  do  anything,  he  went  off  to  the 
Imperial  Court.  The  mother  of  the  prince  then  took  the  direc- 
tion of  affairs  into  her  own  hands.  She  appointed  Mirz&  Faz&iF 
Beg,  whom  Mirz&  E&mrdn  had  blinded,  to  the  office  of  minister 
(tffakdlaf),  and  his  son  Abti-1  Fath  Beg  was  made  his  deputy. 
But  when  in  the  distribution  o{  the  jdgirs  and  villages  he  (Abu-l 
Fath)  reserved  the  best  for  himself,  and  appropriated  the  worst 
to  the  prince  and  his  attendants.  Sh&h  Wali  Atka,  'Ali  Mu- 
hammad Asp,  and  others,  could  not  brook  his  unjust  allotment. 
In  communication  with  the  mother  of  the  prince,  they  deter- 

1  Wlule  he  was  dnink  and  asleep. — Ahhar^ndmOy  toI.  ii.  p.  233. 

'  Son  of  the  Emperor  Ham&y6n,  then  about  ten  yean  of  age. — Bad&finl. 

*  Ab<k-1  Fazl  calla  him  «F&zil  Beg,"  and  says  that  although  he  was  blind,  <<in 
matten  of  craft  and  oontnmacy,  his  whole  body  was  eyes."  He  adds  that  he  inter- 
fered with  his  nephew  in  his  dnties  as  goremor. — Akbar-ndmOj  toI.  ii.  p.  231. 


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283  NIZAMU-D  DTN  AHICAD. 

mined  to  remoTe  him.  One  night  Abu-1  Fath  came  to  the  door 
of  his  house  in  a  state  of  intoxication  and  went  down.  Mfnui 
Beg  having  seen  this,  despatched  him  with'  one  blow  npon  the 
head  with  his  sword.  His  &thery  Faz&il  Beg,  endeavoured  to 
escape  into  the  Haz&ra,  bat  some  of  the  adherents  of  the  prince 
went  in  pursuit,  and  overtook  and  beheaded  him.  Sh&h  Wali 
Beg  Atka,  with  the  approval  of  the  mother  of  the  prince, 
assumed  the  management  of  affairsi  and  gave  himself  the  title 
of'AdilShih. 

When  the  report  of  these  occurrences  reached  the  ears  of  the 
Emperor^  he  appointed  Mu'nim  £h&a  governor  of  £&bnl  and 
guardian  (aid&k)  of  the  young  prince  Mirz&  Muhammad.  He 
also  appointed  Muhammad  KuU  SJi&n  Birl&s,  Husain  Kh&n 
brother  of  Shah&bu-d  dtn  Ahmad  Eh&n,  Timur  Beg  Uzbek,  and 
several  other  nobles  to  assist  and  support  him.  The  mother  of 
the  young  prince,  who  was  then  ten  years  of  age,  assembled  all 
the  forces  she  could,  and  taking  the  prince  with  her,  she  went, 
with  the  intention  of  resisting  by  force  of  arms,  to  Jal&l&b&d, 
known  in  old  times  by  the  name  of  Jus&(.  There  she  awaited 
Mu'nim  Eh&n,  who  quickly  marched  against  her,  and  defeated 
and  scattered  her  forces  at  the  first  attack.  After  this  he 
returned  to  Court.  The  Begam  returned  to  Kabul,  and  sus- 
pecting the  designs  of  Sh&h '  Ali  Atk^  against  her,  she  caused  him 
to  be  put  to  death,  and  Haidar  K&sim  Eohbar  was  named  wakU 
of  the  mirzd  in  his  stead. 

Affairs  of  Mirzd  SAarqfU^  din  Susain. 

Mirz&  Sharafti-d  din  Husain  was  son  of  Khw&ja  Mu'inu-d  din, 
son  of  Khw&ja  J&wid  Mahmud,  son  of  Ehw&ja  'Abdu-lla,  who 
was  a  distinguished  man  among  the  KhwaJM^  and  was  the  son 
of  N&siru-d  din  'Abdu-Ua  Ahrdr.^  When  the  Mirz&  came  to 
Court,  he  was  promoted  to  the  dignity  of  Amtru^l  umard^  and 
received  the  jdgir  of  N&gor.     There  he  was  distinguished  by  his 

^  See  Blochmaim*8  Ain-%  JMari^  toL  L  p.  322. 

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TABAEAT-I  ASBARr.  283 

energetie  labours.  His  father  now  retained  from  Mecca,  and 
received  a  right  royal  reception.  After  a  while  Mirz&  Sharaf,  by 
the  will  of  fate,  and  without  any  apparent  reason  or  cause, 
having  had  his  mind  perverted  by  designing  men,  fled  towards 
N4gor.i  Hazrat  Husain  EuK  Beg,  son  of  Wall  Beg  Zd-l  kadar, 
a  relation  of  the  late  S[hdn-kh&n&n  Bair&m  Eh&n,  having  on 
account  of  his  services  been  admitted  to  the  order  of  nobility, 
and  dignified  with  the  title  of  khdn^  now  received  a  grant  of  the 
jdglr  of  Mirzi  Sharafu-d  din  Husain.  Some  of  the  principal 
nobles,  as  Muhammad  S&dik,  Muhammad  Euli  Tughrhdni^ 
Mozafiar  Mughal  and  Mirstk  Bah&dur,  wei'e  directed  to  support 
Husain  Kuli  Beg,  and  the  command  was  given  for  them  to 
pursue  and  capture  Mirz&  Sharafu-d  din.  If  he  repented  of  his 
unrighteous  deeds,  they  were  to  soothe  him  and  bring  him  to 
Court ;  but  if  not,  they  were  to  use  their  beet  exertions  to  punish 
his  misconduct.  When  intelligence  of  the  approach  of  Husain 
Euli  Beg  Eh&n  reached  Mirz&  Sharafii-d  din,  he  left  Tarkh&n 
Diw&na,  a  trusty  adherent,  in  Ajmir,  and  went  off  towards 
J&lor.'  The  Imperial  forces  invested  Ajmir,  and  after  two  or 
three  days  Tarkh&n  Diw&na  capitulated.'  The  nobles  then 
hastened  in  pursuit  of  Sharafu-d  din  towards  J&lor. 

It  so  happened  that  just  as  Sharafu-d  din  reached  J&lor,  Sh&h 
Ab6-1  Ma'&li  was  returning  from  Mecca  to  the  Imperial  Oourt, 
and  having  had  a  meeting  with  Sharafu-d  din,  they  concocted 
together  a  rebellious  scheme.  Abu-1  Ma'&U  was  to  march 
against  the  people  of  Husain  KuU  Kh£n,  who  were  in  H&jipdr,^ 
and  having  disposed  of  him  was  to  push  on  to  K&bul  and  bring 
Mirzi  Muhammad  Hakim  to  Hindust&n.  Sharafu-d  din  on  his 
side  was  to  do  all  he  could  to  promote  a  rebellion.     Abd-1  Ma'&ll 

>  "TowardB  Ajmir  and  N&gor,  which  were  I^b  fiighraj* — Akbar^maf  yol.  ii. 
p.  247. 

>  Both  MSS.  hare  <«N&gor.'*  But  Abd-1  Fazl  saya  « towards  Jfdor,  whioh  he 
had  got  into  bia  power/*  and  the  context  shows  him  to  he  ngh.t.—Akbar-ndmOf 
vol.  ii  p.  248. 

'  The  fort  of  Mirtha  also  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Imperial  general.^-.^&ar. 
ndma,  vol.  ii.  p.  248. 
*  Hnsain  Knli  had  left  his  wifes  and  family  ihan.-^Akbar-ndmttf  vol  ii.  p.  248. 

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284  NIZXMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

marched  off,  taking  with  him  a  partv  of  Sharafa-d  din's  men,  and 
when  he  approached  H&jiptir,  he  learned  that  Ahmad  Beg  and 
Sikandar  Beg,  relations  of  Husain  Kuli  Kh&n,  had  come  out  to 
stop  him.  Thereupon  he  tamed  in  the  direction  of  N&manl, 
and  upon  reaching  the  fort  of  that  place,  he  made  Mir  Kisd 
the  shikkddr  prisoner,  and  seized  all  the  money  which  he  found 
in  the  treasury,  and  divided  it  among  his  followers.^ 

After  receiving  intelligence  of  this,  Husain  EuK  Kh&n  sent 
his  brother  Isma'il  Euli  Eh&n  along  with  Muhammad  S&dik 
Eh&n  in  pursuit  of  Abu-1  Ma'&li.  Upon  reaching  H&jipur,  and 
learning  that  Abu-1  Ma'&li  had  drawn  off  to  Namaul,  they  took 
Ahmad  Beg  and  Sikandar  Beg  with  them,  and  went  in  pursuit 
of  him.  Twelve  hos  from  Nimaul,  the  brother  of  Ab6-1  Ma'&Ii, 
who  was  named  Elhdn-z&da  [Muhammad],  and  was  also  called 
Sh&h  Ldnd&n,  left  his  jdgir^  and  was  on  the  way  to  join  his 
brother,  but  he  was  intercepted  and  made  prisoner.  Abu-1 
Ma'&li  fled  from  N&maul  and  went  towards  the  Panj&b.  Ahmad 
Beg  and  Sikandar  Beg  were  sent  off  with  a  detachment  in  hot 
haste  after  htm.  A  body  of  the  men  under  their  command  had 
formerly  served  under  Mirz&  Sharafd-d  din  Husain,  and  these 
men  had  bound  themselves  by  an  oath  to  desert  Ahmad  Beg 
and  Sikandar  Beg  whenever  Ab(i-1  Ma'&U  should  be  attacked, 
and  to  go  over  to  the  latter.  One  of  this  party,  D&na  Euli  by 
name,  slipped  away  and  hastened  to  inform  Abu-1  Ma'&Ii  of  the 
conspiracy.  Upon  hearing  it  he  placed  himself  in  ambush  in 
a  jungle  by  the  side  of  the  road,  and  when  the  two  Begs  came 
up  he  fell  upon  them  unawares.  The  conspirators  then  drew 
their  swords,  and  advanced  against  their  own  commanders,  and 
the  other  soldiers,  seeing  how  matters  stood,  took  to  flight. 
Ahmad  Beg  and  Sikandar  were  left  quite  alone.  They  fought 
most  manfully,  and  killed  several  of  their  assailants,  but  were 
eventually  slain. 

His  Majesty  was  engaged  in  a  hunting  excursion  at  Mathura 
when  the  news  of  this  disaster  reached  him.  He  sent  Bid&gh 
1  «  And  plundered  tbe  town."— ^Ar^r-ntfiM,  vol.  ii.  p,  262. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAKf.  285 

'Kh&n,  T&t&r  Kh&n,  Eumi  Eh&n,  and  others,  to  follow  Abu-1 
Ma'dli,  and  he  himself  proceeded  to  Dehli,  the  seat  of  Govern- 
ment  {ddrt^l  mulk)} 

A  remarkable  occurrence  has  now  to  be  mentioned.  When 
Sharafii-d  din  Hosain  fled  from  Court  to  N&gor,  he  had  a 
slave,  by  name  Eoka  Ful&d,  one  of  the  slaves  of  his  father, 
who  at  all  times  secretly  did  everything  in  his  power  to 
injure  the  Emperor.  This  wretched  man  came  into  the  royal 
camp,  and  was  constantly  on  the  watch  for  an  opportunity. 
When  the  Emperor  returned  from  his  hunting  excursion,  and 
passing  through  the  b&zdr  of  Dehli,  came  near  to  the  College' 
of  Maham  Anka,  this  bloodthirsty  fellow  shot  an  arrow  at  His 
Majesty;  but  by  the  mercy  of  God,  who  watched  over  the 
Emperor's  safety,  it  did  not  inflict  a  severe  wound,  but  merely 
grazed  the  skin.  The  attendants  of  the  Emperor  instantly  fell 
upon  the  traitor,  and  with  strokes  of  sword  and  dagger  they  sent 
him  to  hell.  The  Emperor  pulled  out  the  arrow  and  rode  on  to 
the  palace.  The  wound  was  cured  in  a  few  days,  a]id  on  the 
6th  Jumada-s  s&ni  he  mounted  his  royal  litter,'  and  proceeded 
to  ^ra,  where  he  arrived  on  the  15th  of  the  same  month,  in 
the  year  971  a.h.,  agreeing  with  the  eighth  year  of  the  reign. 

Ninth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  was  Wednesday,  29th  Eajab,  971 
(13th  March,  1564).  When  Abd-1  Ma^&li  killed  Ahmad  Beg, 
and  found  that  the  royal  army  was  coming  up  in  pursuit  of  him, 
he  was  dismayed,  and  turning  aside  from  the  direct  roads  he 
fled  towards  K&bul.  When  he  approached  K4bul,  he  wrote  a 
letter  full  of  expressions  of  afibction  and  devotion  for  the  late 
Emperor,  and  sent  it  to  Mah  Chochak  Begam  (the  Emperor's 

1  He  arriyed  there  on  the  25th  Jum&da-l  awwal.~^A;dar-fi<fm<i,  toI.  ii.  p.  264. 

'  Ab6-1  Fazl  agrees,  and  says  that  the  man  stood  near  the  College  {Akdar-ndma, 
vol.  ii.  p.  255) ;  bnt  Bad&dni  (yol.  ii.  p.  62)  says  that  the  arrow  was  shot  from  the 
roof  of  the  College.  He  agrees  that  the  wound  was  merely  superficial  (post-mdl)^  not 
the  serere  wound,  "  nearly  a  span  deep/'  which  Ab6-1  Fazl  and  Firishta  describe. 

•  ^ICi ,    The  Hindi  singhdian  "  throne." 


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286  NIZXMV-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

widow).  She  Bent  to  invite  him  in»  and  received  him  with. 
honour.  She  also  gave  him  her  daughter  in  marriage.  Abu-1 
Ma'&li  now  pushed  himself  forward,  and  took  the  direction  of  the 
establishment  of  Prince  Muhammad  Hakim. 

A  party  of  malcontents,  who  were  displeased  with  the  treatment 
they  had  received  from  M4h  Chochak  Begam,  sneh  as  Shug6n, 
son  of  Karracha  £h&n,  and  Sh&dm&n,  and  others,  leagued  with 
Abd-1  Ma^&li,  and  persuaded  him  that  matters  would  never  go 
on  well  as  long  as  the  Begam  lived.  He  fell  in  with  their  views, 
and  slew  the  unfortunate  woman  with  a  dagger.  Then  he  got 
into  his  hands  the  Prince  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim,  who  was 
of  tender  age,  and  took  the  direction  of  the  government.  He 
seized  upon  Haidar  E&sim  Eohbar,  who  was  the  minister  {wakkl) 
of  the  Mirz&,  and  put  him  to  death.  He  also  imprisoned  his 
brother  Muhammad  K&sim.  Hereupon  TardI  Muhammad  Khfin, 
B&k{  Muhammad  Kh&n  E&ksh&l,  Husain  Eh&n,  and  several 
other  adherents  of  the  late  Begam,  conspired  against  him  to 
avenge  her  death.  ''Abdi  Sarmast  informed  Abu-1  Ma'&li  of  this 
conspiracy,  and  he  instantly  armed  a  party  of  his  supporters, 
and  went  forth  to  destroy  them.  The  conspirators  cut  their  way 
into  the  fort,  and  Abu-1  Ma^&lf  pressed  after  them.  Many  on 
both  sides  were  killed,  but  at  length  Abu-1  Ma'&li  succeeded  in 
driving  them  out  of  the  fort,  and  they  fled  in  all  directions. 

Muhammad  K&sim,  who  was  in  confinement,  obtained  his 
release,  and  went  to  Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  in  Badakhsh&n.  He 
informed  him  of  all  that  had  passed  at  K4bul,  and  urged  him 
to  march  against  the  city.  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  also  sent 
a  person  to  Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  calling  upon  him  for  assistance. 
The  Mirz&,  on  hearing  the  state  of  affairs,  assembled  the  forces 
of  Badakhshin,  and  with  the  approval  of  Ehurram  Begam  his 
wife,  marched  against  K&bul.  Abd-1  Ma'&li,  on  his  side,  assem- 
bled the  forces  of  E&bul,  and  taking  with  him  Mirz&  Muhammad 
Hakim,  advanced  to  the  river  Ohorband.  Both  sides  drew  up 
their  forces,  and  the  battle  began.  The  Edbul  men  on  the 
right  of  Abu-1  Ma'&li  were  defeated  by  the  BadakHsh&n  forces, 


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TABAEAT.I  AKBABr.  287 

and  began  to  retreat.  He  hastened  up  with  some  reinforcements 
to  support  them,  leaving  Mirza  Muhammad  Hakim  in  chai^ 
of  his  servants.  These  men  seized  the  opportunity  to  cross  the 
river  and  join  Mirz&  Sulaim&n.  When  this  was  discovered  by 
the  K&bul  forces,  they  were  seized  with  panic,  and  every  man 
fled  to  his  home. 

When  Abu-1  Ma^&li  came  back  from  his  cfaaige,  he  was 
dismayed  to  find  no  trace  mther  of  Mirz&  Hakim  or  of  his 
army,  so  he  fled.  The  Badakhsh&n  men  pursued  and  over- 
took him  at  the  village  of  Gh&rik&r&n.  He  was  brought  to 
the  presence  of  Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  who,  elated  with  his  success, 
went  on  to  E&bul,  taking  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  with  him. 
Three  days  afterwards  he  sent  Abti-1  Ma'&li,  with  his  hands 
bound  behind  his  neck,  to  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim,  and  he 
ordered  him  to  be  strangled  in  punishment  of  his  crimes.  This 
happened  on  the  night  of  the  17th  Bamaz&n,  970  h.  Mirz& 
Sulaim&n  now  sent  to  Badakhsh&n  for  his  daughter,  and  married 
her  to  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim.  After  giving  jdgirs  in  the 
E&bul  territory  to  many  of  his  followers,  and  appointing  Ummaid 
^Ali,  who  was  in  his  confidence,  to  the  post  of  minister,  he 
returned  to  Badakhsh&n. 

In  the  course  of  this  year,  Ehw&ja  Muzafiar  'Ali  Tarbati, 
one  of  the  old  associates  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n  Bair&m  Eh&n,  was 
raised  to  the  office  of  financial  minister  {wazdrat-i  diwdn-i  'ah), 
and  received  the  title  of  Khdn.^ 

Conquest  of  the  fort  of  Chundr. 

The  fort  of  Ghun&r  was  held  by  a  slave  of  'Adali,  named 
Fattu.  He  now  wrote  a  letter  offering  to  surrender  it.*  The 
Emperor  sent   Shaikh  Muhammad  Ghaus  and  Asaf  Eh&n  to 

1  AH*1  Fail  plaoet  thii  appointmeiit  at  the  beginaing^  of  tbe  eightli  jear. — 
Akhmr-ndma,  ^L  ii  p.  260.     See  AU^i  AkbaH,  toI.  i.  p.  348. 

*  Ab6.1  Fail  plaoea  thii  nmmder  in  the  sixth  year  of  the  reigiL  The  Emperor, 
OB  his  retani  from  Kam,  dented  Asaf  Kh&n  to  besiege  the  fort,  and  this  ftighteoed 
Fattd  into  wahnditm^'--^JMar'ndiiuh  toL  ii.  p.  190. 


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288  lazAMU-B  BrN  ahmad. 

receive  the  surrender  of  the  fort.  When  it  was  delivered  over, 
they  placed  it  in  charge  of  Husain  Kh&n  Turkom&n.  At  this 
Ghdzi  Kh4n  Sdr,  formerly  one  of  the  nobles  of  'Adali,  but  who 
had  for  a  time  lived  in  allegiance  to  the  Emperor,  now  that  Asaf 
£h&n  was  appointed  to  the  government  of  Earra,  took  flight, 
and  went  to  the  country  of  Panna.  There  he  gathered  some 
men,  and  arrayed  himself  in  rebellion.  When  A^saf  Kh&n  was 
sent  to  Earra,  Gh&zi  Kh&n  led  his  followers  against  him,  but  he 
was  defeated  in  battle  by  XaaS  Kh&n,  and  killed  upon  the  field. 
JisaX  Kh&n  thus  established  his  power  and  authority. 

The  couiitry  of  Garha-Eatanka  was  near  to  ^saf  Eh&n,  and 
he  formed  the  design  of  subduing  it.^  The  chief  place  of  that 
country  is  Chaur&garh.  It  is  an  extensive  country  containing 
seventy  thousand  (Jiafldd  hazar)  flourishing  villages.*  Its  ruler 
was  at  this  time  a  woman  named  Durgdvati,  who  was  very 
beautiful.  When  Asaf  Eh4n  heard  the  condition  of  this  country, 
he  thought  the  conquest  of  it  would  be  an  easy  matter,  so  he 
marched  against  it  with  fifty  thousand^  horse  and  foot.  The 
B&ni  collected  all  her  forces,  and  prepared  to  oppose  the  invader 
with  700  elephants,  20,000  horsemen,  and  infantry  innumerable. 
A  battle  followed,  in  which  both  sides  fought  obstinately,  but  by 
the  will  of  fate  the  Il4n(  was  struck  by  an  arrow,  and  fearing 
lest  she  should  fall  alive  into  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  she  made 
her  elephant-driver  kill  her  with  a  dagger.  After  the  victory 
Asaf  Ehan  marched  against  Chaur&garh.  The  son  of  the  B&ni, 
who  was  in  the  fort,  came  forth  to  meet  him  ;  but  he  was  killed, 
and  th^  fort  was  captured,  and  all  its  treasures  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  conquerors.     A!saf  Ehdn,  after  he  had  achieved  this 

^  See  Extract  from  the  Akbar-nAmaf  infrd. 

^  Abd-1  Faxl,  Bad&tinf,  and  Fai2(  all  agree  in  this  number,  but  it  is  a  manifest 
error. — Akbar^&ma,  vol.  ii.,  p.  264. 

'  The  MSS.  differ  widely.  One  of  them  says  Jive  thousand,  the  other  two  Jifty 
thousand.  There  are  other  discrepancies.  Two  of  the  MSS.  omit  the  word  "innu- 
merable/* making  the  B&ni*s  force  to  be  ''  20,000  horse  and  foot " ;  but  they  agree 
in  the  incredible  ^  700  elephants."  Firishta,  moreover,  gives  '<  1500  elephants  and 
8000  horse  and  foot." — See  Extract  from  the  Tdrikh-i  Alji^  ti^prd,  p.  169. 


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TABAKilT-I  lEBABL  289 

▼iotory  and  ftoqnired  so  much  treasure,  retamed,  greatly  elated^ 
to  Karra,  and  took  possession  of  his  goyemniMit. 

Journey  of  the  Emperor  to  Narwar. 

On  the  12th  Zi-1  ka^da,  971  H.,  oorresponding  with  the  ninth 
year  of  the  reign,  the  Emperor  left  Agra,  and  went  towards  the 
river  Ghambal  with  the  object  of  elephant  hunting.^  In  conse^ 
qoence  of  the  heavy  rains  and  the  inundations,  he  had  to  halt 
fifteen  days,  and  when  he  did  cross  over  one  of  his  choice 
elephants  named  Lakhna  was  drowned.  When  he  came  to  the 
vicinity  of  the  town  of  Narwar  he  pitched  his  camp,  for  the 
jungle  hard  by  was  an  elephant  haunt.  *  *  *  After  they  had 
cleared  that  neighbourhood  of  elephants,  he  marched  on  towards 
M&Iwa,  and  halted  at  Bewar.*  Heavy  rains  compelled  him  to 
remain  two  days  in  sight  of  that  town.  From  thence  he  pro- 
ceeded to  S&rangpur,  and  again  the  heavy  rains  and  floods 
greatly  distressed  his  escort.  When  he  approached  S&rangp6r, 
Muhammad  E&sim  Eh&n  Naishapdri  the  governor  came  forth 
to  meet  him  and  presented  tribute.  Next  day  the  Emperor  pro- 
ceeded onwai*ds  towards  Mandii. 

^Abdu-Ua  Khdn  Uzbek  was  governor  of  Mandd,  and  as  there 
were  sundry  differences^  between  him  and  the  Emperor,  he  was 
greatly  alarmed  at  his  approach,  and  consequently  fled  off  towards 
Gujar&t.  When  the  Emperor  was  informed  of  his  flight,  he 
sent  Mukim  Kh&n,  one  of  his  chief  nobles,  to  'Abdu-lla,  to 
advise  and  reassure  him.  Although  Mukim  Kh&n  urged  and 
persuaded,  his  words  had  no  effect,  for  ''Abdu-lla  thought  that 
the  object  of  the  Khan  was  to  detain  him  with  words  and  stories 
till  the  royal  forces  had  arrived  and  secured  the  roads.  So  he 
left  Mukim  Khfin  and  fled ;  and  the  Eh&n  went  back  and  re- 
ported his  want  of  success. 

The  Emperor's  anger  was  roused,  and  he  gave  orders  for  a  force 
to  be  sent  to  arrest  ^Abdu-Ua's  progress.     The  Emperor  himself 

^  According  to  Abd-l  Fazl,  tbe  real  object  waa  to  cbecV  tbe  proceedinga  of 
'Abda-Ua  Kh&n.— ^it^ar-ndmo,  vol.  ii.  p.  279.  *  A  yery  doubtful  name. 

VOL.  T.  19 

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290  NIZAMTT-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

followed,  and  on  reaching  Mandd  intelligence  arrived  that  his  ad- 
vanced force  was  engaged  in  action  with  ^Abdu-lla,  so  he  pressed 
on  with  all  speed*  When  ^Abdu-Ua  saw  that  some  of  his  most 
faithful  followers  had  fallen,  and  heard  that  the  Emperor  was 
near  at  hand,  he  left  his  baggage  and  soldiers  and  hastened  off. 
The  Imperial  forces  pursued  him  as  far  as  the  country  of  ^i,^ 
on  the  confines  of  Grujar&t,  and  drove  him  awaj  from  his  wives 
and  elephants.  He  then  went  to  Oh&ngiz  Kh&n  in  Oujar&t. 
This  Gh&ngiz  Kh&n  was  a  slave  of  Sultdn  Mahmud  of  Gujar&t, 
after  whose  death  he  had  obtained  the  government  of  the 
country.  The  royal  forces  which  had  captured  the  horses  and 
elephants  and  wives  of  'Abdu-Ua  then  turned  back  to  ^li,  where 
they  were  received  with  honour. 

The  Imperial  army  then  moved,  and  on  the  new  moon  of 
ZI-1  hijja,  791  h.,  reached  Mandd.  The  zaminddra  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood came  in  to  pay  their  allegiance,  and  met  with  a 
gracious  reception.  Mir&n  Mub&rak  Sh&h,  ruler  of  Kh&ndesh, 
sent  a  letter  and  suitable  presents  by  the  hands  of  ambassadors 
to  the  Emperor.  After  some  days  the  ambassadors  received 
permission  to  return,  and  ^farmdn  was  sent  to  Mir&n  Mub&rak 
Sh4h  directing  him  to  send  any  one  of  his  daughters  whom 
he  thought  worthy  to  attend  upon  the  Emperor.  'Itim&d  Kh&n 
was  also  sent  along  with  the  ambassadors.  When  Mub&rak 
Sb&h  received  this  gi*acious  communication,  he  was  greatly  de- 
lighted, and  he  sent  his  daughter  with  a  suitable  retinue  and 
paraphernalia  to  His  Majesty,  esteeming  it  a  great  favour  to  be 
allowed  to  do  so.  Whilst  the  Emperor  remained  at  Mandu, 
Kh4n  Kuli,^  a  servant  of  ^Abdu-lla  Khan,  who  was  now  in 
Hindia,'  and  Mukarrab  Kh6n,  one  of  the  nobles  of  the  Dekhin, 
in  compliance  with  the  royal  command,  came  in  with  their  fol- 
lowers, and  had  an  audience.  Mukim  Kh&u,  who  had  exhibited 
vigour  and  ability  in  this  expedition,  received  the  title  of  Shuj&' 
Kh&n. 

^  **  The  country  of  Al,  a  large  territory  {^mhtkaff^  in  M&lwa."— T.  Alfl. 

«  "J&n'Ali."— r.  ^//f. 

*  «  On  the  holders  of  Malwa."— T.  MJi,  It  Ues  on  the  left  bank  of  the  Nerhadda. 

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TABAKAT.I  AKBAEI.  291 

In  Maharram,  ft72  (August^  1564),  tlie  Imperial  camp  moved 
from  Mandu,  and  was  pitched  in  sight  of  the  town  of  N&Icha.^ 
Earra  Bah&dar  Eh&n  was  appointed  governor  of  Mandu,  and  an 
order  was  made  directing  a  party  of  the  Imperial  followers  who 
remained  behind  in  Mandu  to  stay  in  that  province  along  with 
Karra  Bah&dar,  and  zealoaslj  serve  His  Majesty.  Two  days 
after,  the  camp  moved  towards  Agra,  and  upon  reaching  Ujjain, 
it  remained  there  four  days,  in  consequence  of  heavy  rain.  In 
four  days'  march  from  thence  it  reached  S&rangpdr,  and  in  a 
week  afterwards  it  arrived  at  the  pargana  of  Eher&r,  within 
sight  of  the  town.  By  regular  stages  it  reached  Sipri.  Here 
ihe  scouts  brought  in  news  of  a  herd  of  elephants,  in  which  there 
was  one  very  large  animal.'  The  royal  servants  went  in  chase  of 
them,  and  captured  the  whole  of  them.  Proceeding  by  way  of 
Narwar  and  Gwalior^  the  Emperor  reached  Agra  on  the  3rd 
Babi'u-1  awwaL  In  the  course  of  this  year  the  Emperor  had 
twins  borne  to  him,  one  of  whom  was  named  Hasan,,  the  other 
Husain  ;  but  they  lived  only  a  month. 

After  His  Majesty  returned  from  Mandu,  and  while  he  was 
enjoying  himself  at  Agra,  he  often  rode  out  to  E&kr&ni,'  a  village 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  capital,  which  was  remarkable  for  the 
purity  of  ita  air  and  the  excellence  of  its  water.  He  deemed 
this  a  suitable  site  for  a  palace,  so  he  ordered  one  to  be  built. 
In  a  short  time  fine  houses  arose,  and  a  great  town  sprung  up, 
which  was  called  Nagar-chin. 

Account  of  Khwdja  Mu*azzam. 

Ehw&ja  Mu'azzam  was  maternal  uncle  of  the  Emperor.  He 
was  son  of  ^Ali  Akbar,  and  a  descendant  of  Shaiku-1  Isl&m 
Ahmad  J&m.  This  person  had  been  guilty  of  several  dis- 
graceful actions  during  the  reign  of  the  Emperor  Hum&ydn, 

*  Five  or  six  miles  north  of  Mand^ 

*  '*  In  the  present  day  there  are  not  such  forests  near  Sipri  as  to  afford  shelter  for 
dxoyes  of  elephanU,"— Briggs,  Firishta,  vol.  il  p.  216. 

»  "Lagr&ni"  in  one  MS. ;  Bad&(ini  (vol.  ii.  p.  80)  has  <<  Oahr&wali."  ^JUi* 
•^T.M/i.       jKU^— ^ifciar-wdwtf,  ToL  ii  p.  298.  ^ 

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292  KIZAMtr-D  DHf  AHITAD. 

who  had   fell   constrained   to    speak    about    and  censare  hia 

offences  to  his  son  and  successor.    His  unseemly  conduct  at 

length  compelled  the  Emp^tor  to  hanish  him,  whereupon  he 

went  to  Oujar&t.    From  thence  he  proceeded  to  Mecca,  and 

after  staying  there  some  time  he  returned  to  the  Court  of  Hn- 

m&jtin.    Upon  the  demise  of  the  crown,  Bair&m  Khim  Eh&n- 

khdn&n  became  the  ruling  power  in  the  State,  and  he,  knowing 

the  character  of  the  Ehw&ja,  procured  an  order  for  his  exile^ 

After  his  banishment,  the  Ehw&ja  stayed  for  a  while  in  Oojar&t, 

but  subsequently  returned  to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor.    Bair&m 

Eh4n  then  countenanced  him,  and  he  received  some  degree  of 

attention.    Upon  the  disgrace  of  Bair&m  Eh&n,  the  Emperor 

took  compassion  on  the  Khw&ja,  and  gave  him  some  districts  in 

jdgir.    But  the  Ehw&ja^s  perverse  and  evil  nature  got  the  better 

of  him,   and  he  was  guilty  of  some  disgraceful  deeds.     To 

mention  one — There  was  a  woman  named  Fatima  attached  to 

the  harem  of  the  late  Emperor,  and  the  Ehw&ja  had  taken  to 

himself  a  daughter  of  hers  named  Zuhra  Agha.     After  some 

time  he  formed  the  design  of  putting  her  to  death.    Upon  her 

mother  being  informed  of  this  fact,  she  hastened  to  make  it 

known  to  the   Emperor,   and  to  crave  his  protection.      The 

Emperor  was  just  about  to  start  on  a  hunting  excursion,  and 

he  assured  the  poor  mother  that  he  would  take  measures  to 

rescue  her  daughter  from  the  Ehw&ja.     Accordingly  he  sent 

T&hir  Muhammad  Eh&n  Mir-i  fardghat  and  Bustam  Eh&n  to 

give  the  Ehw&ja  notice  that  the  Emperor  was  about  t<o  visit  him. 

When  T&hir  Muhammad  reached  his  house,  he  was  so  enraged 

tliat  he  killed  the  poor  woman.    As  soon  as  the  Emperor  arrived, 

and  was  informed  of  the  Ehw&ja's  cruel  actions,  which  cried 

for  punishment,  he  gave  orders  to  his  followers  to  well  thrash 

him,  and  then  to  put  him  in  a  boat  and  souse  him  several  times 

in  the  river.^     After  this  he  sent  him  a  prisoner  to  the  fort  of 

Gwalior,  where  he  died  in  confinement. 

1  Ab(&-1  Fail  lays  the  Emperor  had  him  and  his  Tile  anociatec  bound  hand  ftad 
foot  and  cast  into  the  river.  Although  immersed  several  tiroes,  he  would  not  drown, 
and  wheneyer  he  came  up  he  abused  the  Emperor.  He  died  insane.— uliter-ndaM^ 
ToL  ii.  p.  276. 

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TiLBAKiH*.!  AEBABr.  298 

Mtnd  Sulaimdn*8  Third  Visii  to  KiM. 

It  has  been  before  narrated  how  Mirzi  Salaim&n  came  to  the 
reaciie  of  Hirz&  Mahammad  Hakim,  and  bow,  after  overthrowing 
Sh&h  Abfi-l  Ma^&li,  he  gArejdgirs  to  his  own  adherents,  and  then 
retnmed  home.  Hirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  and  his  people,  being 
greatly  annoyed  by  these  Badakhsh&nis,  drove  them  oat  of 
E&buL  Mirz&  Snlaim&n  then  came  again  with  a  large  army  to 
take  revenge  for  this  expulsion.  Mirz&  Mahammad  Hakim  left 
B&ki  K&ksh&l  in  command  of  his  followers  at  K&bul,  and  went 
off  himself  to  Jal&l&b&d  and  Parsh&war.  Upon  reaching  the 
river  M&r&n,^  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  learnt  how  Mirz&  Mahammad 
Hakim  had  abandoned  E&bul,  and  gone  to  Jal&l&b&d. 

Mirzi  Mahammad  Hakim  went  on  from  Parshiwar  to  the 
shores  of  the  Indus,  and  from  thence  forwarded  to  the  Emperor  a 
letter  containing  a  statement  of  his  grievances.  Mirz&  Sulaim&n, 
on  learning  that  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  had  made  an  appeal 
to  the  Emperor,  and  had  left  Parsh&war,  stationed  one  of  his 
adherents  named  Kambar  ¥rith  three  hundred  men  at  Jal&l&bU, 
and  went  towards  E&bul. 

When  the  statement  of  Mirzi  Mahammad  Hakim  reached  the 
Imperial  Gourt,  an  order  was  given  directing  all  the  nobles  and 
jdgirddrs  of  the  Panjib  (such  as  Mahammad  £uli  Kh&n  Birl&s 
Kh&n-i  Eal&n,  Eutbu-d  din  Muhammad  Eh&n,  TSjon&l  Eh&n 
Oakhar,  and  others)  to  assemble  their  forces  and  march  to  the 
assistance  of  Mirzi  Muhammad  Hakim.  These  nobles,  in 
obedience  to  the  command,  proceeded  to  the  Indus,  and  joined 
Muhammad  Hakim.  Then  they  began  their  march  to  recover 
E4buL  On  reaching  JaUUb&d  they  sent  Mirz&  Eas&n  into  the 
place  to  summon  Eambar,  Mirz&  Sulaim&n'^s  representative,  to 
surrender;  but  that  doomed  one  would  not  submit,  so  the 
Imperial  forces  attacked  the  fort.  They  took  it  in  an  hour, 
and  put  Eambar  and  all  his  three  hundred  men  to  the  sword. 
Two  men  were  allowed  to  go  and  carry  the  intelligence  to 

»  One  HS.  Mji  amply  «<lfae  riro." 

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294  NIZAMT7.D  DfN  AHMAD. 

Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  and  the  head  ot  Eambar,  with  the  news  of 
the  capture  of  the  city,  was  sent  to  Bdki  K&ksh&l  at  E&bul. 

Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  on  hearing  of  the  &n  of  Jalal&b&d,  and 
the  approach  of  the  royal  forces,  fled  to  Badakhshan.  Mirzi 
Muhammad  Hakim,  escorted  by  the  Imperial  nobles,  returned 
to  K&bul,  and  again  assumed  the  Government.  The  nobles, 
in  obedience  to  the  orders  which  they  had  received  from  the 
Emperor,  then  returned  to  their  jdgirs^  excepting  £han-i  Kal&n, 
who  had  been  appointed  guardian  of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim. 
Shortly  afterwards  the  Mirz&,  without  consulting  Eh&n-i  Kal&n, 
gave  his  sister,  who  had  formerly  been  married  to  Sh&h  Abu-1 
Ma'41i,  to  be  the  wife  of  Ehw&ja  Husain  Nakshabandi,  a  de- 
scendant of  Ehw&ja  Bah&u-d  din.  Presuming  upon  the  im- 
portance he  had  acquired  by  this  marriage,  the  £hw&ja  began 
to  interfere  in  the  afiairs  of  the  Mirza,  and  to  call  Kh&n-i  Kal&n 
to  account.  The  Kh&n  was  a  hot-tempered  man,  and  would  not 
endure  this,  so  he  left  E&bul,  and  went  to  Lahore  without  taking 
leave.  Then  he  made  a  report  of  what  had  occurred  to  the 
Emperor. 

Tenth  Year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Sunday,  9ih 
Sha'b&n,  972  h.  (U  March,  1565  a.d.}.  At  the  beginning  of  this 
year  His  Majesty  wished  to  go  elephant  hunting.  Scouts  were 
accordingly  sent  out  to  seek  for  the  animals,  and  to  report  when 
they  found  them.  On  the  1st  Kajab,  972,  the  Emperor  himself 
started  for  I^arwar  and  Qarha  by  way  of  Dhulp6r.  Upon 
reaching  Narwar,  he  pitched  his  camp.  The  scouts  then  reported 
that  there  were  several  herds  of  elephants  in  the  neighbouring 
jungles.  His  Majesty  speedily  went  to  the  jungle,  and  returned 
after  capturing  all  the  elephants.  Another  day  the  scouts 
brought  news  to  the  camp  that  there  were  many  elephants  in 
a  desert  about  eight  koa  distant.  The  royal  servants  started  off, 
and  towards  the  close  of  the  day  they  found  the  animals,  every 
one  of  which  they  captured*     They  drove  them  towards  the  fort 

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TABAKXT-I  AKBARr.  295 

of  P&nwa,  where  they  arrived  in  the  middle  of  the  night.  Three 
hundred  and  fifty  elephants  were  taken  that  day.  From  thence 
they  returned  to  the  royal  camp,  which  was  in  the  vicinity  of 
Garha.  There  it  remained  nearly  twenty  days.  The  hot  season 
now  came  on,  and  the  unhealthy  winds  blew,  and  many  men  in 
the  camp  became  weak  and  ill,  so  His  Majesty  returned  to  Agra. 

Building  of  the  Fort  of  Agra. 

In  this  year  the  command  was  given  for  building  a  new  fort 
of  hewn  stone  at  Agra,  instead  of  tlie  old  citadel,  which  was  of 
brick,  and  had  become  ruinous.  The  foundation  was  accordingly 
laid,  and  in  four  years  the  fortress  was  completed.^  In  these 
days  it  has  no  equal  in  the  world.  The  walls  are  ten  gaz  in 
thickness,  and  are  built  of  stone  and  mortar.  The  stones  are  cut 
on  both  sides,  and  are  joined  with  the  greatest  nicety.  The 
height  of  the  fort  is  more  than  forty  gaz.  There  is  a  moat  dug 
all  round,  and  faced  on  both  sides  with  stone  and  mortar.  It  is 
twenty  gaz  wide  and  ten  ffaz  deep,  and  water  is  conducted  into  it 
from  the  river  Jumna.  The  cost  of  this  building  was  nearly 
three  krors  of  tankaa}  The  date  of  foundation  of  its  gates  is 
found  in  the  words  "  bindi  dar-i  bihiaht "  (974  h.). 

Rebeltion  of  *Ali  KuU  Khdn^zamdn,  Ibrdhim  Khan,  and  Sikandar 

Khdn. 

In  consequence  of  the  severe  proceedings  against  'Abdu-lla 
Kh&n  Uzbek,  which  have  been  narrated  above,  an  opinion  got 
abroad  that  the  Emperor  had  a  bad  opinion  of  the  Uzbeks. 
When  the  Emperor  went  to  Narwar  elephant  hunting,  Ashraf 
Kh&n  Mir-munshi  was  sent  to  Sikandar  Eh&n,  to  conciliate  him 
with  gracious  promises  of  the  Emperor's  favour,  and  to  bring  him 
to  Court.    As  Ashraf  Kh&n  approached  Oudh,  which  was  the 

1  The  work  wai  carried  on  under  the  direction  of  Efisim  Kb&n  Mlr-i  harr  o  hahr^ 
tnd  was  completed  in  eight  jeKn.^Akbar-ndmd,  toI.  ii.  p.  311. 

*  An  aneaement  in  money  amounting  to  the  ralae  of  three  nr»  of  grain  petjarib 
of  land  was  imposed,  and  oollecton  and  officers  {tawdeAi)  were  appointed  to  realize  it 
from  ikeJdflrddrt.'-BtMtaalf  yoL  ii.  p.  7i. 

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296  NIZAMU-D  DrK  AHMAD. 

jdgir  of  Sikandar  Eh&n,  the  latter  eame  out  io  meet  him,  and 
conducted  him  to  his  house  with  a.U  due  ceremony.  He  sub- 
mitted to  the  Emperor'^s  command,  and  acted  as  if  he  meant  to 
go  to  Court.  But  after  some  days  he  said  to  Ashraf  Eh&n, 
*'  Ibr&him  Kh&n  is  a  much  greater  man  than  I,  and  he  is  in  this 
neighbourhood ;  the  best  thing  we  can  do  is  to  go  to  him,  and 
get  him  to  acquiesce  in  your  demand.  We  will  then  go  to 
Court  together."  Upon  this  understanding  they  went  to  the 
town  of  Sar&war,^  which  was  ihQ  jdgir  of  Ibr&him  £h&n. 

When  Sikandar  Khin  and  Ibrihim  KJian  met,  they  took  coun- 
sel together^  and  resolved  to  consult  with  'All  Kuli  Kh&n,  who 
was  one  of  their  own  tribe,  and  was  the  Emperor's  representatiye 
in  their  part  of  the  country.  In  pursuance  of  this  resolution, 
and  with  the  concurrence  of  Ashraf  Kh&n,  they  proceeded  to 
Jamipur,  the  jdgir  of  Kh&n-zam&n.  After  consultation  their 
judgment  was  adverse  to  the  course  proposed,  and  they  deter- 
mined to  rebel.  They  improperly  detained  Ashraf  Kh&n,  and  then 
broke  into  open  rebellion.  Ibr&him  Kh&n  and  Sikandar  Kh&n 
went  to  Lucknow,  full  of  hostile  designs.  Kh&n-zam&n  and  his 
brother  went  to  Karra  M&nikpdr,  and  there  began  their  revolt. 

Sh&ham  Kh&n  Jalair,  Sh&h  Bid&gh  Kh&n,  Amir  Kh&n, 
Muhammad  Amin  Diw&na,  Sult&n  Kuli  Kh&ld&r,  with  all  the 
jdgirddra  of  his  neighbourhood,  Sh&h  T&hir  Badakhshi,  the 
brother  of  Sh&h  Khalilu-Ua,  and  other  nobles,  being  informed  of 
these  rebellious  proceedings,  marched  out  against  the  rebels,  and 
fought  against  them.  In  the  course  of  the  fighting  Muhammad 
Arain  fell  from  his  horse,  and  was  made  prisoner  by  the  rebels. 
Sh&ham  Kh&n  and  Bid&gh  Kh&n  exerted  themselves  most 
strenuously,  but  as  the  forces  of  the  rebek  more  than  doubled 
their  own,  they  were  obliged  to  retreat  and  shut  themselves  up 
in  the  fort  of  Namfkh&,*  firom  whence  they  sent  an  account  to  the 
Emperor. 

1  **  Snrhaip^."— BadMni,  toL  u.  |i.  75.  Akbar^dmrn,  toL  iL  p.  tl4.  8iir« 
haipUr  is  in  the  aarkdr  of  Jaimptlr. — ^^of  s  Olottaiy,  toL  ii.  p.  113. 

*  Yar.  **  Kamakha."  *•  Nim-kah&r."— Bad46ni.  ^  NitakMxr^Akbm^mimt,  vol. 
iL  p.  815. 


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TABAKiCT-I  AEBA&r.  297 

JOukorwrnia  and  hia  brother  Bah&dar  £h&n  now  ahowed 
tkair  dispoaitiona,  and  began  to  plander  the  country  in  their 
neighbourhood.  Majntin  Kh&n  K&ksh&l,^  the  jdgirddr  of  that 
quarter,  ahat  himself  up  in  the  fort  <^  M&nikpur.  He  sent  to 
inform  XaaS  Eh&n  £hw&ja  'Abda-1  Majid,  governor  of  Garha^ 
of  the  state  of  affairs,  and  summoned  him  to  his  side.  Leaving 
a  detaehment  in  charge  of  the  country  of  €ku*ha,  ii^af  Kh&n 
proceeded  with  a  strong  force  to  Kanra,  which  was  his  own  j'dgir. 
There  he  divided,  as  a  bounty  among  the  soldiers,  the  treasures 
of  Chaur&garh  which  had  fallen  into  his  hands.  He  also  sent 
a  laig^  sum  to  Majndn  Eh&n.  JCb9£  Eh&n  and  Majnun  Ehfin 
took  a  bold  course,  and  went  forth  to  confront  the  rebels,  and 
sent  a  report  to  the  Emperor  of  the  position* 

When  the  statements  of  the  amin  reached  the  Emperor  at  his 
encampment,  he  resolved  to  punish  these  attempts.  He  ordered 
Mu'nim  Eh&n  Eh&n-kh&n&n  to  march  in  advance  with  a  strong 
force,  and  to  cross  over  the  river  at  Eanauj,  to  keep  the  enemy 
in  check.  He  himself  remained  behind  a  few  days  to  collect  and 
organize  his  forces.  In  the  month  of  Shaww&l  he  crossed  over 
the  Jumna,  and  marched  to  chastise  the  rebels.  Upon  approach- 
ing Kanauj,  Mu'nim  Eh&n  came  forth  to  meet  him,  bringing 
with  him  Eiy&  Eh&n  Gang,  who  had  joined  the  rebels,  and 
begged  forgiveness  for  him.  The  Emperor  pardoned  his  crime, 
and  restored  him  to  his  former  position.  He  remained  ten  days 
waiting  for  an  opportunity  to  cross  the  river. 

When  the  waters  subsided,  intelligence  was  brought  that 
Sikandar  Eh&n,  heedless  of  what  was  to  happen,  was  still  in 
Lucknow.  Thereupon  His  Majesty  left,  Ehw&ja  Jah&n,  Mu« 
zaffiir  Eh&n,  and  Mu'in  Eh&n  in  charge  of  the  camp,  while  he 
himself  started  off  at  midnight  with  a  valiant  body  of  men  to 
march  against  the  rebel  with  all  speed.  That  night  and  the 
next  day  he  struggled  through  all  obstacles  without  taking  rest, 
and  on  the  following  morning  came  in  sight  of  Sikandar  at 
Lucknow.  As  soon  as  Sikandar  heard  of  his  approach^  he  hastily 
^  Bee  Blochnuuu's  JTM-i  Aktw^ij  vol.  L  p.  869. 

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298  KIZAHU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

abandoned  Lucknow  and  fled.  The  horses  of  the  Emperor^s 
force  were  quite  worn  out  with  fatigue,  so  Sikandar  made  his 
escape,  and  went  off  unmolested  to  £h&n-zaman  and  Bah&dur 
Kh&n.  They  also  were  now  alarmed,  and  retreated  from  before 
Asaf  Eh&n  to  Jaunpur.  They  marched  fi'om  thence,  and 
sending  forward  their  adherents,  they  crossed  the  river  at  the 
ferry  of  Narhan,  and  halted  on  the  other  side  of  the  river. 

The  Emperor  sent  on  Yusuf  Muhammad  £h&n^  in  advance  from 
Lucknow,  and  himself  followed  close  after  him.  He  encamped 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  Jaunpdr,  and  there  Asaf  Kh4n  and 
Majntin  Eh&n  came  to  pay  their  respects,  and  were  graciously 
received.  Asaf  Kh&n  brought  with  him  some  costly  offerings, 
which  were  accepted.  Next  day  his  army,  which  had  been  got 
together  by  means  of  the  treasures  of  Garha,  and  numbered  five 
thousand  horse,  was  drawn  out  in  the  plain  and  reviewed  by 
His  Majesty,  who  expressed  his  royal  satisfaction.  On  Friday, 
the  12th  ZI-1  hijja,  the  royal  forces  entered  the  citadel  of  Jaun- 
pdr.  Orders  were  given  to  Asaf  Khkn  and  other  great  nobles 
to  cross  over  the  Ganges  at  the  ferry  of  Narhan,  where  ^Ali 
EuU  Eh&n  and  his  followers  had  passed,  and  then  to  go  to 
confront  the  rebels,  and  act  according  to  circumstances.  Asaf 
Khan,  in  obedience  to  orders,  crossed  the  Ganges  with  the  force 
under  his  command. 

Between  "All  Euli  Eh&n-zam&n  and  Sulaim^n  Kir&ni  Afgh&n, 
ruler  of  Bengal,  there  was  a  strong  alliance  and  identity  of 
interest ;  it  was  therefore  deemed  expedient  to  send  an  envoy  to 
Sulaim&n,  in  order  to  forbid  his  rendering  assistance  to  Kh&n- 
zam&n.  H&jf  Muhammad  Eh&n  Sist&ni,  a  man  remarkable  for 
prudence,  was  accordingly  sent.  When  he  reached  the  fort  of 
Boht&s,  some  Afgh&n  chie&,  who  were  in  league  with  ^Ali  Kali 
Kh&n,  arrested  him  and  sent  him  to  'Ali  Kuli.  The  H&ji  was 
on  very  friendly  terms  with  the  Kh&n,  who  was  greatly  pleased 
to  see  him,  and  did  his  utmost  to  treat  him  with  respect  and 
honour.  The  Kh&n  thought  it  advisable  to  make  the  H&ji  the 
1  Son  of  the  Ute  Atka  Kh&n. 

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TABAKiCT.I  AKBARf.      ^WBfP  299 


medium  of  seeking  forgiveness  for  his  offences,  and  determined 
to  send  his  mother  along  with  the  Haji  to  make  intercession  at 
Court.     The  result  of  this  proceeding  will  be  hereafter  narrated. 

Orissa, 

The  B&ja  of  Orissa,  one  of  the  divisions  of  the  province  of 
Bengal,  was  a  powerful  chief,  and  kept  a  strong  hand  over  all 
the  surrounding  country.  The  Emperor  sent  Husain  Eh&n 
Ehaz&nchi  and  Mah&p&tar,  who  was  an  accomplished  master  of 
Bindi  music,  on  an  embassy  to  the  B&ja,  holding  out  great 
promises  of  favour  and  distinction  to  induce  him  to  prevent 
Sulaim&n  Eh^  Afgh&n  from  rendering  any  assistance  to  "^Ali 
Kuli  Ehdn.  After  honourably  entertaining  Husain  Eh&n  and 
Mah&p&tar  for  four  months,  he  sent  them  back  to  Court  with 
several  fine  elephants  and  other  splendid  presents.  This  country 
of  Orissa  is  an  extensive  territory,  of  which  the  capital  is  Jagan- 
n&th — Js^ann&th  being  an  idol  which  gives  name  and  renown  to 
the  city. 

FUght  of  A^aqf  Khdn  to  Oarha. 

After  Asaf  Eh&n  had  joined  the  Emperor  and  shown  his 
forces,  Muzaffar  Eh&n  showed  hostility  towards  him,  and  in- 
duced some  persons  to  bring  charges  against  him  in  respect  of 
the  plunder  of  Garha.  He  himself  also  alarmed  KssS  Eh&n 
with  some  significant  observations.  This  filled  the  heart  of  Asaf 
Eh&n  with  suspicion  «nd  anxiety.  When  he  was  made  com- 
mander of  the  forces,  and  was  sent  against  ^Ali  Euli  Eh&n,  he 
seized  the  opportunity,  and  at  midnight  went  off  with  his  brother 
Wazir  Eh&n,  and  his  party,  towards  Earra.  Next  day  the  chief 
nobles,  without  delay,  communicated  the  &ct  of  his  flight  to  the 
Emperor,  and  the  Emperor  appointed  Mu'nim  Eh&n  to  succeed 
him  in  the  command.  He  also  sent  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  with  a 
detachment  in  pursuit  of  A^saf  Eh&n,  to  chastise  him  for  his 
conduct.  When  Shuj&'at  Eh&n  reached  M&nikpur,  he  found 
that  Asaf  Eh&n  had  gone  to  Earra,  and  intended  to  proceed 


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300  NIZiCMU.D  BFN  AHMAD. 

from  thenee  to  Gfarba-Eataiika.^  Sbuj&'at  Kb&n  emUarked  his 
men  in  boat4i,  intending  to  cross  the  river,  and  Xsaf  Kh&n,  being 
informed  of  tbis,  turned  back  to  tbe  river-bank,  and  reacbed  it 
as  tbe  boats  arrived.  A  great  straggle  ensued,  in  whieb  Aisaf 
Eb&n  succeeded  in  preventing  tbe  landing  of  Sbuj&'at  Kb&n, 
wbo  was  obliged  to  return  to  bis  own  side  at  night&ll.  In  the 
course  of  the  night,  Asaf  Kh&n  resumed  bis  flight,  and  next 
morning  Sbuj&'at  Kb&n  crossed  the  river  in  pursuit ;  but  finding 
tbe  attempt  to  overtake  him  hopeless,  he  fell  back  and  rejoined 
the  Emperor  at  Jaunpur, 

Mission  of  Kalij  Khdn  to  the  Fori  of  BoMds. 

This  fort  is  situated  in  Bih&r,  and  in  height  and  strength 
excels  all  tbe  fortresses  of  Hindust&n.  Tbe  surface  of  the  bill 
upon  which  the  fort  is  built  is  more  than  fourteen  kos  in  length, 
and  its  width  is  three  kos^  and  the  height  from  the  plain  to  the 
battlements  is  about  half  a  kos.*  From  tbe  time  of  Sher  Kb&n 
Afgh&n  it  remained  in  the  hands  of  the  Afgh&ns,  until  the  time 
when  Sulaim&n  Eir&ni  became  ruler  of  Bengal  Fath  Eb&n  Tibati 
then  seized  upon  it,  and  refused  to  submit  to  Sulaim&n.  In  tbe 
year  972  h.,  Sulaim&n  collected  an  army,  and  in  the  expectation 
of  the  help  of  'Ali  £ull  Eh&n  marched  against  Boht&s,  and 
laid  si^e  to  it. 

When  the  Imperial  forces  marched  in  that  direction  against 
Kh&n-zam&n,  Fath  Eb£n,  seizing  upon  this  favourable  chance,' 
sent  his  brother  Husain  Kb&n  to  the  Emperor  with  rich 
presents,  and  with  a  message  in  which  he  said  that  tbe  fort 
belonged  to  the  Emperor,  and  that  be  would  send  him  the 
keys  as  soon  as  the  Imperial  camp  was  pitched  at  Jannpdr. 

^  Near  JabalpAr,  in  Central  India.  See  a  note  in  BIoclimann'B  Aln^i  Akbarf^ 
jol  I  p.  S67. 

*  Agriculture  ii  carried  on  within  the  fortren,  and  water  is  so  abandant  that  if  a 
peg  IB  driyen  into  the  gronndi  or  a  hole  is  dug  for  a  fire,  water  is  ererywhere  found. 
— Badfttinf,  toL  ii.  p.  78. 

'  Abd-1  Fazl  says  that  Fath  Ehfin  having  professed  all^:iance,  the  Emperor  sent 
EalQ  Kh&n  to  arrange  matters.  He  was  so  far  successful  that  Fath  Kh&n  sent  hii 
brother  with  KaUj  Kh&n  to  wait  upon  Akbar.— uil^Mr^n^nui,  yol.  il  p.  2S6. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKfiARf.  801 

Salaim&n,  on  being  infbimed  of  the  approach  of  the  Imperial 
forces,  raised  the  siege.  Fath  Kh4n  being  thus  relieved  of 
his  adversary,  brought  into  the  fort  all  the  provisions  he  could 
collect.  Repenting  of  having  sent  his  brother  on  the  mission, 
he  now  -wrote  to  him  directions  to  make  his  escape,  and  come 
into  the  fort,  which  -was  well  stored.  When  the  Emperot 
encamped  at  Jannpdr,  Husain  Kh&n  requested  that  some  one 
might  be  sent  with  him  to  receive  the  keys  of  the  fort.  Kalfj 
Kh&n  was  accordingly  sent  to  receive  the  keys  from  Fath  Kh&n, 
and  bring  them  to  the  Emperor.  But  when  EaUj  Eh&n  reached 
Boht&s,  Fath  Eh&n  affected  to  comply,  and  detained  him  some 
days.  Kalij  Eh4n  at  length  discovered  the  duplicity  of  Fath 
Eh&n,  and  returned  to  Court  unsuccessful. 

Proceedings  of  'Ali  Kutt  Khdn  {KMn-zamdn). 

When  'Ali  Euli  Eh&n  faced  the  Imperial  forces  at  the  ferry 
of  Narhan,  he  sent  his  brother  Bah&dur  Eh£n,  in  company  with 
Sikandar  Eh&n,  to  the  country  of  Sarw&r,^  in  order  to  stir  up 
a  rebellion  in  that  country.  When  this  news  reached  His 
Majesty's  ears,  he  issued  orders  for  several  of  the  chief  nobles^ 
sudi  as  Sh&h  Bid&gh  Eh&n  and  his  son  'Abdu-1  Matlab  Eh&u 
Eiy&  Eh&n  and  *  *  *  to  march  against  Sikandar  and  Bah&dur 
Eh&n,  under  the  command  of  Mir  Mu'izu-1  Mulk,  who  was  a 
descendant  of  the  Saiyids  of  Meshhed,  and  was  renowned  for 
his  valour.^ 

It  has  been  already  mentioned  that  Eh&n-kh&n&n  (Mu^nim 
Eh&n)  was  sent  to  take  the  place  of  Asaf  Ehan  in  command 
of  the  army,  which  confronted  Eh&n-zam&n  at  the  ferry  of 
Narhan.  Between  Eh&n-kh&n&n  and  Eh&n-zam&n  there  was  an 
old  and  warm  friendship,  and  when  they  were  thus  opposed  to 
each  other,  a  correspondence  was  opened,  and  it  was  agreed  that 

>  So  in  the  M8S.,  and  lo  written  aUo  hy  Bad&6ni  and  Ab6-1  FasL  It  would 
therefore  leem  to  be  another  name  of  Snrharptfr.    See  note  n^rd,  p*  290. 

*  Bad&dnf  (vol.  ii.  pp.  70,  80),  on  the  eontrarj,  speakB  of  hie  incapacitj,  and  ii 
ttreaatie  about  the  impraeticid  temper  of  the  people  of  Meshhed.  Bee  BloahmaBn'f 
Abt^  JUtbari,  yol.  L  p.  881. 


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802  KIZAHXT-D  DTK  AHMAD. 

Kh&n-zani&n  shoold  wait  upon  Kh&n-kh&n^n  to-  discuss  the 
terms  of  peace.  The  negociations  lingered  on  for  four  or  five 
months,  and  warlike  operations  were  suspended. 

The  Emperor  then  sent  Khw&ja-jah&n  and  Darb&r  Kh&n  to 
the  army,  to  ascertain  and  report  if  this  cessation  of  hostilities 
were  advisable,  and  if  not  to  order  an  immediate  advance  of  the 
Imperial  forces  over  the  river  against  the  rebels.  When  Khw&ja- 
jah&n  and  Darbfir  Khkn  reached  the  army,  Khan-zaman  resolved 
to  profit  by  their  arrival,  and  having  offered  his  congratulations 
he  brought  forward  his  proposals  of  peace.  After  many  com- 
munications and  much  correspondence,  it  was  agreed  that  Khfin- 
zam&n  and  Ibr&him  Eh&n  on  one  side,  and  Khw&ja  Jah£n  and 
Darb&r  Kh&n  on  the  other  side,  should  have  an  interview  in 
boats  in  the  middle  of  the  river.*  After  a  long  discussion  it  was 
determined  that  Kh&n-zam&n  should  send  his  mother^  'AH  Eh&n, 
and  Ibr&Iiim  Khkn  his  uncle,  to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor,  to  ask 
pardon  for  his  offences.  Upon  receiving  forgiveness  the  Kh£n 
and  his  brother  and  Sikandar  Kh&n  were  to  go  to  Guurt.  Eh&n- 
zaman  was  also  to  send  with  his  mother  some  elephants  which 
he  possessed.  These  matters  being  agreed  upon,  Kh&n-zam&n 
returned  to  his  camp.  Kh&n-kh&n&n  and  KhwajVjah&n  wrote 
a  statement  of  the  settlement,  and  sent  it  by  Darb&r  Eh&n  to 
the  Emperor.  Next  day  'Ali  Kuli  Khfin  sent  his  mother,  and 
Ibr&him  Kh&n,  and  the  elephants  in  charge  of  Mir  H&di  his 
Sadr^  and  Niz&m  Xki^  one  of  his  confidants.  Ehdn-kh&nfin 
and  Khw&ja-jah&n  took  them  and  the  elephants,  and  proceeded 
to  Court  to  ask  formveness  for  Ehan-zam&n. 

Just  at  this  time  accounts  arrived  of  the  operations  which 
Mir  Mu'izu-1  Mulk  and  the  other  nobles  were  carrying  on 
against  Bah&dur  Eh&n  and  Sikandar,  whom  Eh&n-zam&n  had 
sent  to  create  disturbances  and  make  a  diversion  in  the  sarkdr 

^  AM-l  Fazl  condemns  Eh&n-kh&n&n's  simplicity,  says  that  it  was  he  who  met 
Eh&n-xam&n  on  the  riYer  and  settled  the  terms  of  peace,  and  that  at  his  reoom- 
mendation  the  Emperor  sent  Khwfcja-jah&n  to  reassure  Kh<in-sam&n.— ^Jk60r'»d«iay 
vol.  ii.  p.  326.  But  Bad&6nl  states  (vol.  ii.  p.  79)  that  Eh&n-kh&n&n  and  Shw&ja- 
jah&n  went  together  to  the  meeting,  attended  by  three  or  four  others. 


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TABAEAT-I  AEBARr.  303 

of  Sarw£r.  When  intelligence  of  the  approach  of  the  royal 
forces  reached  them,  they  halted  where  they  were,  and  sent 
persons  to  Mir  Mu*iza-1  Mulk  to  assure  him  that  they  had  no 
wish  to  contend  against  him,  and  entreated  him  to  be  the 
mediator  to  obtain  their  forgiveness  from  the  Emperor.  They 
promised  to  send  the  elephant  which  they  had  as  an  offering, 
and  to  return  to  their  duty  upon  pardon  being  vouchsafed  to 
them.  Mu'izu-1  Mulk  sent  to  say  that  their  offences  could  be 
purified  only  by  the  sword.  Bah&dur  Kh&n  again  sent  a  person 
to  Mu''izu-l  Mulk  to  propose  that  he  should  wait  upon  him, 
and  discuss  the  matter.  Mu'izu-1  Mulk  agreed  to  this,  and  went 
to  the  border  of  his.  camp,  whither  Bah&dur  Kh&n  came  to  meet 
him,  and  to  make  his  propositions  of  peace.  But  Mu'izu-1  Mulk 
would  hear  of  nothing  but  war,  so  Bah&dur  Kh&n  returned 
disappointed,  and  resolved  to  make  ready  for  battle. 

Lashkar  Eh&n  Mir  Bakhshi  and  B&j&  Todar  MaP  now  arrived 
with  reinforcements  for  the  royal  artny,'  and  Bah&dur  Kh&n  and 
Sikandar  Kh&n  renewed  their  proposals  of  peace,  and  asked  for 
a  delay  until  it  was  ascertained  what  answer  was  given  by 
the  Emperor  to  the  mother  of  Kh&n-jah&n  and  to  Ibr&him 
£h&n,  who  had  been  sent  to  sue  for  forgiveness.  But  Mu'izu-1 
Mulk  was  so  eager  for  war'  that  he  would  not  listen  to  their 
words,  and  so  brought  upon  himself  defeat. 

Mu'izu-1  Mulk  drew  out  his  forces  for  battle,  and  sent  on  his 

1  R&J&  Todar  Mai,  the  celebrated  financier  and  administrator,  was  a  Ehatri  and 
a  native  of  Lahore.  His  father  died  when  the  8on  was  quite  yonng,  and  left  no 
provision  for  him.  The  yonng  man  entered  life  as  a  writer,  but  he  soon  rose  from 
that  humble  position,  and  was  employed  by  Sher  Sh&h  in  superintending  the 
erection  of  New  Bohtfes  (tM/>rd,  p.  114).  It  was  under  the  able  government 
of  Sher  Sh&h  that  his  natural  talents  were  trained  and  doTeloped,  so  that  he  was 
afterwards  of  inestimable  service  to  Akhar,  and  made  a'  name  which  still  remains 
famous.  This  is  the  first  time  the  Tabakdt  mentions  him,  but  henceforward  he  is 
one  of  the  most  prominent  and  active  of  all  the  able  subordinates  of  Akbar.  He 
died  on  the  1 1th  day  of  the  year  998  (10  Not.  1589). 

*  **  They  were  sent  to  hasten  on  a  decision  either  for  peace  or  war." — Bad&iini, 
ToL  ii.  p.  80. 

'  *'  Ma*i2  was  all  fire,  and  Rfij&  Todar  Mai  poured  on  oil  and  naphtha."— Bad&6n!, 
ToL  iu  p.  80. 


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304  NizAMtr-0  Bnr  ahmad. 

advanced  guard  under  Muhammad  Amin  Diwifina,  Sallm  Kh&n, 
'Abdu-1  Matlab  Kh&n,  Beg  Mdrin  £h&n,  and  other  vetona 
soldiers ;  he  himself  took  post  with  the  main  body.  On  the  other 
side  Sikandar  had  command  of  the  advance,  and  Bahidur  of 
the  centre.  In  this  order  they  advanced,  and  a  vrarm  action 
ensued.  The  royal  forces  defeated  the  advanced  division  nnder 
the  command  of  Sikandar.  Muhammad  T&r,  his  son-in-law,  was 
killed,  and  he  himself  fell  back  to  the  Black  Biver,  which  was  in 
his  rear.  Many  of  his  soldiers  were  drowned  in  the  river,  and 
many  others  died  by  the  sword.  The  victorious  forces  than  broke 
up  in  search  of  plunder.  Mu'izu-l  Mulk,  with  a  few  men,  kept 
his  position,  and  Bah&dur  until  now  did  not  stir  from  his  post. 
But  now  he  seized  the  favourable  moment,  attacked  Mu'izu-l 
Mulk,  and  drove  him  from  his  position.  Muhammad  B&ki  Kh&n 
and  other  of  the  amirs^  under  pretence  of  securing  the  baggage, 
and  some  others,  treacherously  withdrew  themselves  and  stamped 
themselves  with  disloyalty.  Sh&h  Bid&gh  Kh&n,  observing  the 
condition  of  affairs,  hastened  forward,  and  in  the  heat  of  the 
fight  was  unhorsed.  His  son  ^Abdu-1  Matlab  Kh&n  rushed 
forward  to  rescue  his  father ;  but  just  at  that  juncture  a  party 
of  the  enemy  made  a  charge  and  took  Bid^h  Kh&n  prisoner, 
and  it  was  only  by  dint  of  great  exertion  that  ^Abdu-1  Matlab 
made  his  escape.  Mir  Mu'izu-l  Mulk  was  compelled  to  turn  hii 
back  and  flee.  B&j&  Todar  Mai  and  Lashkar  Kh4n,  who  were 
in  reserve,  struggled  valiantly  till  night,  and  maintained  their 
position ;  bat  as  the  centre  had  been  driven  away,  their  efforts 
were  fruitless. 

Next  day  all  the  defeated  forces  assembled  in  one  place,^  and 
made  for  Kanauj,  after  sending  a  report  of  the  engagement  to 
His  Majest}'. 

It  has  already  been  related  how  Kh&n-kh&n&n  conducted  the 

mother  of  Kh&n-zam&n  and  Ibr&him  Kh&n,  with  Mir  H&di  Sadr 

and  Niz&m  Ak&,  to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor.     Ibr&hfm  Kh&n, 

with  uncovered  head  and  with  a  sword  and  shroud  upon  his 

1  '<  At  Shergarh.*'~Bad&QDi,  toI.  ii.  p.  72. 


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TABASiCT-I  AKBABT.  805 

neck,  stepped  forward,  and  Eh&n-kh&n&n  entreated  forgivenesB. 
He  urged  that  the  services  of  Kh&n-zam&n  and  his  brother  to 
the  Imperial  throne  were  manifest  to  all  men^  and  the  services 
they  had  rendered  were  invaluable.  By  the  influence  of  their 
destiny  they  had  now  been  guilty  of  an  offence ;  but  he  trusted 
that  the  boundless  mercy  and  kindness  of  His  Majesty  would 
look  with  an  eye  of  tenderness  upon  the  faults  of  such  useful 
servants. 

When  this  old  servant  thus  besought  forgiveness  for  past 
offences  with  a  &ce  full  of  hope,  the  Emperor,  out  of  the 
kindness  that  he  felt  for  £h&n-kh&n&u,  said,  ^'  For  your  sake, 
I  forgive  their  offences,  but  I  am  not  satisfied  that  they  will 
remain  faithful."  Ehan-kh&nan  then  inquired  what  the  order 
was  as  regarded  their  jdgirs^  and  His  Majesty  replied,  "  As  I 
have  pardoned  their  offences,  what  question  can  there  be  about 
their  jdgira  ?  But  so  long  as  I  remain  in  this  neighbourhood 
they  must  not  come  over  the  river.  When  I  return  to  the 
capital,  they  must  send  their  vakils  there,  and  farmdna  for  their 
jdgira  shall  then  be  issued,  under  which  they  may  take  posses- 
sion/^ Ehan-kh&nan  cast  a  look  of  joy  to  heaven,  and  sent  the 
good  news  of  the  pardon  to  the  mother  of  Kh&n-zaman.  By 
command  of  the  Emperor,  the  sword  and  shroud  were  taken  off 
the  neck  of  Ibr&him  Kh&n.  Kh&n-zam&u's  mother  immediately 
sent  messengers  to  Sikandar  and  Bah&dur  Kh&n,  to  carry  the 
glad  tidings  of  the  pardon,  and  to  inspire  them  with  hope.  She 
also  advised  them  to  send  directly  to  Court  the  elephants  which 
they  possessed.  Sikandar  and  Bah&dur  were  greatly  delighted 
at  this  information,  and  sent  the  elephants  called  Kohp&ra  and 
Saf-shikan,  along  with  other  gifts,  to  His  Majesty. 

At  the  same  time  the  report  arrived  from  B&ja  Todar  Mai 
and  Lashkar  Kh&n  upon  the  action  which  had  been  fouglit,  and 
upon  the  misconduct  of  some  of  the  amirs^  as  above  related. 
His  Majesty  had  pardoned  the  offences  (of  Sikandar  and  Ba- 
h&dur Kh&n),  so  he  said  'Uheir  faults  have  been  forgiven  ;''''  and 
to  carry  out  his  decision  he  sent  orders  to  his  amirs  to  return 

YOU  T.  20 

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306  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

to  Goart.  Mir  Mu'izu-1  Mulk,  E&j&  Todar  Mai,  and  Lashkar 
Kh&Q,  accordingly  returned ;  but  those  who  had  acted  disgrace- 
fully were  forbidden  to  make  their  appearance  for  a  time. 

The  Emperor  then  went  to  visit  the  fort  of  Chunir,  celebrated 
for  its  height  and  strength.  He  made  three  days*  march  from 
Jaunpdr  to  Benares,  and  there  rested  several  days.  From 
thence  he  went  to  the  fortress,  and  having  surveyed  it,  he 
ordered  it  to  be  repaired  and  strengthened.  Here  he  was 
informed  that  there  were  many  elephants  in  the  jungles  of 
Chun&r,  so  he  set  off  with  a  party  of  his  attendants  on  a 
hunting  expedition.  At  ten  kas  distance  they  found  a  herd, 
and  having  captured  ten,  they  returned  to  the  fort  of  Chun&r, 
and  from  thence  to  the  Imperial  camp. 

March  against  Idli  Kuli  Khdn-zamdn. 

It  has  been  above  related  how  Khan-zam&n  was  pardoned, 
and  YAsjdgirB  restored,  upon  condition  that  he  did  not  pass  over 
the  river  without  permission.  But  when  the  Emperor  had  gone 
to  Ghun&r,  he  crossed  the  river,  and  went  to  Muhammad&b&d, 
one  of  the  dependencies  of  Jaunpdr,  and  from  thence  sent  parties 
of  troops  to  occupy  Gh&zipur  and  Jaunpur.  As  soon  as  the 
Emperor  returned  to  his  camp,  he  was  informed  of  this  evil 
proceeding  of  \^1{  Kuli  Eh&n's,  and  he  said  reproachfully  to 
Eh&n-kh&n&n,  "  No  sooner  had  I  quitted  this  neighbourhood 
than  ^Ali  Euli  Kh&n  broke  the  conditions  of  his  pardon.**^ 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  looked  mortified,  and  endeavoured  to  make  ex- 
cuse. 

Orders  were  given  for  Ashraf  Kh&n  Mkr-bakhshi  to  go  to 
Jaunpur,  and  make  prisoner  the  mother  of  'Ali  Euli  Eh&n, 
who  was  in  that  city,  and  to  confine  her  in  the  fort  of  Jaunpur. 
He  was  also  to  secure  every  rebel  he  could  lay  hold  of.  Ehw&ja 
Jah&n  and  Muzaffar  Eh&n  were  to  remain  with  the  camp,  and 
lead  it  by  regular  marches.  The  Emperor  himself,  with  a  con- 
siderable force,  started  off  upon  a  rapid  march  against  'Ali  Kuli 
Kh&n.    Ja'&r  Khan,  son  of  Kar&k  Kh&n  Turkom&n^  who  had 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAHr.  307 

come  from  'Ir&k^  went  to  the  fort  of  Gh&zipur,  intending  to 
make  a  dash  at  it ;  but  'Ali  Kuli  Eh&n's  people,  who  were  in 
the  fort^  hearing  of  his  intention,  let  themselves  down  from  the 
walls  on  to  the  river  Ganges,  and  went  to  Muhammad&b&d. 

Kh&n-zamfin,  who  was  in  that  town,  on  being  informed  of 
what  had  occurred,  hastened  to  make  his  escape  by  the  water. 
When  he  reached  the  river  Sarwar  (Sarii),  some  boats,  laden 
with  his  property  and  effects,  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  royal 
forces.  A  body  of  troops  was  sent  across  the  river  with  orders 
to  take  no  rest  until  they  had  secured  Eh&n-zam&n.  The 
forces  under  the  Emperor  occupied  the  banks  of  the  Sarwar 
(Sard),  and  after  searching  all  the  jungles,  they  found  that 
Eh&n-zam4n  had  gone  off  to  the  Siwalik  hills.^  News  now 
arrived  that  Bahddur  Kh4n  had  gone  to  Jaunpur,'  and  liberated 
his  mother.  He  made  Ashraf  Eh&n  prisoner,  and  formed  the 
design  of  making  an  attack  upon  the  royal  camp.'  Upon 
learning  this,  the  Emperor  gave  up  the  chase  of  Kh&n-zam&n, 
and  turned  towards  Jaunpiir.  The  detachment  also,  which  had 
been  sent  on  in  pursuit  of  him,  returned  and  joined  the  Em- 
peror. Sikandar  and  Bahddur  Eh&n,  being  informed  of  this 
movement,  made  a  retreat,  and  crossed  the  Ganges  at  the  ferry 
of  Narhan. 

In  the  month  of  Rajab,  when  the  royal  camp  was  near  the 
pargana  of  Niz&m&b&d,  the  annual  Majlis-i  wazn  was  held. 
Twice  every  year,  on  the  Emperor  s  birthday,  both  according  to 
the  solar  and  lunar  reckoning,  the  ministers  and  nobles  weighed 
the  Emperor  against  gold,  silver,  and  other  things,  which  things 
were  afterwards  distributed  among  the  poor  and  needy.* 

The  Emperor  marched  from  Nizdm&bid  to  Jaunp6r,  where 
he  ordered  a  pleasant  site  to  be  selected,  and  a  splendid  palace 

1  He  proceeded  first  to  the  fort  of  Jalfip&ra. — Akbar-ndma,  toL  ii.  p.  335. 

«  He  took  the  fort  by  escalade.— Bad&fini,  vol.  ii.  p.  83. 

>  He  leyied  contributions  at  Jannptir,  and  afterwards  at  Benares.— -4Ar*or-wrfi»ff, 
Yol.  ii.  p.  336. 

*  This  is  a  Hindu  practice,  and  BadWnl  says  (toI.  ii.  p.  84)  the  gold  and  other 
things  were  given  to  the  brahmans  and  others. 

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308  KIZAHU-D  DMf  AHUAD. 

to  be  built ;  and  the  nobles  also  were  to  bnild  bouses  and  palaces 
suitable  to  their  rank.  For  it  was  determined  that  so  long  as 
'All  KuU  Kh&n  and  his  brother  should  remain  in  the  world, 
Jaunpur  should  be  the  capital  of  the  State.  The  royal  forces 
were  sent  in  pursuit  of  the  fugitives,  with  instructions  to  take 
no  rest  until  they  had  inflicted  the  punishment  due  to  them. 
When  'All  Euli  Kh&n  heard  of  this,  he  left  the  Siwalik  hilk, 
whither  he  had  fled,  and  came  to  the  side  of  the  Ganges.  Then 
he  sent  a  faithful  follower  named  Mirz&  Mubarak  Bizwi^  to 
Court  with  a  message.  This  man  went  along  with  the  mother 
of  Kh&n-zam&n  to  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and  delivered  his  message. 
Kh&n-kh&n&n,  with  the  assistance  of  Mir  'Abdu-1  Latif,  Mull& 
'Abdu-Ua  Makhdumu-1  Mulk,  who  was  Shaikhu-1  Isl&m  of  Hind, 
and  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi  the  8adr^  again  made  intercession  for 
£h&n-zam&n ;  and  the  Emperor,  in  his  great  kindness,  once  more 
pardoned  his  offences. 

£hw&ja-jah&n,  Mir  Murtaza  Sharif!,  and  Makhdumu-1  Mulk 
were  commanded  to  go  to  Kh&n-zam&n,  to  reprove  him,  and  to 
convey  to  him  the  glad  tidings  of  his  forgiveness.  When  the 
party  reached  the  camp  of  Kh&n-zam&n,  he  came  forth  to  meet 
them,  and  conducted  them  with  great  honour  to  his  dwelling. 
He  detained  them  some  time,  and  treated  them  most  respect- 
fully. Then  as  required,  he  expressed  contrition  for  his  faults, 
took  an  oath  of  fidelity,  and  bade  his  visitors  farewell.  The 
Emperor's  opponents  having  repented  of  their  unrighteous  deeds, 
and  made  their  submission,  he  returned  to  the  capital  in  the 
beginning  of  the  eleventh  year  of  the  reign,  corresponding  with 
973  H. 

Eleventh  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Monday,  20th 
Sha'b&n,  973  h.  (12th  March,  1566).  The  Court  reached  the 
capital  ^gra  at  the  beginning  of  this  year,  on  Friday,  the  8th 

1  Thii  was  the  title  he  afterwards  acquired.  He  was  at  this  time  called  llin4 
llirak.— Bad&Qni,  toI.  ii.  p.  S4. 


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TABAKAT-I  AEBART.  809 

Bamazin.  After  a  few  days'  rest  and  pleasnre,  the  Emperor 
▼isited  Nagar-chin,  a  fine  baildiug  which  he  had  founded.  [^Tm 
phaeure  in  the  game  qfchaugdn;  game  played  at  night  tcith  fire- 
balb.  Death  of  Muhammad  Tdsuf  Khdn  Atka,  Kokaltdah  of  the 
JEmperar,Jrom  excessive  drinking,"] 

March  of  Mahdi  Kdsim  Khdn  to  Oarha,  and  Flight  o/A'saf 
Khdn  to  Khdn^zamdn. 

The  Emperor's  mind  being  now  relieved  from  all  anxiety  in 
respect  of  ^Ali  Euli  Eh&n  and  other  rebels,  Mahdl .  E&sim 
Kh&n,  one  of  the  old  nobles  of  the  Imperial  house,  was  sent 
with  3000  or  4000  men  to  Garha  to  settle  the  affairs  of  that 
country,  and  to  capture  Ksvki  Kh&n.  Before  Mahdi  E&sim 
Eh&n  arrived,  Asaf  Eh&n  quitted  the  fort  of  Ghaur&garh,  and 
went  off  into  the  jungles.  He  wrote  a  letter,  full  of  humility 
and  repentance,  to  the  Emperor,  asking  permission  to  go  on  the 
pilgrimage.  Mahdi  E&sim  Eh&n,  on  arriving  in  Garha,  secured 
all  the  country,  and  went  in  pursuit  of  Xsaf  Eb&n,  who  then 
wrote  letters  to  Eh&n-zam&n,  proposing  to  go  and  join  him. 
Eh&n-zam&n  wrote  in  reply,  inviting  him  to  come  to  him.  Asaf 
Eh&n,  deceived  by  this,  went  to  Jaunp&r,  along  with  his  brother 
Wazfr  Eh&n ;  but  at  the  very  first  audience  he  beheld  the  arro- 
gance of  Eh&n-zam&n,  and  was  sorry  that  he  had  come.  Mahdi 
E&sim  Eh&n,  being  in  despair  of  capturing  the  fugitive,  returned 
to  Garha,  and  he  sent  back  to  Court  the  men  who  had  been 
despatched  to  reinforce  him. 

Eh&n-zam&n  sent  Asaf  Eh&n  along  with  Bah&dur  Eh&n 
to  seize  upon  some  territories  which  were  in  the  hands  of 
the  Afgh&ns  ;  but  he  kept  Wazir  Eh&n  near  himself,  and 
appointed  men  to  watch  him.  Wazir  Eh&n  sent  a  person  to 
Kss£  Eh&n  to  say,  "  I  intend  to  fly  from  this  place  at  such 
and  such  a  time :  do  you  also  in  some  way  or  other  get  away 
from  Bah&dur  Eh&n."^  iisaf  Eh&n  accordingly,  leaving  all  his 
baggage  and  property  behind,  went  off  in  the  night,  and  took 
the  road   to    Earra-M&nikpiir.      In  the  course  of  the  night 

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310  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

he  travelled  thirty  kos^  but  Bah&dar  Kh&n  pursued  him,  and 
overtook  him  between  Jaunpur  and  M &nikpdr.  A  fight  ensued^ 
in  which  ^af  Kh&n  was  defeated  and  taken  prisoner.  Bah&dur 
Kh&n  threw  him  into  a  howda  on  an  elephant,  and  went  on  hb 
way,  when  Wazir  Kh4n,  who  had  got  away  from  Kh&n-zam&n, 
came  up.  Bah&dur  Eh&n,  feeling  that  he  was  unable  to  cope 
with  WazIr  Ehan,  gave  orders  for  putting  ^af  Ehan  to  death 
at  once  in  the  howda.  Sword-cuts  were  aimed  at  JiasS  Ehan, 
three  of  his  fingers  were  cut  off,  and  he  received  a  wound  also  in 
the  nose ;  but  Wazir  Eh&n  fought  his  way  through,  and  rescued 
his  brother.  The  two  brothers  then  went  to  Earra,  and  Bah&dur 
Eh&n  returned  without  accomplishing  his  object.  Wazir  Kh&n 
proceeded  to  Court,  and,  through  the  intervention  of  Muzaf- 
far  Eh&n,  he  was  admitted  to  an  audience,  and  received  pardon 
for  his  own  and  his  brother^s  offences,  while  His  Majesty  waa 
near  Lahore,  engaged  in  the  pursuit  of  Mirz&  Muhammad 
Hakim  and  in  hunting,  as  will  be  related  in  their  appropriate 
place.  A  farmdn  of  favour  and  conciliation  was  sent  to  Asaf 
Eh&n. 

Mirzd  Sulaimdn^ 8  fourth  attempt  upon  Kabul 

It  has  been  related  in  a  former  page  how  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  led 
his  army  against  E&bul,  and  how  the  Imperial  forces  were  sent 
to  the  assistance  of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim.  Mirz&  Sulaim&n, 
unable  to  resist,  retreated  to  Badakhsh&n^  and  the  Imperial 
nobles,  having  taken  leave  of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim,  returned 
to  Hindust&n.  Sulaim&n  being  now  informed  of  the  return  of 
the  Emperor's  forces,  assembled  his  army  in  Badakhsh&n,  and 
marched  with  his  wife  Ehurram  Begam  to  effect  the  conquest 
of  E&bul.  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  left  E&bul  in  chaise  of 
Ma'sdm  Eoka,  who  was  in  his  confidence,  and  had  a  reputation 
for  courage.  He  himself  went  with  Ehw&ja  Hasan  Nakshabandi 
and  the  army  into  the  valley  of  the  Ohorband.  Mirz&  Sulaim&n 
advanced  to  E&bul,  and  invested  the  fortress.  When  he  found 
that  he  was  not  likely  to  capture  it,  he  took  counsel,  and  sent 


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TABAKiCT.I  AKBABr.  311 

his  wife  SSiurram  Begam  into  Ghorband  to  Mirz&  Mahammad 
Hakim,  in  order  to  delude  him  with  a  show  of  kindness  and 
friendship,  and  to  prevail  over  him  by  plausible  representations. 
Khurram  Begam  accordingly  left  Mirzd  Sulaimdn  before  K&bul, 
and  went  towards  Ghorband.  She  sent  forward  some  persons 
to  assure  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  of  her  great  affection  for 
him,  that  having  no  son  of  her  own,  she  looked  upon  him  as  her 
son,  and  that  the  great  object  of  her  journey  was  to  bring  about 
concord  and  unity. 

Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim,  in  consequence  of  this  message, 
determined  to  have  a  meeting  with  Khurram  Begam  at  Kar&- 
b&gh,  which  is  about  ten  k(>%  from  £&bul ;  and  he  sent  messen- 
gers to  her  to  inform  her  of  his  intention,  and  to  receive  from 
her  satisfactory  assurances.  Elhurram  Begam  showed  great  joy 
at  the  prospect  of  a  meeting,  and  affirmed  with  strong  oaths  that 
she  had  no  deceitful  or  treacherous  designs,  and  that  her  sole 
object  was  unanimity.  The  messengers  listened  to  these  words 
and  returned.  They  had  not  gone  far,  when  that  stupid  ^  woman 
sent  off  messengers  in  hot  haste  to  Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  informing 
him  of  the  intended  meeting  at  Kardb&gh,  and  advising  him  to 
come  there  secretly  with  all  speed,  and  await  his  opportunity. 
Mirz&  Sulaim&n  left  Muhammad  Kuli  Shagh&li,  a  man  of 
courage  and  one  of  his  confidential  nobles,  with  1000  men,  in 
charge  of  his  daughters,  who  were  with  him  in  his  camp  at 
K&bul.  With  the  rest  of  the  army  he  made  a  forced  march  to 
the  neighbourhood  of  Kar&b&gh,  and  there  took  post  in  ambush. 

The  messengers  sent  by  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  to  Khur- 
ram Begam  returned  to  him,  and  reported  all  her  asijurances  and 
pledges.  They  strongly  urged  him  to  meet  her,  and  Khw&ja 
Hasan  Nakshabandi  exerted  his  influence  to  the  same  end. 
But  B&ki  K&ksh&l  was  opposed  to  the  Mirz&'s  going,  and  said 
the  woman  was  intent  upon  some  stratagem  and  deception. 
Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim,  however,  having  promised  to  meet 
Khurram  Begam,  would  not  listen  to  B&ki  K&ksh&l's  objections, 
^  ndkis-aklf  hardly  an  appropriate  epithet. 


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312  KIZAMU-D  Bfir  AHMAD. 

and  proceeded  with  a  few  trusty  ibllowers  towards  Ear&b&gh. 
When  they  reached  the  appointed  place,  some  of  Mirz&  Sulai- 
m&n's  soldiers,  who  had  got  separated  in  the  night,  camQ  in  and 
made  known  the  fact  of  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  having  come,  and  of 
his  lying  in  concealment.  As  soon  as  he  was  informed  of  this, 
Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  returned,  and  Sulaim&n,  being  in- 
formed of  his  departure,  set  off  in  pursuit.  In  the  pass  of 
Sanjad-darra  they  overtook  some  of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim's 
men,  and  made  them  prisoners.  They  also  plundered  the  Mirz&'s 
baggage,  etc.,  which  was  in  the  rear,  and  they  stopped  in  the  pass. 
The  Mirz&  himself,  along  with  Muhammad  Hakim,  reached 
Ghorband.  From  thence  they  went  to  Jal&I&b&d,  and  afterwards 
to  the  banks  of  the  Indus. 

As  soon  as  he  crossed  the  river,  the  Mirz&  wrote  a  letter  to  the 
Emperor^  and  sent  it  by  his  envoys.  They  reached  the  Court  at 
the  time  it  was  at  Nagar-chin,  and  were  honoured  with  an  inter- 
view. They  presented  the  Mirz&'s  letter,  in  which  he  set  forth 
the  unfortunate  state  of  his  affairs.  Intelligence  of  the  distrac- 
tions at  K&bul  had  reached  the  Court  before  their  arrival,  and 
the  Emperor  had  appointed  Faridun  Eh&n,  maternal  uncle  of 
the  Mirz&,  and  a  noble  of  the  Imperial  Court,  to  go  to  his  assist- 
ance. He  now  sent  Khush-khabr  Eh&n,  one  of  the  royal  heralds, 
with  money,  goods  of  Hindust&n,  and  a  horse  and  saddle,  to  the 
Mirz&;  and  he  wrote  ^farmdn^  in  which  he  said  that  if  the  Mirz& 
required  assistance,  he  would  send  the  amivB  of  the  Panj&b  to 
support  him. 

When  Khush-khabr  Eh&n  approached  the  camp,  the  Mirz4 
hastened  out  with  due  ceremony  and  respect  to  receive  the 
farmdn.  After  the  arrival  of  Khush-khabr  Kh&n,  Faridun 
laboured  to  instigate  the  Mirz&  to  hostile  attempts,  representing 
that  it  would  be  easy  for  him  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Lahore. 
Hostilities  having  been  resolved  upon,  he  tried  to  persuade  the 
Mirz&  to  seize  Khush-khabr  Kh&n.  But  although  the  Mirz& 
had  been  led  away  by  his  foolish  persuasions,  he  was  too  honour- 
able to  consent  to  the  detention  of  Khush-khabr  Kh&n;  so  he 


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TABAEAT-I  AKBABT.  313 

invited  the  Eh&n  to  his  presence  secretly,  and  sent  him  awaj. 
Snlt&n  'All,  a  clerk  who  had  fled  from  the  Court,  and  Hasan 
Eh&n,  brother  of  Shah&ba-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n,  who  was  in 
£&bal,  helped  to  excite  the  hostile  spirit,  and  added  their  voices 
to  Fariddn's. 

Won  over  by  their  persuasions,  the  Mirz&  broke  into  open 
revolt,  and  marched  against  Lahore.  Upon  coming  into  the 
neighbourhood  of  the  city,  he  began  to  plunder.  Some  of  the 
nobles  of  the  Panj&b,  such  as  Mir  Muhammad  Khfin-i  Kal&n,^ 
Eutbn-d  din  Muhammad  Eh&n,  and  Sharif  Muhammad,  hearing 
of  these  proceedings,  assembled  in  Lahore.  They  looked  to 
the  safety  of  the  fort,  and  wrote  an  account  of  the  Mirz&'s 
rebellion  and  hostile  acts  to  the  Emperor.  On  arriving  near 
Lahore,  the  Mirz&  encamped  in  the  garden  of  Mahdi  Efisim 
Eh&n,  which  is  in  sight  of  the  city.  Several  times  he  marshalled 
his  forces,  and  advanced  to  the  foot  of  the  fortifications ;  but  the 
amirn  of  the  Panj&b  repulsed  him  with  the  fire  of  their  guns 
and  muskets.  At  length,  when  intelligence  came  of  the  advance 
of  the  royal  forces,  the  Mirz&,  feeling  unable  to  offer  resistance, 
took  to  flight. 

March  of  the  Army  to  Lahore. 

When  the  hostile  proceedings  of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim 
became  known  to  the  Emperor,  his  countenance  showed  the 
auger  which  he  felt,  and  he  gave  orders  for  the  preparation  of 
the  army.  Leaving  Mu'nim  Eh&n  Kh&n-kh&n&n  in  charge  of 
iigra,  the  capital,  and  Muzaffar  Eh&n  in  direction  of  the  diwdni^ 
on  the  3rd  Jum&da-l  awwal,  974  h.,  he  began  his  march.  In 
ten  days  he  reached  Dehli,  and  went  to  visit  the  shrines  of  the 
saints  who  there  repose,  and  bestowed  his  royal  bounty  on  the 
poor  and  needy.  From  thence  he  proceeded  by  regular  marches 
to  Sirhind.  He  was  greatly  pleased  with  the  bdzdrs  of  this 
town,  and  commended  H&fiz  Bakhna,  who  was  the  shikkddr,  and 

'^  ^  And  all  the  Atka  afnirt,**  ».#.  all  the  relatioiu  of  Shamsa-d  din  Muhammad  Atka. 
— Bad&Oni,  toL  ii.  p.  91.    The  Kh&n-i  Ealfcn  iras  elder  hrother  of  Shamsu^d  din. 


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314  NIZAMU-D  BfK  AHMAD. 

placed  the  sarkdrddri  of  that  place  in  his  charge.  After  crossing 
the  Jumna,  he  received  intelligence  of  the  flight  of  Mirz£ 
Muhammad  Hakim,  but  he  went  on  joyfully  to  Lahore.  Upon 
approaching  the  city,  the  great  amira^  who  had  exhibited  their 
loyalty  and  devotion,  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and  received  dis- 
tinguished marks  of  royal  favour.  In  the  month  of  Bajab  he 
arrived  at  Lahore,  the  ddru-s  aaltanat,  and  took  up  his  abode  in 
the  house  of  Mahdi  K&sim  Kh&n,  in  the  citadel.  By  command 
of  His  Majesty,  Kutbu-d  din  Muhammad  Elh&n  and  Kam&l 
£h&D  Gakhar  went  in  pursuit  of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim,  and 
advanced  beyond  the  pargana  of  Bahra.  There  they  learnt  that 
the  Mirzd  had  crossed  the  Indus,  so  they  returned. 

When  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim  heard  that  Mirz&  Salaim&n 
had  gone  back  to  Badakhsh&n,  he  made  haste  to  £&bul.  It 
has  been  related  in  a  former  page  how  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  left 
his  daughters  in  his  camp  at  K&bul,  and  went  off  in  haste  to 
seize  upon  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  at  Kar&bdgh.  Next  day 
Muhammad  Ma'sum  Koka,  whom  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim 
had  left  in  command  at  K&bul,  sent  out  a  force  to  attack  the 
besiegers^  camp,  and  defeated  them.  Muhammad  Kuli  Shagh&li, 
who  was  in  command,  gave  up  his  baggage  to  plunder,  and  went 
off  with  the  daughters  of  Mirzd  Sulaim&n  to  Chah&r-diw&r 
B&gh,  a  place  in  the  vicinity,  and  there  entrenched  himself. 
The  E&bul  forces  surrounded  the  place,  and  sought  to  make  him 
and  Mirzd  Sulaimdn'^s  daughters  their  prisoners;  but  Ma'sum 
Koka,  considering  it  unseemly  to  make  prisoners  of  the  ladies, 
recalled  his  men.  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  returned  unsuccessful  from 
Ear&b&gh,  and  again  laid  siege  to  K&bul,  but  Ma'sum  Koka 
had  grown  bold  and  daring.  Every  day  he  sent  out  parties  of 
men,  and  sorely  troubled  the  besiegers.  The  weather  grew  very 
cold,  so  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  became  desirous  of  peace.  Ma'sum 
Koka  was  aware  of  his  distress,  and  was  anxious  to  fight,  so  he 
would  not  make  peace.  Finally,  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  sent  in  K&zi 
Khan  Badakhshi,  who  had  been  tutor  of  Ma'sum  Koka,  and 
prevailed  upon  him  to  send  the  Mirz&  a  small  present.    Peace 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  315 

was  thus  made.  The  Mirz&  first  sent  on  his  wife,  and  then 
followed  her  to  Badakhsh&n. 

When  the  Imperial  Court  arrived  at  Lucknow,  many  of  the 
zaminddrs  of  the  coantrj  came  in  to  pay  their  allegiance,  and 
were  graciously  received.  Those  who  were  unable  to  come  them- 
selves sent  their  representatives  with  presents  and  offerings,  and 
their  assurances  of  loyalty.  Among  them,  Muhammad  B&ki 
Tarkh&n,  son  of  Mirz&  Tsd,  ruler  of  Sindh,  sent  his  ambassadors 
to  Court,  to  say  that  his  father^  who  had  been  one  of  the 
dependents  of  the  Imperial  throne,  was  dead,  and  that  he,  the 
successor,  considered  himself  among  the  vassals  of  the  Emperor. 
Sult&n  Mahmddy  the  governor  (tvali)  of  the  fort,  supported  by 
the  Eazilbashis  of  Kandah&r,  was  making  attacks  upon  his 
territories,  and  he  therefore  besought  the  Emperor  to  prevent 
these  molestations.  In  compliance  with  this  application,  the 
Emperor  sent  a  farmdn  to  Sult&n  M ahmud,  directing  him  to 
keep  within  his  own  boundaries,  and  not  to  attack  the  territories 
of  Muhammad  B&ki. 

During  the  stay  at  Lahore,  a  letter  arrived  from  Agra,  from 
Mu'nim  Eh&n  Eh&n-kh&n&n,  with  the  intelligence  that  the  sons 
of  Muhammad  Sult&n  Mirz&  and  Uldgh  Mirzi,  by  name  Ibra- 
him Husain  Mirz&,  Muhammad  Husain  Mirzd,  and  Sh&h  Mirzi, 
who  held  jdgirs  in  the  sarkdr  of  Sambal,  had  broken  out  in 
rebellion.  And  when  he,  Kh&u-kh&n&n,  had  marched  as  £u:  as 
Dehli  to  punish  them,  they  had  heard  of  his  approach,  and  had 
gone  off  towards  Maudu.  This  Muhammad  Sult&n  Mirzi  was 
son  of  Wis  Mirz&,  son  of  Mankard  Mirz&,  son  of  Mansur,  son 
of  Mankar&,  son  of  'Umar  Shaikh,  son  of  Amir  Timur  Gurg&n 
Sdhib'kirdn,  His  mother  was  a  daughter  of  Sult&n  Husain 
Mirz&.  After  the  death  of  Sult&n  Husain  Mirz&,  he  came  to 
the  Court  of  the  Emperor  B&bar,  and  was  honourably  received. 
The  Emperor  Hum&ydn  also  treated  him  with  consideration 
during  the  days  of  his  reign.  His  sons,  Uldgh  Mirz&  and  Sh&h 
Mirz&)  were  also  in  the  service  of  Hum&yun.  These  men  had 
several  times  been  guilty  of  rebellious  actions,  and  their  offences 


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316  NIZAMTJ-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

had  been  forgiven.  TTldgh  Beg  was  killed  in  an  attack  npon 
the  Haz&ra  country,  and  Sh&h  Mirz&  was  killed  by  the  arrows 
of  robbers  in  the  pass  of  Ma'mdra,  about  ten  parasangs  from 
K&bul.  TJlugh  Beg  left  two  sons,  Sult&n  Muhammad  Mira& 
and  Sikandar  Mirz&.  His  Majesty  [Hum&ydn]  treated  them 
kindly,  and  to  Sikandar  Mirz&  he  gave  the  title  of  XJlugh  Mirz&, 
and  to  Sult&n  Muhammad  Mirz&  the  title  of  Sh&h  Mirz&. 
When  the  Emperor  Akbar  succeeded  to  the  throne,  Muhammad 
Sult&n  Mirz&  had  grown  old,  so  he  was  excused  service,  and 
the  pargana  of  'Azampur,  in  Sambal,  was  settled  upon  him  for 
his  maintenance.  Several  sons  were  borne  to  him  in  his  old 
age — Ibr&him  Husain  Mirz&,  Muhammad  Husain  Mirz&,  and 
^KVW  Husain  Mirz&.  To  every  one  of  these  the  Emperor  gave 
suitable  jdgirSj  and  advanced  them  to  the  dignity  of  amin. 
They  were  constantly  in  attendance  upon  His  Majesty,  rendering 
their  services.  When  the  Emperor  returned  from  his  Jaunpur 
campaign,  they  repaired  to  their  jdgirs^  and  remained  in  Sambal. 
But  when  His  Majesty  went  to  Lahore,  to  repress  the  attempt 
of  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim,  Uldgh  Mirz&  and  Sh&h  Mirz&, 
in  concert  with  their  uncles  Ibr&h{m  Husain  and  Mirz&  Mu- 
hammad  Husain,  broke  out  into  rebellion,  and  attacked  several 
parganas.  But  the  jdgirddra  of  the  neighbourhood  gathered 
together  and  attacked  them,  so  that  they  had  to  fly  to  M&lwa, 
as  will  be  related  in  the  sequel. 

Twelfth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Monday,  2nd 
Bamaz&n,  974  h.  (12th  Feb.  1567).  At  the  beginning  of  this 
year,  which  was  near  the  Nauroz^  His  Majesty  determined  to 
go  out  for  a  Kamurgha^  hunt.  An  order  was  issued  to  all  the 
great  amirs  for  forty  miles  round  Lahore  to  drive  the  animals 
together  into  a  large  plain,  situated  about  five  koB  from  Lahore* 

1  Kamurgha,  a  Turkf  word  for  a  great  haitue^  in  which  the  game  is  driTea  into  a 
oentre  by  a  large  circle  of  beaters.— u^ter-iN<fli«,  toL  ii.  pp.  364,  421. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBABf.  317 

Accordingly  the  amirSy  under  the  direction  of  Mir  Muhammad 
Atka,  drove  together  abont  fifteen  thousand  animals,  deer,  nil- 
ff4o8,  jackals,  foxes,  etc.,  into  that  plain.  The  extent  of  this 
hunting  ground  was  five  kos  on  erery  side,  and  the  Emperor^s 
tent  (kaaar)^  which  he  used  in  his  campaigns,  was  brought  here 
and  set  up.  The  Emperor  then  mounted,  and  went  out  to  hunt. 
The  amir9  and  the  khdtis  daily  drew  their  lines  closer,  and 
narrowed  the  circle.  When  several  days  had  passed  in  this 
sport.  His  Majesty  graciously  gave  his  attendants  permission  to 
shoot,  and  afterwards  made  the  permission  general,  so  that  there 
was  no  soldier  or  any  person  who  did  not  get  several  kinds  of 
game.  After  the  sport  was  over,  the  Emperor  returned  towards 
the  city,  and  on  reaching  the  river  of  Lahore,  he  plunged  into 
the  water  on  horseback  and  swam  over.  Of  the  attendants  who 
followed  His  Majesty,  Khush-khabr  Kh&n  Yasdwal  and  Mir 
Muhammad,  son  of  Sher  Muhammad  Kurd&r,  were  drowned. 
While  the  hunt  was  going  on,  Hamid  Bakri,  one  of  the  most 
favoured  equerries  (^asdwafj^  having  drunk  too  much,  had 
wounded  one  of  the  Emperot'*s  attendants  with  an  arrow.  This 
person  found  an  opportunity  in  the  course  of  the  hunting  to 
complain  to  the  Emperor,  who  ordered  Kalij  Kh&n  to  strike  off 
the  offender^'s  head.  Kalij  Kh&n  used  a  sword,  which  broke 
with  the  blow,  without  doing  the  culprit  any  harm.  Wlien  the 
Emperor  saw  this,  he  respited  him,  but  had  him  exposed  to 
public  derision. 

About  this  time  Muzaffar  Kh&n,  who  had  been  left  in  charge 
of  the  diwdnl  at  Agra,  proceeded  to  the  camp  of  the  Emperor, 
along  with  Wazir  Kh&n,  brother  of  Asaf  Khan,  and  joined  it 
while  he  was  out  on  the  hunting  excursion.  The  author's  father, 
who  had  remained  behind  at  Agra  on  government  business, 
accompanied  Muzaffar  Kh&n  on  this  journey,  and  I,  the  author 
of  this  work,  went  along  with  my  father.  In  fine,  the  Emperor 
forgave  the  offences  of  Asaf  Kh&n  and  Wazir  Kh&n,  and 
admitted  the  latter  to  an  audience.  A  command  was  given  that 
Asaf  Kh&n,  along  with  Majnun  Kh&n  Kaksh&l,  should  go  to 


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318  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

Earra-M&nikpur,  and  provide  for  the  safety  of  the  dependent 
territories. 

Intelligence  now  arrived  that  'Ali  Kali  Eh&n,  Bah&dur  Eh&n, 
and  Sikandar  Kh&n  had  again  broken  their  engagements,  and 
risen  in  rebellion.^  Hereupon  the  Emperor  placed  their  vakil 
Mirz&  Mirak  Rizwi  in  custody  of  Kh4n  B&ki  Khin,  and  leaving 
the  direction  of  the  affairs  of  the  Panj&b  in  the  charge  of  Mir 
Muhammad  Kh&n  and  all  the  Atkas,  on  the  12th  Kamaz&ny 
974  H,  (22nd  March,  1567),  he  started  on  his  return  to  Agra. 

When  the  Emperor  arrived  at  Th&nesar,  there  was  an  assem- 
blage of  Jogis  and  Sdnnt/dsis  on  the  banks  of  a  lake  called  Kur- 
khet.  This  is  a  sacred  place  of  the  brahmans,  and  on  occasion  of 
eclipses  the  people  of  Hindust&n  flock  thither  from  all  parts  to 
bathe.  There  was  a  great  assemblage  there  on  this  occasion, 
and  the  people  were  bestowing  their  gifts  of  gold  and  silver, 
and  jewels  and  stuffs,  upon  the  brahmans.  Many  of  them  threw 
themselves  into  the  water,  and  the  Jogis  and  Sannydsis^  were 
gathering  a  rich  harvest  from  their  charity.  In  consequence  of 
a  feud  which  existed  between  these  two  sects,  they  came  to  the 
Emperor,  seeking  permission  to  settle  it  by  fio^hting.  The 
Sannydsis  were  between  two  and  three  hundred  in  number,  and 
the  Jogisy  who  wear  only  rags,  were  over  five  hundred.  When 
the  adversaries  stood  ready  to  begin  the  fray,  by  the  Emperor's 
order,  some  soldiers  smeared  their  persons  with  ashes,  and  went 
to  support  the  Sannydsis^  who  were  the  weaker  party.  A  fierce 
fight  ensued,  and  many  were  killed.  The  Emperor  greatly 
enjoyed  the  sight.  At  length  the  Jogk  were  defeated,  and  the 
Sannydak  were  the  victors. 

When  the  Imperial  camp  reached  Dehli,  Mirz&  Mirak  Bizwi, 
who  had  been  left  in  the  charge  of  Kh&n  Baki  Kh&n,  made  his 
escape,  and  although  the  Kh&n  pursued  him,  he  did  not  succeed 

^  They  had  caused  the  khutba  to  he  read  in  the  name  of  Mirz&  Muhammad 
Hakfm. — Akbar^dtna^  vol.  ii.  p.  369. 

>  Ahti-1  Fazl  says  the  two  sects  were  called  *<  Guts  and  Paris "  {Akbar^ndnM, 
vol.  ii.  p.  361) ;  and  he  also  speaks  of  the  pleasure  that  Akbar  deri?ed  from  wit- 
nessing the  fight. 


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TABAEAT-I  AKBABr.  319 

in  recaptaring  him,  and  so,  being  apprehensive  of  the  Emperor's 
displeasure,  he  himself  fled.  T&t4r  Kh&n,  the  govem6r  of  Dehll, 
reported  that  Muhammad  Am(n  Diw&na/  who  had  fled  from 
Lahore,  had  gone  to  the  house  of  Shah&b  Kh&n  Turkoman, 
where  he  stayed  some  days,  and  after  obtaining  fix>m  him  pecu- 
niary assistance  and  a  horse,  had  gone  off  to  join  the  insur- 
gents. This  greatly  incensed  the  Emperor,  and  he  directed 
Sh&h  Fakhru-d  din  Meshhedi  to  apprehend  Shah&b  Khan. 
When  the  Emperor  was  encamped  at  the  village  of  Palwal,' 
Shah&b  Kh&n  was  brought  in  for  punishment,  and  was  there 
executed. 

Upon  arriving  at  .Aigra,  the  Emperor  was  informed  that  Kh&n- 
zam&n  was  besieging  the  fort  of  Shergarh,  four  koa  distant  from 
£ananj,  in  which  fort  Mirz&  Yusuf  Kh&n  was  shut  up.  Nineteen 
days  after  his  arrival  at  ^gra,  the  Emperor  left  Kh&n-kh&n&n  in 
charge  of  the  city,  and  on  Monday,  the  23rd  Shawwal,  974  h., 
marched  towards  Jaunpur.  When  he  reached  the  pargana  of 
Saket,  'AH  Kuli  Kh&n  decamped  from  before  Shergarh,  and  fled 
to  his  brother  Bah4dur  Kh&n,  who  was  in  M&nikpur.  The 
royal  camp  was  next  pitched  near  the  town  of  Bhojpur,  and  the 
Emperor  detached  Muhammad  Kull  Kh&n  Birl&s,  MuzafTar 
Kh&n,  Ilfij&  Todar  Mai,  Sh&h  Biddgh  Kh&n  and  his  son  'Abdu-1 
Matlab  Hasan  Kh&n,  '^dil  Muhammad,  Ehw^ja  Ghiy&su-d  din 
'All  Rdkhshiy  and  other  officers,  with  nearly  6000  horse,  against 
Sikandar,  who  was  in  Oudh.  He  himself  continued  his  march 
towards  M&nikpur. 

When  he  reached  the  pargana  of  B&i  Bareilly,  he  learnt 
that  'All  Kuli  Kh&n  and  Bahidur  Kh&n  had  crossed  the  Ganges 
with  the  object  of  proceeding  towards  Kalpi.'  He  then  directed 
his  camp  to  proceed  under  the  command  of  Khw&ja  Jah&n  to 

^  He  had  made  an  attempt  npon  the  life  of  one  of  the  Imperial  generals,  and  was 
condemned  to  death;  hut  his  punishment  was  commuted  for  the  hastinado  and 
imprisonment.  He  received  the  corporal  punishment,  and  escaped  next  day. — 
Akhar-ndina,  yoL  ii.  p.  358. 

>  Halfway  between  Dehli  and  Muttra. 

»  The  Akbar^dma  (vol  ii.  p.  366)  says  "Gwfelior." 


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320  KIZXMU-D  Dm  AHMAD. 

the  fort  of  Earra,  and  then  marched  with  all  possible  speed 
to  the  ferry  of  M&nikpiir.^  There  he  crossed  the  river  upon 
the  back  of  an  elephant,  and  from  1000  to  1500  men  swam 
the  river  along  with  him.  Majndn  Kh&n  and  Asaf  Eh&n, 
who  were  in  advance,  constantly  sent  back  intelligence  of  the 
enemy.  It  so  happened  that  f  Ali  Euli  Ehan  and  Bah4dur  Khan 
had  occupied  themselves  all  that  night  in  wine-drinking  and 
licentiousness,  and  were  heedless  of  everything  else.  The  warlike 
demonstrations  against  them  they  attributed  to  the  daring  of 
Majniin  Kh&n,  and  would  not  believe  that  the  Emperor  was 
near  at  hand. 

On  Sunday,  the  1st  Zi-1  hijja,  the  Emperor  made  his  disposi- 
tions for  action.  He  himself  took  command  of  the  centre. 
Asaf  Kh&n  and  all  the  Atkas^  were  on  the  right;  Majniin 
Kh&n  and  other  amirs  were  on  the  left.  This  day  His  Majesty 
rode  an  elephant  called  B&Isundar,  and  Mirz&  Koka,  who 
bore  the  title  of  'Azam  Kb&n,  was  seated  in  the  howda  with 
him.  The  enemy,  being  now  fully  aware  of  the  Emperor's 
advance,  prepared  themselves  for  death.  They  drew  out  their 
forces,  and  sent  a  body  of  men  to  oppose  the  advanced  guard 
of  the  Emperor.^  Bkhk  Kh&n  K&ksh&l,  who  commanded  the 
advance,  repulsed  them  and  drove  them  back  upon  the  lines  of 
'All  Kuli  Kh&n.  In  the  confusion,  the  horse  of  one  of  the 
fugitives  ran  against  the  horse  of  'All  Kuli  Khfin,  and  the 
Kh&n's  turban  fell  off.  Bah&dur  Kh&n  saw  this,  and  his  spirit 
being  roused,  he  made  a  bold  charge  upon  the  advanced  guard 
under  B&b&  Kh&n,  and  drove  it  back  upon  the  ranks  of 
Majnun  Kh&n.  Bahddur  Kh&n  in  the  pursuit  came  between 
these  two  forces.     He  fought  manfully,  but  his  horse,  being 

>  There  had  been  hearj  rains;  the  country  was  flooded,  and  the  rirer  much 
twollen.'^ Akbaa-ndmay  toL  ii.  p.  366. 

>  The  word  '"Atkas"  is  taken  from  Bad&6ni  (toI.  ii.  p.  96).  The  name  used  ia 
the  MSS.  of  the  Tabakdt  is  doubtful. 

'  Only  600  men  and  600  elephants  had  managed  to  keep  np  with  the  Emperor. 
The  rest  followed  and  took  part  in  the  fight  as  they  mvi^^Akbar'mdwM^  toL  ii. 
p.  368. 


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TABAEXT-I  AKBABr.  821 

wounded  by  an  arrow,  became  unmanageable,  and  he  was  thrown 
to  the  ground  and  made  prisoner. 

As  the  battle  grew  hot,  the  Emperor  alighted  from  his 
elephant  and  mounted  a  horse.  Then  he  gave  orders  for  the 
elephants  to  be  driven  against  the  lines  of  'All  Kuli  Kh&n. 
There  was  among  them  an  elephant  named  HIr&nand,  and  when 
he  approached  the  ranks  of  the  enemy,  they  let  loose  against 
him  an  elephant  called  Diy&na;  but  Hir&nand  gave  him  such 
a  butt,  that  he  fell  upon  the  spot.  'Ali  Kuli  Kh&n  received  a 
wound  from  an  arrow,  and  while  he  was  engaged  in  drawing  it 
out,  another  arrow  struck  his  horse.  The  animal  became  restive, 
and  ^Ali  Kuli  Kh&n  also  was  thrown.  An  elephant  named 
Narsing  now  came  up,  and  was  about  to  crush  him,  when  'Ali 
Kuli  Kh&n  cried  out  to  the  driver,  ^^  I  am  a  great  man ;  if  you 
take  me  alive  to  thd  Emperor,  he  will  reward  you."  The  driver 
paid  no  heed  to  his  words,  but  drove  the  animal  over  him  and 
crushed  him  under  foot.  When  the  field  was  cleared  of  the 
enemy,  Nazar  Bah&dur  placed  Bah&dur  Kh&n  behind  him  on  a 
horse,  and  conducted  him  to  the  presence  of  the  Emperor.  By 
the  efforts  of  the  amirs  he  was  put  to  death.  After  a  little 
while^  the  head  of  'Ali  Kuli  Kh&n-zam&n  was  also  brought.^ 
The  Emperor  then  alighted  from  bis  horse,  and  returned  thanks 
for  this  victory.  This  battle  was  fought  at  the  village  of  Man- 
karw&l,  one  of  the  dependencies  of  Josi  and  Pay&g,  now  known 
as  lUah&b&s,  on  Monday,  the  1st  Zi-1  hijja,  974  h. 

While  the  Emperor  was  on  his  campaign  against  Kh&n-zam&n, 
the  author's  father  remained  at  Agra,  in  the  performance  of  his 
duty  to  the  Emperor,  and  the  author  himself  was  at  Agra  with 
him.  Every  day  turbulent  and  designing  men  spread  disastrous 
news.  One  day  I  said  to  one  of  my  companions,  '^  Suppose  we 
set  some  &vourable  reports  afloat  ?  '**  and  he  asked  what  we 
should  say,  and  I  replied,  **Let  us  say  that  news  has  come 
that  they  are  bringing  in  the  heads  of  Kh&n-zam&n  and  Bah&dur 

^  His  death  being  doabted,  a  reward  was  offered  for  erery  head.  His  head  was 
then  brought  in  and  recognized. — Akbar^ndma^  yol.  ii.  p.  371. 

TOL.  T.  21 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


822  NIZiCMU*0  DrN  AHtf AD. 

Kh&n."  I  told  thia  story  to  several  persons.  Three  daya 
afterwards  'Abdu-Ua,  son  of  Mur&d  B^,  brought  in  the  heads 
of  Eh&n-zamfin  and  Bah&dur  Kh&n.  The  mmoor  was  started 
in  ^gra  on  the  very  day  they  were  slain.^ 

When  the  Emperor's  mind  was  relieved  from  all  apprehension 
about  his  adversaries,  he  proceeded  to  Josi  and  Pay&g,  and  thero 
rested  two  days.  Some  persons,  who  had  deserted  the  royal 
army  to  join  *Ali  Kuli  Kh&n,  were  here  brought  in,  and  were 
handed  over  to  keepers.  He  then  proceeded  to  Benares.'  Every 
follower  of  'Ali  Kuli  Kh&n  who  came  forward  and  was  sub- 
missive to  the  Emperor's  power  was  pardoned.  From  Benares 
he  went  to  Jaunptir,  and  remained  three  days  in  sight  of  that 
city.  Some  of  ''Ali  Kuli  Kh&n'^s  men,  who  had  escaped  from 
the  battle-field  and  fled  to  Jaunpur,  were  all  forgiven  and  kindly 
treated.  From  thence  he  went,  attended  by  four  or  five  persons, 
and,  by  rapid  travelling,  in  the  course  of  three  days  he  reached 
the  Ganges,  at  the  ferry  of  Karra  and  M&nikpur,  where  there 
was  a  camp.  Grossing  the  river  in  a  boat,  he  went  and  rested 
in  the  fortress.  Then  he  wrote  to  Mu'nim  Kh&n  Kh&n-kh&n&n, 
summoning  him  from  Agra. 

Several  jdgirddra  of  the  Eastern  province  paid  their  respects, 
and  were  dismissed  with  honour.  Some  men  of  'All  Kuli's 
army,  who  were  prisoners  and  always  intent  upon  creating  a 
disturbance,  such  as  Kh&n  Kuli  Uzbek,  Y&r  'All  and  Mirz& 
Beg  K&ksh&l,  people  of  Majnun  *Ali  Kh&n,  *Khushh&l  Beg 
one  of  the  guards  of  the  late  Emperor  Hum&yun,  Mir  Sh&h 
Badakhshi,  and  other  malcontents,  met  with  a  terrible  fate.' 

^  Ab&l  Fazl  tells  a  similar  story  of  his  father.  He  says  that  while  the  Emperor 
was  on  this  campaign,  the  hopes  of  the  disaffected  rose  to  the  highest  pitch,  and 
Mu*nim  Kh&n,  who  was  in  chai-ge  of  the  capital,  was  sorely  troubled.  In  his  per- 
plexity, he  consulted  Shaikh  Mnb&rak,  who  predicted  that  the  heads  of  the  rebels 
would  be  brought  in. — Akbar-ndma,  vol.  ii.  p.  373. 

'  The  people  of  Bonarcs  had  closed  their  gates,  so  orders  were  given  for  plundering 
the  city. — Akbar-ndma,  vol.  ii.  p.  373. 

'  Trampled  to  death  by  elephants. — T,  Alp.  Bad&6ni  informs  us  (vol.  ii.  p.  100) 
that  K&z(  Taw&lsi,  the  K&zi  of  the  Imperial  camp,  gave  it  as  his  opinion  that  the 
execution  of  these  prisoners  and  the  seizure  of  their  property  was  unlawfdl.  For 
this  independent  judgment  he  was  dismissed. 


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TABXKAT'l  AKBABr.  323 

Mirz&  MIrak  Rizwi  Meshhedi,  the  vakil  of  'Ali  Eali  Eh&n, 
who  had  fled  from  Court  to  join  the  hitter,  waa  taken  prisoner  on 
the  day  of  battle,  and  was  ordered  to  be  cast  under  the  feet  of  an 
elephant.  But  the  elephant  merely  rubbed  him  with  his  trunk, 
and  finally,  in  virtue  of  his  being  a  aaiyttf,  his  crime  was  forgiren. 

£h&n-kh&n&n,  who  had  been  summoned  from  ^gra,  now  waited 
upon  His  Majesty,  and  was  invested  with  the  care  and  govern- 
ment of  the  jdffira  of  'All  Kuli  Kh&n  and  Bah&dur  Khan  in 
Jaunpur,  Benares,  Gh&zipur,  the  fort  of  Ohun&r  and  Zam&niya, 
as  far  as  the  ferry  of  Ohaunsa.  He  also  received  a  present  of  a 
splendid  robe,  and  of  a  horse.  In  the  midst  of  the  rainy  season, 
in  Zi-1  hijja,  974,  the  Emperor  began  his  homeward  march,  and 
in  Muharram,  975,  arrived  at  Xgra. 

It  has  been  previously  mentioned  that  Muhammad  Kuli  Kh&n 
Birl&s  and  Muzaffar  Kh&n  were  sent  with  a  force  against  Sikan- 
dar,  and  went  towards  Oudh.  On  hearing  of  their  approach, 
Sikandar  took  refuge  in  a  fort.^  The  royal  forces  came  up  and 
laid  siege  to  the  fort.  Sikandar  was  already  hard  pressed,  when 
the  news  arrived  of  the  destruction  of  ^Al(  Kuli  Kh&u  and 
Bah&dur  Kh&n.  This  greatly  dispirited  the  Uzbeks,  and  they 
sent  men  to  'Ali  KuH  and  Muzaffar  Kh&n,  to  treat  for  peace. 
Havin<r  thus  en^aired  the  commanders  in  ne^ociations,  Sikandar 
evacuated  the  fort  by  the  gate  towards  the  river,  and  embarked 
in  boats.  As  he  had  all  the  boats,  the  Imperial  generals  were 
unable  to  cross  the  river.  Sikandar  again  sent  a  message  to 
them,  declaring  that  he  was  quite  ready  to  keep  the  engagement 
he  had  made^  but  his  men  were  suspicious.  He  therefore  re- 
quested that  they  would  come  out  in  a  boat  to  the  middle  of  the 
river,  and  he  would  meet  them  with  two  or  three  persons  and 
settle  the  terms.  This  would  satisfy  his  men,  and  they  would 
proceed  together  to  Court.  Muhammad  Kuli  Kh&n  Birl&s, 
Muzaffar  Kh&n,  and  R&j&  Todar  Mai  agreed  to  this  proposition, 
and  went  out  to  the  middle  of  the  stream.  Sikandar  Kh&n,  on 
the  other  side,  came  out  with  two  or  three  persons,  and  had  the 
^  The  fort  of  Oudh.— Bad&ani,  toI.  ii.  p.  101. 

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324  NIZAMTT-D  DrK  AHMAD. 

interview.^  The  amirs  promised  to  sue  for  the  pardon  of  Sikan- 
dar,  and  swore  that  they  would  make  no  attack  on  the  lives  or 
property  of  him  or  his  men.  Upon  this  agreement,  they  sepa- 
rated, and  each  party  went  to  his  own  side. 

Sikandar  then  made  two  days'*  march,  and  wrote  to  the  anUra^ 
stating  that  the  rise  of  the  waters  had  prerented  his  staying  on 
the  banks  of  the  river.  On  hearing  of  his  departure,  the  amirs 
went  after  him.  When  they  reached  Gorakhpur,  they  discovered 
that  he  had  crossed  the  river  and  gone  oS.  The  country  before 
them  belonged  to  the  Afgh&ns,  into  which  they  could  not  enter 
without  the  order  of  the  Emperor.  They  wrote  a  statement  of 
the  position  to  Court,  and  received  an  answer  to  the  effect,  that 
as  Sikandar  had  left  the  Imperial  territory,  it  was  unnecessary 
to  pursue  him.  His  estates  Bkudjaglrs  were  given  to  Muhammad 
Kull  Kh&n  Birl&s.  The  amira^  on  being  acquainted  with  the 
contents  of  the  letter,  left  Muhammad  Kuli  Kh&n^  and  returned 
to  Court. 

Conquest  of  the  Fort  of  Chitor.^ 

Many  zarninddrs  and  rdjds  of  Hindust&n  had  become  subjects 
of  the  Imperial  throne.  But  Il&n4  TJdi  Singh,  E&j&  of  M&rw&r, 
confident  in  the  strength  of  his  fortresses,  and  the  number  of 
his  men  and  elephants,  had  thrown  off  his  allegiance.  Now  that 
the  Emperor  had  returned  to  the  capital,  with  his  mind  at  rest 
in  respect  of  'All  Kuli  Kh&n  and  other  rebels,  he  turned  his 
attention  towards  the  capture  of  Chitor.  He  accordingly  began 
to  make  preparations  for  the  campaign.  The  pargana  of  Bay&na 
was  taken  from  H&jl  Muhammad  Kh&n  Slst&ni,  and  given  in 
jdgir  to  Asaf  Kh&n,  who  was  ordered  to  proceed  thither,  and 
collect  provisions  and  materials  for  the  army.  The  Emperor 
followed  to  the  town  of  B&ri,  with  the  avowed  intention  of 

1  Abfi-1  Fasl  places  this  conference  after  Sikandar*8  escape,  and  says  that  h« 
demanded  the  restoration  of  his  jdgir  and  offices,  and  acted  in  a  rery  false  and 
unworthy  mBsaLet^-^Akbar^nkma^  toI.  iL  p.  877. 

>  See  tuprd^  p.  169. 


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TABASAT-I AKBAET.  325 

hanting,  and  there  killed  a  thoasand  animab  in  sport.  Then  he 
ordered  his  army  to  be  brought  up,  and  proceeded  onwards  to 
Mu-raaid&na.  When  he  reached  the  fort  of  Supar,^  he  foaud 
that,  hearing  of  his  approach,  the  men  who  garrisoned  that  fort 
for  B&i  Saijan  of  Bantambhor,  had  abandoned  it  and  fled  to 
Bantambhor.  The  fort  was  phiced  in  charge  of  Kazar  Bahadur, 
one  of  the  Imperial  adherents.  From  thence  he  went  on  to 
Kota,  one  of  the  parganas  of  that  country,  of  which  he  made 
Sh&h  Mohammad  Kh&n  Kandah&ri  the  governor.  Next  he 
marched  to  G&grun,'  on  the  borders  of  M&lwa. 

Mirzd  IJlugh  and  Mirzd  Sh&h^  sons  of  Muhammad  Sult&n 
Mirz&,  had  fled  from  Sambal,  and  •had  come  into  these  parts, 
where  they  had  begun  a  revolt,  which  the  Emperor  deemed  it 
necessary  to  suppress.  He  therefore  appointed  Shah&bu-d  din 
Ahmad  Kh&n,  Sh&h  Biddgh  Eh&n,  Muhammad  Murid  Kh&n, 
and  H&ji  Muhammad  Sist&ni  to  jdgin  in  Maudu,  and  charged 
them  with  that  duty.  When  the  amir%  reached  IJjjain,  which 
is  one  of  the  chief  places  in  that  country,  they  found  that  the 
Mirz&s,  on  hearing  of  the  Emperor's  approach,  had  assembled 
together  and  fled  to  Gujar&t,  to  CShangiz  Eh&n,  the  ruler  of  that 
country,  who  had  been  one  of  the  adherents  of  Sult&n  Mahmud 
Gujar&ti.  So  the  amirs  obtained  possession  of  Mandu  without 
opposition. 

When  the  Emperor  marched  from  Gfigrdn,  B&n&  IJdi  Singh 
left  seven  or  eight  thousand  men  to  hold  Ghitor,  under  the 
command  of  a  B&jput  named  Jai  Mai,  a  valiant  chief,  who  had 
fought  against  Mirz&  Sharafii-d  din  Husain,  in  the  fort  of 
Mirtha,  as  before  related.  The  Bfin&  himself,  with  all  his 
relatives  and  dependents,  took  refuge  in  the  hills  and  jungles. 

The  fort  of  Ghitor  is  seated  on  a  hill,  which  is  about  one  kos  in 
height,  and  has  no  connexion  vrith  any  other  hill.  The  length 
of  the  fortress  is  three  ko8^  and  the  width  half  a  has.     It  contains 

1  Or  "  Siwi-^dpar."— ulitW-fiiiMa,  roL  ii.  p.  881.    «*  Sheopoor/'  120  miles  S. W. 
of  Agra. 
'  Hear  the  jimctioii  of  the  Ahtl  and  K61i  Sind  in  Eota. 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


326  KizAinr.D  Dm  ahmad. 

plenty  of  running  water.  Under  His  Majesty's  orders,  the 
ground  round  the  fort  was  portioned  out  among  the  different 
amirs. 

The  royal  forces  were  ordered  to  plunder  and  lay  waste  the 
country,  and  Asaf  Kh&n  was  sent  to  E&mpur,^  a  prosperous 
town  of  the  province.  He  attacked  and  captured  the  fort^  and 
ravaged  all  the  neighbourhood.  Husain  Kull  Kh&n  was  sent 
with  a  detachment  towards  T/dipur  and  Kombalmir,^  which  is 
one  of  the  chief  fortresses  in  that  country,  and  is  the  residence 
of  the  Ukai,  He  ravaged  several  towns  and  villages,  but  finding 
no  trace  of  the  B&n&,  he  returned  to  the  Imperial  camp. 

When  the  siege  of  Ghitor  had  been  carried  on  some  time,  the 
Emperor  ordered  the  construction  of  sdbdU^  and  the  digging  of 
mines.  About  5000  builders  and  carpenters  and  stonemasons 
were  collected,  and  began  their  work  of  constructing  sahdU  on 
two  sides  of  the  fort.  A  sabat  is  a  kind  of  wall  which  is  begun 
at  musket-shot  distance  (from  the  fort),  and  under  the  shelter  of 
its  planks  strongly  &stened  together  and  covered  with  raw 
hides,  a  kind  of  way  {kicha)  is  conducted  to  the  fortress.  The 
walls  are  then  battered  from  it  with  guns,  and  a  breach  being 
made,  the  brave  assailants  rush  into  the  fort.  The  sdbdt  which 
was  conducted  from  the  royal  battery  (marchaUi  bddshdM)  was 
so  extensive  that  ten  horsemen  abreast  could  ride  along  it,  and 
it  was  so  high  that  an  elephant-rider  with  his  spear  in  his  hand 
could  pass  under  it. 

While  the  sdbdt  was  in  course  of  construction,  the  garrison 
kept  up  such  a  fire  of  guns  and  muskets,  that  more  than  100  of 
the  workmen  and  labourers  employed  in  it  were  killed  daily, 
although  they  covered  themselves  with  shields  of  bull-hide. 
Corpses  were  used  in  the  walls  like  bricks.  In  a  short  time,  the 
sdbdi  was  completed,  and  carried  close  to  the  fort. 

^  About  fifty  miles  S.E.  from  Chitor.  Asaf  Ehftn  had  preyioosly  redaced  tbe  fort 
of  M&ndal  (the  *<Mundalour"  of  Maloolm*s  map,  ten  miles  9.E.  of  G&grf&nP}.— - 
Akbar-ndma^  toL  it  pp.  395,  396. 

»  Thirty-four  miles  N.W.  of  ITdiptir. 

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TABAEAT-I  AXBABr.  327 

The  miners  also  carried  their  mines  to  the  foot  of  the  walls, 
and  having  constructed  mines  under  two  bastions  which  were 
near  together^  they  filled  them  with  gunpowder.  A  party  of  men 
of  well-known  bravery,  fiilly  armed  and  accoutred,  approached 
the  bastions,  ready  to  rush  into  the  fort  as  soon  as  a  breach 
was  made  by  the  explosion  of  the  mines.  Fire  was  applied  to 
both  mines  at  the  same  time,  but  the  match  of  one  was  shorter 
than  the  other,  and  that  made  the  explosion  first.  The  bastion 
was  blown  into  the  air,  and  a  large  breach  was  effected.  The 
storming  party  at  once  rushed  to  the  breach,  and  were  about 
to  enter,  when  the  second  mine  exploded,  and  the  bastion  was 
blown  up.  Friends  and  foes,  who  were  contending  in  the  breach, 
were  hurled  into  the  air  together,  and  those  also  on  whom  the 
stones  fell  perished.  It  is  notorious  that  stones  of  200  mans 
were  carried  to  a  distance  of  three  or  four  kos  from  the  walls, 
and  bodies  of  men  who  had  been  burnt  were  found.  Saiyid 
Jamalu-d  din  and  *  *  *  and  a  great  number  of  the  Emperor's 
attendants,  were  slain,  and  nearly  500  picked  soldiers  were  killed 
by  blows  from  the  stones.  A  large  number  also  of  the  infidels 
perished. 

After  this  disaster,  the  pride  and  solicitude  of  the  Emperor  be- 
came still  more  intent  upon  the  reduction  of  the  fortress.  A  sdbdi 
which  had  been  laid  down  in  the  battery  of  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  was 
now  completed.  On  the  night  of  Tuesday,  25th  Sha'ban,  975  h., 
the  Imperial  forces  assembled  from  all  sides,  and  the  wall  being 
breached,  a  grand  struggle  began.  Jai  Mai,  commander  of  the 
fortress,  came  into  the  breach  to  encourage  his  men.  The  Em- 
peror was  seated  in  a  gallery,  which  had  been  erected  for  him 
on  the  sdbdtj  and  he  had  a  musket  in  his  hand.  The  face  of 
Jai  Mai  was  discernible  by  the  light  which  was  cast  upon  the 
spot  by  the  fire  of  the  guns  and  muskets.  The  Emperor  took  aim 
at  him,  and  so  wounded  him  that  he  died  upon  the  spot.  The 
garrison  was  disheartened  by  the  fall  of  their  leader,  and  each 
man  hurried  to  his  own  home.  I^hey  collected  their  wives  and 
children,  property  and  effects,  in  one  place,  and  burnt  them.  This 

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328  KIZAMTJ-D  DFK  AHMAD. 

proceeding,  in  the  langoage  of  the  infidels  of  Hind,  is  called 
jauhar.  The  royal  forces  were  now  massed,  and  they  assaulted 
the  breaches  in  several  places.  Many  of  the  infidels  rushed 
forward  to  defend  them,  and  fought  most  valiantly.  His  Majesty, 
seated  on  the  sdhdt^  beheld  the  exertions  of  his  men  with  an 
approving  eye.  'Adil  Muhammad  Kandahar!  *  *  *  *  and 
otiiers  exhibited  great  valour  and  daring,  and  received  great 
praise.  All  that  night  the  fighting  went  on,  bat  in  the  morning, 
which  was  a  glorious  morning,  the  place  was  subdued.  The 
Emperor  mounted  on  an  elephant,  and,  attended  by  his  devoted 
followers  on  foot^  entered  the  fortress.  An  order  for  a  general 
massacre  was  issued,  and  more  than  8000  R&jputs  who  were  in 
the  place  received  the  reward  of  their  deeds.^  After  noon  the 
slaughter  was  stayed,  and  the  Emperor  returned  to  his  camp, 
where  he  remained  three  days.  Asaf  Ehfin  was  appointed  to 
rule  this  country,  and  His  Majesty  started  for  the  capital,  on 
Tuesday,  the  25th  Sha'b&n. 

A  curious  incident  in  this  siege  was  this :  A  person  was  sitting 
near  the  battery  of  the  author  of  this  book^  under  the  shelter  of 
a  tree,  with  his  right  hand  placed  upon  his  knee.  As  an  oppor- 
tunity presented  itself,  he  raised  his  thumb,  covered  with  the 
stall  usually  worn  by  archers,  and  just  at  that  moment  a  gun 
was  fired  from  the  fortress,  and  the  ball  passed  within  the  length 
of  a  barley-corn  from  his  thumb,  and  did  him  no  harm. 

When  the  Emperor  started  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Ghitor,  he 
vowed  that  if  he  were  successful,  he  would  make  a  pilgrimage  to 
the  tomb  of  £hw&ja  Mu'inu-d  d(n  Ghishti,  which  is  at  Ajmir.  In 
performance  of  this  vow,  he  set  off  for  Ajmir,  and  walked  all  the 
way  on  foot.  On  Sunday,  the  7th  Ramaz&n,  he  reached  Ajmir. 
He  performed  all  the  observances  of  the  pilgrimage,  and  made 
the  poor  and  needy  glad  with  his  alms  and  offerings.  He 
remained  there  ten  days,  and  then  departed  for  the  capital. 

'  Abtf-1  Fasl  states  that  the  nnmher  of  the  slaia  amoonted  to  near  «l  ktudr 
(30,000) ;  bat  perhaps  «iA  hatdr^  3000,  is  meaat.— ^it^r-fM/jno,  toL  ii  p.  407.  See 
«Cpra,  p.  174. 


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TABAEAT-I  AEBARr.  329 

Thirteenth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Thursday,  14th 
Bamaz&n,  975  h.  (14th  March,  1568).  At  the  beginning  of  this 
year  the  Emperor  left  Ajmir,  and  proceeded  by  ¥ray  of  Mewdt 
towards  Kgnk.  On  his  journey,  he  passed  a  jungle  which  was 
the  abode  of  lions  {sJier)  and  tigers  {bahar).  A  terrible  tiger 
(ehery  came  out,  and  His  Majesty'^s  followers,  who  were  con- 
stantly in  attendance  upon  him,  discharged  their  arrows  and 
stretched  him  in  the  dust.  His  Majesty  then  gave  orders,  that 
if  a  like  thing  should  occur  again,  they  were  not  to  shoot  until 
he  directed  them.  As  they  went  on,  another  tiger  («Aer),  larger 
and  fiercer  than  the  first,  came  out  and  made  towards  the 
Emperor.  No  one  of  the  attendants  dared  to  fire  without 
orders.  The  tiger-hunting  King  alighted  from  his  horse  and 
levelled  a  musket  at  the  beast.  The  ball  grazed  the  animaPs 
fi^ice,  inflicting  a  slight  wound,  which  caused  him  to  rush  from 
his  place  towards  His  Majesty.  The  Emperor  fired  a  second 
time,  and  brought  him  down.  At  this  juncture,  ^Adil  Muham- 
mad Kandahfiri,  boldly  placed  an  arrow  to  his  bow,  and  faced 
the  animal,  which  then  turned  away  from  the  Emperor  and 
attacked  him.  It  brought  him  to  the  ground,  and  was  about 
to  take  his  head  in  his  mouth.  That  brave  fellow,  in  this 
supreme  moment,  thrust  his  hand  into  the  animal's  mouth,  and 
sought  to  draw  his  dagger  to  stab  him  in  the  belly.  But  the 
handle  of  the  dagger  stuck  in  the  sheath,  and  the  beast  gnawed 
the  flesh  and  skin  of  the  hand  which  was  in  his  mouth.  Not- 
withstanding this,  'Adil  managed  to  draw  his  dagger,  and  in- 
flicted some  deep  wounds  in  the  animal's  belly.  Brave  men 
gathered  round  on  all  sides  and  finished  him.  'Adil  Muhammad 
received  a  sword-cut  besides  the  wounds  the  tiger  had  given  him. 
He  lay  for  some  time  on  the  bed  of  pain  before  he  died  of  his 
wounds. 

After  the  tiger  hunt  the  royal  camp  moved  towards  Alwar,  and 

1  It  was  in  all  probability  a  tiger,  although  the  author  would  aeem  to  use  the 
words  8h4r  and  bahar  dislinotiyely. 

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330  KiZAMir-p  DrN  ahmad. 

directions  were  given  that  it  should  proceed  thither,  while  the 
Emperor  himself  went  to  pay  a  visit  to  Shaikh  Niz&m  N&maali. 
He  then  returned  to  the  camp,  and  proceeded  with  the  army  to 
the  capital. 

After  a  stay  of  some  months  at  ^ra,  the  Emperor  resolved 
to  attack  the  fort  of  Bantambhor,  renowned  as  one  of  the 
strongest  and  highest  fortresses  of  Hindust4n.  An  order  was 
issued  for  the  assembling  of  those  troops  which  had  not  been 
engaged  in  the  siege  of  Ghitor.  Ashraf  Kh&n  Mir^munM  and 
S&dik  Kh&n  were  sent  on  this  service  with  a  large  portion  of 
the  Imperial  army.  When  these  amir8  had  marched  several 
stages,  intelligence  reached  the  Emperor  of  disturbances  created 
by  the  sons  of  Muhammad  Sult&n  Mirzi,  who  had  escaped  from 
the  hands  of  Ghangiz  "Khku,  in  Gujar&t,^  and  had  laid  siege  to 
the  fort  of  Ujjain,  in  M&lwa.  The  Emperor  then  directed  that 
Kalij  Kh£n,  with  the  amirs  and  the  army  that  had  been  sent 
to  Bantambhor,  should  undertake  the  repression  of  the  revolt 
of  the  Mirzas. 

The  two  forces  united  according  to  the  order.  On  approach- 
ing Sironj,  Shah&bu-d  din,  the  ruler  of  that  sarkdr^  came 
forth  to  meet  them.  He  joined  them  and  marched  on  with 
them.  When  they  encamped  at  S&rangpur,  Sh&h  Bidagh  Kh&n 
joined  them  with  his  forces.  The  army  had  now  grown  very 
large.  When  the  Mirz&s  were  apprised  of  its  approach,  they 
raised  the  siege  of  TTjjain,  and  went  off  towards  Mandu.  Ma« 
hammad  Mur&d  Kh&n  and  Mirz&  'Azizu-Ua,  who  had  been 
besieged  in  Ujjain,  being  thus  released,  came  out  and  joined  the 
amirs.  All  marched  together  in  pursuit  of  the  Mirzas,  who 
fled  before  them  from  Mandu  to  the  banks  of  the  Nerbadda. 
They  crossed  this  river  in  such  confusion  that  many  of  their 
men  were  drowned.  Just  at  this  time  Jajh&r  Kh&n  Hahshi 
murdered  Ghangiz  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  Gujar&t,  in  the  iirpauKya 
maiddn  of  Ahmad&b&d.     When  the  Mirz&s  heard  of  this,  they 

^  "  The  Afirzfc?  did  not  get  on  amicably  with  Changd  Kh&n,  and  were  tjTannieal  in 
their  j'dfffn,  ao  they  fled  frou  him.*' — Badktmif  yol.  ii.  pp.  106,  199. 


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TABAKiCT>I  ASBARr.  331 

seized  the  chance  which  it  afforded,  and  fled  to  Gujar&t.  The 
Imperial  amirs  turned  back  from  the  river  Nerbadda,  and  the 
jdgirddrB  of  Mandu  returned  to  their  jdgira.  KaKj  Kh&n  and 
the  other  amira  proceeded  to  Court,  and  were  received  with 
royal  favour.  On  reaching  Oujar&t,  the  Mirz&s  first  seized  upon 
the  fort  of  Ghfimpanir,^  and  then  marched  against  Broach,  to 
which  they  laid  seige.  After  a  while,  they  by  stratagem  got 
into  their  power  Bustam  Kh&n  Bumi,  who  was  besieged  in  the 
fort,  and  put  him  to  death.'  The  remainder  of  this  transaction 
will  be  told  in  its  proper  place. 

In  the  course  of  this  year  Mir  Muhammad  Eh&n-i  kal&n, 
Kutbu-d  din  Muhammad  Kh&n,  and  £am&l  Eh&n  Ghakar, 
jdgirddrs  of  the  Panj&b,  were  summoned  to  Court.  They 
hastened  to  obey,  and  in  Babi'u4  awwal,  976  h.,  they  arrived 
and  made  their  offerings.  Husain  Kuli  Kh&n  and  his  brother 
Isma^il  Eh&n  were  summoned  from  N&gor,  and  appointed  to 
the  government  of  the  Panj&b  instead  of  them.  The  jdgir  of 
Muhammad  Eh&n-i  kal&n,  in  the  aarkdr  of  Sambal,  became  a 
tankhtcdh.  When  the  Emperor  marched  to  conquer  Bantambhor, 
Husain  Euli  Kh&n  was  his  personal  attendant  in  the  campaign. 
But  after  the  reduction  of  Bantambhor,  and  the  return  of  His 
Majesty  to  Agra,  Husain  Kuli  Khan  and  his  brother  Isma'il 
KulI  Kh&n  took  leave  and  departed  to  the  Panj&b.  On  the 
1st  Bajab,  the  Emperor  marched  from  Agra  against  Bantambhor. 
Proceeding  to  Dehli,  he  stayed  there  some  days  and  went  out  to 
a  katnurgha  hunt,  in  the  neighbourhood  of  P&lam,  where  four 
or  five  thousand  animals  were  killed. 

Fourteenth  year  of  the  Reign, 
The  beginning  of  this  year  agreed  with  5th  Bamaz&n,  976  H. 
(22nd  February,  1669).     The  Emperor  marched  at  the  opening 

*  "And  BvLXvXr—Akhar-ndfMi,  Tol.  ii.  p.  418. 

*  The  fort  was  held  bj  Bustam  Eh&n,  a  Tnrkl  Bkye^  in  whose  house  the  sister  of 
Changiz  Kh&n  had  taken  refugee.  He  fought  braTely,  and  held  out  for  two  yean; 
but  being  left  without  help,  he  was  at  length  obliged  to  surrender,  and  was  then  *<  in 
a  base  and  dastardly  manner  put  to  death.""ul^^ar-M((ffMy  yoL  ii.  p.  418. 


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332  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

of  the  year  towards  Bantambhor,  and  in  a  short  period  arrived 
at  the  foot  of  the  fort.  The  place  was  invested,  batteries  raised, 
adbdte  constructed,  and  several  breaches  were  effected  by  batter- 
ing with  cannon.  « 

B&i  Surjan,  the  commander  of  the  fort,  when  he  observed  the 
progress  of  the  siege,  was  brought  down  from  the  pinnacle  of 
his  pride  and  insolence,  and  he  sent  out  his  two  sons,  Dddh 
and  Bhoj  by  name,  to  ask  for  terms.  His  Majesty  received 
kindly  the  two  young  men,  who  had  come  to  seek  his  meroy^ 
and  pardoned  their  transgressions.  He  sent  Husain  Kuli  Kh&n, 
who  had  received  the  title  of  Kh&n-jah&n,  into  the  fort  to  give 
assurances  to  B&i  Snijan.  He  did  so,  and  brought  the  R4i  to 
wait  upon  the  Emperor,  when  he  made  a  frank  submission,  and 
was  enrolled  among  the  royal  servants.^  On  Wednesday,  3rd 
Shaww&l,  the  conquest  of  the  fortress  was  accomplished,  and  on 
the  next  day  the  Emperor  went  in  to  examine  the  place.  He 
placed  Mihtar  Kh&n  in  command  of  the  fortress,  and  then  pre- 
pared to  return  to  the  capital.  Leaving  the  army  under  the 
command  of  £hw&ja  Aminu-d  din  Mahmud,  who  was  entitled 
£hw&ja-jah&n,  and  Muzaffar  £hdn^  the  Emperor  left  them  to 
conduct  the  army  back  to  the  capital,  while  he  made  a  hasty 
journey  to  pay  a  visit  to  the  tomb  of  F4izu-1  anw&r  Ehw&ja 
Mu^'inu-d  din  Ghishti.  He  remained  there  a  week,  and  then 
departed  for  -^gra,  where  he  arrived  on  Wednesday,  4th  Z£-I 
ka*da,  976.  Darb&r  Kh&n,  one  of  his  personal  attendants,  had 
been  compelled  by  sickness  to  continue  with  the  army,  and  he 
died  before  His  Majesty  reached  Agra.  Upon  his  return  His 
Majesty  went  into  the  Eh&n's  dining-hall,  and  made  a  princely 
provision  for  his  &mily. 

Foundation  of  the  town  ofFathpiir. 

The  Emperor  had  several  sons  bom  to  him,  but  none  of  them 
had  lived.    Shaikh  Salim  Ghishti,  who  resided  at  the  town  of 
Sikri,   twelve  ko^  from  Agra,   had  gladdened    him  with  the 
^  See  Blochmann'B  Ain-i  Akbari,  yoI.  i.  p*  408, 

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TABAXXT-I  AKBABr.  333 

promise  of  a  son.  The  Emperor  went  to  visit  the  Shaikh  several 
times,  and  remained  there  ten  or  twenty  days  on  each  occasion. 
He  commenced  a  fine  building  there  on  the  top  of  a  hill,  near 
the  Shaikh's  monastery.  The  Shaikh  also  commenced  a  new 
monastery  and  a  fine  mosque,  which  at  the  present  day  has  no 
eqnal  in  the  world,  near  the  royal  mansion.  The  amirs  also 
bailt  houses  and  mansions  for  themselves.  When  one  of  the 
Emperor's  wives  became  pregnant,  he  conveyed  her  to  the 
dwelling  of  the  Shaikh,  and  left  her  there.  Sometimes  he  stayed 
there  himself,  sometimes  at  Agra.  He  gave  the  name  of 
Fathpur  to  Sikrf,  and  built  a  bazar  and  baths  there. 

Conquest  of  Kdlir^far. 
This  is  a  strong  fortress,  and  many  former  Sult&ns  had  been 
ambitious  of  taking  it.  Sher  Kh&n  Afgh&n  (Sher  Sh&h)  besieged 
it  for  a  year,  but  was  killed  in  the  attempt  to  take  it,  as  has 
been  narrated  in  the  history  of  his  reign.  During  the  inter- 
regnum of  the  Afgh&ns,  R&j&  Bam  Ghandar^  had  purchased 
the  fort  at  a  high  price  fi*om  Bijilli^  Eh&n,  the  adopted  son 
(pisar-i  khwdnda)  of  Bih&r  Khan  Afgh&n.  The  renown  of  the 
conquest  of  the  forts  of  Chitor  and  Bantambhor  spread  through 
the  world,  and  the  men  of  the  Imperial  army  who  held  jdgirs 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  K&linjar  were  constantly  forming  plans 
for  the  capture  of  that  fort,  and  were  anxious  to  begin  the  war. 
Bij&  Bam  Ghandar  was  a  prudent  and  experienced  man,  and 
considered  himself  an  adherent  of  the  Imperial  throne.  He  sent 
by  his  envoy  the  keys  of  the  fortress  and  suitable  offerings,  with 
congratulations  for  the  victories  achieved,  to  the  Emperor.  On 
the  same  day  the  custody  of  the  fortress  was  given  into  the 
charge  of  Majniin  Khan  K&ksh&I,  one  of  the  jdgirddra  of  that 
quarter,  and  a  firiendly /armdn  was  sent  to  B&j&  B&m  Ghandar. 
The  fortress  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Emperor  in  the 
month  of  Sa&r,  977  h.,  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  his  reign. 

»  « IUj&  of  Panna."— r.  Alfi.    See  Blocbmann'a  Ain-i  Akbarl,  vol.  i.  p.  400. 
*  <<  'Ali  Eh&n,  the  reputed  son  of  Bih&r  Kh&n  'Azam  Hum&ytin,  and  son-in-law 
of  Sher  Kh&n  [Sher  Sh&h]."— Z  Alfi. 

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334  KfZi(Mtr-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

Birth  of  Prince  Suttdn  Salim  Mirzd. 

On  Wednesday,  18th  of  Itab{*u-1  awwal,  977  h.,  and  the  four- 
teenth year  of  the  reign,  when  seven  hoars  of  the  day  had 
passed,  the  exalted  prince  Salt&n  Salim  Mirz&  was  bom  in  the 
house  of  Shaikh  Salim  Ghishti,  in  the  town  of  Fathpdr.  The 
Emperor  himself  was  in  ^gra  at  the  time,  and  the  joyful  tidings 
was  conveyed  to  him  by  Shaikh  Ibrdhim,  son-iu-law  of  Shaikh 
Salim,  who  was  right  royally  rewarded.  In  thanksgiving  for  this 
happy  event,  gifts  were  distributed  among  the  people,  prisoners 
were  set  free,  and  great  feasts  were  held,  which  were  kept  up  for 
seven  days  with  great  pleasure  and  rejoicing.  The  date  of  the 
birth  is  found  in  the  words  Shdh-i  dl  i  Ttmiir.  Khw&ja  Husain 
composed  an  ode,  of  which  the  first  line  contained  the  date  of 
the  Emperor^s  accession,  and  the  second  the  date  of  the  prince's 
birth.  The  Khw&ja  received  a  present  of  two  laea  of  iankoi 
for  this  ode,  and  several  other  poets  received  rewards  for  their 
productions.  The  Emperor  made  Fathpur^  a  royal  abode,  raised 
a  stone  fortification  round  it,  and  built  some  splendid  edifices, 
so  that  it  became  a  great  city.  Before  the  prince  was  born,  the 
Emperor  had  resolved  in  his  own  mind,  that  if  the  Almighty 
granted  his  wishes^  he  would  go  a  pilgrimage  on  foot  to  the 
shrine  of  Murddu-l  anwar  Kutbu-l  wdBtim  Ehw&ja  Mu''inu-d  din 
Chishti.  Having  prepared  his  ofierings,  on  Friday,  the  12th 
Sha'b&n,  977,  he  started  on  foot  from  Agra  for  Ajmir.  Every 
day  he  travelled  seven  or  eight  kos.  He  visited  the  shrine,  and 
performed  the  usual  observances  immediately  upon  his  arrival. 
He  passed  some  days  there,  and  then  left  Ajmir  for  Dehli, 
where  he  arrived  in  Eamaz&n,  977. 

Fifteenth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Saturday,  the 
6th  Shaww&l,  977  h.  (14th  March,  1570).  •  •  •  On  Thuraday, 
the  3rd  Muharram,  978,  the  star  of  good  fortune  shone,  and  the 

^  Now  known  as  Fathptir-Sikii.    Bee  tifprd,  p.  333. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAET.  335 

Emperor  had  another  son,  Prince  Mur&d,  borne  to  him  in  the 
house  of  Shaikh  Salim.  In  gratitude  for  this  blessing,  he  opened 
the  hand  of  liberality,  and  gave  away  many  munificent  gifts, 
and  men  were  enriched  by  his  bounty.  The  nobles  and  officers 
of  the  Court  presented  offerings  suitable  to  their  respective 
ranks,  and  received  robes  of  honour.  Maul&n&  K&sim  Arsl&n 
on  this  occasion  wrote  a  couplet,  of  which  the  first  line  contained 
the  date  of  the  birth  of  Prince  Salim,  and  the  second  that  of 
Prince  Mur&d. 

March  of  the  Emperor  to  Ajmlr. 

The  Emperor  was  accustomed,  wherever  he  might  be,  to  pay  a 
visit  every  year  to  the  tomb  of  Mu'Inu-1  hakk  wau-d  din  Hasan 
Sanjari  at  Ajrair.  In  this  happy  year,  on  the  8th  Ilabi'*u-l 
&khir,  978,  he  started  for  that  place,  in  order  to  show  his  grati- 
tude for  the  boon  granted  to  him.  He  stayed  twelve  days  at 
Fathpur,  in  order  to  make  some  necessary  arrangements  for  his 
journey.  He  arrived  at  Ajmir  in  due  course.  To  show  his 
favour,  and  to  improve  the  condition  of  the  place,  he  ordered  a 
strong  wall  to  be  built  round  it,  and  a  palace  to  be  erected  in  it 
for  his  own  residence.  The  amirs  and  khans,  and  attendants  of 
the  Court,  vied  with  each  other  in  erecting  dwellings  there.  He 
distributed  the  villages  and  lands  and  houses  of  Ajmir  among 
his  amirs,  to  enable  them  to  pay  the  expenses  of  the  new 
buildings.  On  Friday,  4th  Jum&da-l  dkhir,  he  left  Ajmir,  and 
arrived  in  sight  of  N&gor  on  the  16th.  Here  there  is  a  large 
tank,  which  he  ordered  his  soldiers  to  dig  and  fill  with  water.  He 
himself  inspected  the  tank,  and  gave  it  the  name  of  Shukr  taldo. 

While  he  was  thus  staying  at  Nagor,  Chandar  Sen,  son  of 
R&i  M&ldeo  ^  came  to  pay  his  allegiance,  and  make  his  offerings. 
B&J&  Kaly&n  Mai,  the  B&j4  of  Bikanir,  also  came  with  his  son, 
Br&i  Singh,  to  wait  upon  His  Majesty,  and  present  his  tribute. 
The  loyalty  and  sincerity  of  both  father  and  son  being  manifest^ 


1  <«  Bnler  of  M&rw&r.''— Bad&(ini,  toI.  ii.  p.  133. 


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336  NIZiCMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

the  Emperor  married  Kaly&n  Mai's  daughter.  For  fifty  days  he 
shed  the  light  of  his  justice  and  equity  upon  the  poor  people  of 
Nagor.  From  thence  he  proceeded  to  Ajodhan,  to  pay  a  visit 
to  the  tomb  of  Shaikh  Faridu-d  din  Mas'ud  Gttnj-i  shakar.  B&i 
£aly&n  Mai,  who  was  so  fat  that  he  could  not  ride  on  horseback, 
now  received  permission  to  return  to  Bikanir ;  but  his  son  was 
ordered  to  remain  in  attendance  upon  His  Majesty,  in  which 
he  received  high  promotion,  as  will  be  related  in  the  proper 
place. 

There  were  many  wild  asses  (gor-khar)  in  this  desert  country, 
and  His  Majesty,  who  had  never  hunted  this  animal,  was 
desirous  of  doing  so.  One  day  as  he  was  journeying  on,  the 
scouts  brought  information  that  there  was  a  herd  of  wild  asses 
in  the  vicinity  of  the  camp.  He  immediately  mounted  a  fleet 
courser,  and  after  a  ride  of  four  or  five  kos^  came  in  sight 
of  the  herd.  He  got  off  his  horse,  and  commanded  all  his 
followers  to  remain  quiet.  He  himself,  with  four  or  five 
Biluchis,  who  were  acquainted  with  the  country,  approached 
the  herd  with  guns  in  their  hands.  At  the  first  shot  he  struck 
an  ass,  and  the  remainder  of  the  herd,  being  frightened  by  the 
noise,  dispersed.  His  Majesty  cautiously  approached,  and  struck 
another,  and  so  on,  until  sixteen  asses  fell  by  his  hand.  That 
day  he  travelled  nearly  seventeen  kos  in  hunting,  and  at  the 
close  returned  to  the  camp.  By  his  order  the  sixteen  asses  were 
brought  to  the  camp  in  carts,  and  their  flesh  was  distributed  in 
front  of  the  royal  tent  among  the  amirs  and  courtiers.  Then 
he  proceeded  towards  Ajodhan ;  and  on  arriving  in  sight  of  the 
place,  he  went  on  immediately,  and  performed  all  the  ceremonies 
of  pilgrimage,  and  distributed  his  bounty  among  the  poor.  •  *  * 

From  thence  he  proceeded  towards  Lahore,  and  when  he 
arrived  at  Dipdlpur,  the  jdgirddr  of  that  pargana^  Mink  'Aziz 
Muhammad  Kokalt&sh,  who  bore  the  title  of  'Azam  £h&n,  and 
was  well  known  as  Mirzd  Koka,  prepared  an  entertainment,  and 
begged  him  to  stay  there  a  few  days  and  rest.  His  Majesty 
graciously  consented,   and  remained  there.      For   some    days 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAKf.  337 

feasting  went  on,  and  upon  the  last  day  splendid  offerings  were 
presented  to  him.  Arab  and  Persian  horses,  with  saddles  of 
silver;  huge  elephants,  with  chains  of  gold  and  silver,  and 
housings  of  velvet  and  brocade ;  and  gold  and  silver,  and  pearls 
wid  jewels,  and  rubies  and  garnets  of  great  price  :  chairs  of 
gold,  and  silver  vases,  and  vessels  of  gold  and  silver;  stuffs  of 
Europe,  Turkey,  and  China,  and  other  precious  things  beyond 
all  conception.  Presents  of  similar  kind  also  were  presented  for 
the  young  princes  and  the  Emperor's  wives.  All  the  ministers 
and  attendants  and  dignitaries  received  presents,  and  every 
soldier  of  the  army  also  participated  in  the  bounty. 

Sixteenth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Sunday,  17th 
Shaww&l,  978  h.  (13th  March,  1571  a.d.) 

At  the  beginning  of  this  year  His  Majesty  departed  from 
Dipalpur  for  Lahore,  and  Hasan  Kuli  Kh&n,  the  governor  of 
that  city,  hastened  forth  to  receive  him.  Leaving  his  camp  at 
Malkapur,  the  Emperor  went  on  speedily  to  Lahore.  He  passed 
that  day  and  night  in  the  house  of  Hasan  Kuli,  and  next  day 
the  Kh&n  presented  his  gifts.  On  the  following  day  the  Emperor 
returned  to  the  camp,  and  after  spending  a  few  days  in  the 
vicinity  of  Lahore,  he  set  off  for  His&r-Firozah,  on  a  visit  to 
the  shrine  of  Khw&ja  Mu'inu-d  d{n. 

N&hid  Begam  was  wife  of  Muhibb  'All  Kh&n  son  of  Mir 
Khalifa,  and  her  mother  was  wife  of  Mirzd  'f  sa  Tarkbdn,  the 
ruler  of  Thatta.  Mirzd  ''t^k  being  dead,  Nahid  Begam  had 
received  leave  from  His  Majesty  about  a  year  before  this  date 
to  go  to  Sind,  to  see  her  mother,  and  bring  the  daughter  of 
Mirzd  'fs&  to  pay  homage  to  the  Emperor.  Muhammad  Bakf 
Tarkhan  now  occupied  the  seat  of  his  father,  and  would  have 
nothing  to  do  with  N4hid  Begam.  She  therefore  returned  in 
anger  to  the  Emperor,  and  made  a  statement  of  the  harshness 
and  tyranny  of  Muhammad  Baki,  and  of  the  disrespect  he  had 
Bhown  ta  the  Emperor's  servants.     She  said  that  if  the  Emperor 

VOL.  T.  22 

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338  KIZiCMU-D  Dm  ahmad. 

would  permit  and  support  her  husband  Muhibb  ^Al(  Efa&n,  he 
could  easily  effect  the  conquest  of  Thatta.  As  N&hid  Begam 
was  returning  from  Thatta,  she  had  some  conversation  at  Bakar 
with  Snlt4n  Mahmud  Bakan,  who  was  one  of  the  officers  of 
Mirz&  Sh&h  Husain  Arghiin,  and  his  koka;  and,  after  the  death 
of  Mirz&  Sh&Ii,  Bakar  remained  in  his  possession.  This  Sult&u 
Mahmud  Sal&i  Samarkand!  told  N&hid  Begam  that  if  Muhibb 
'All  Kh&n  would  undertake  the  conquest  of  Thatta^  he  would 
join  and  assist  him,  and  that  he  would  have  no  need  of  any 
further  support.  In  consequence  of  this  promise,  N&hid  Begam 
was  yery  desirous  of  going  to  Sind.  Muhibb  'Ali  Kh&n  had 
for  a  long  time  given  up  the  military  life,  so  the  Emperor 
granted  him  a  banner  and  a  kettle-drum,  and  he  gave  him  a 
jdgir  of  fifty  lacs  of  tanker  in  the  sarkdr  of  Multdn,  towards  the 
expense  of  the  campaign.  He  also  sent  with  him  his  daughter's 
son  Muj&hid,  a  young  man  of  resolution  and  courage,  and  he 
wrote  a  farm&n  to  Sa'id  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  Mult&n,  directing 
him  to  support  Muhibb  'Ali  Kh&n. 

When  the  Emperor  left  the  Panjib  for  Fathpur  his  royal 
residence  (ddru-l  khildfat\  he  sent  Muhibb  'Ali  on  his  expedi- 
tion. Upon  arriving  at  his  jdgir  in  Mult&n,  Muhibb  'Ali  set 
about  collecting  men,  and  got  together  nearly  400  horse.  Rely- 
ing upon  Sult&n  Mahmud  Bakari,  he  wrote  letters  to  him,  and 
began  his  march.  But  Sultan  Mahmud  was  adverse  to  the 
entrance  of  any  Imperial  forces  into  his  territory,  so,  disregarding 
the  promises  he  had  made  to  N&h(d  Begam,  he  sent  to  say  that 
he  would  not  allow  Muhibb  'All  to  pass  through  his  country ; 
but  that  if  Muhibb  'Ali  would  march  by  way  of  Jesalmir,  he 
would  send  his  army  to  him,  and  render  him  all  the  assistance 
he  could. 

Muhibb  'AH,  and  his  grandson  Muj&hid,  took  a  bold  course, 
and  proceeded  towards  Bakar.  Sult&n  Mahmud  sent  his 
whole  army  to  oppose  them,  but  his  men  were  defeated,  and 
obliged  to  seek  refuge  in  the  fort  of  M&nila.  Muj&hid  and 
Muhibb  'Ali  Kh&n  besieged  the  fort  for  six  months,  and  at 


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TAfilKflCT.I  AKBAEr.  339 

length  obtained  possession  of  it  by  capitulation.  At  this  time 
Mub&rak  Eh&n,  a  slave  of  Saltdn  Mahmud^s^  who  acted  as  his 
raiil^  being  aggrieved  with  bis  master,  went  and  joined  Muhibb 
^Ali.  The  latter  having  increased  his  force,  laid  siege  to  Bakar. 
Solt&n  Mahmdd  sent  oat  his  army,  amounting  to  nearly  2000 
horse  and  4000  foot,  archers,  and  gunners.  They  were  defeated 
in  battle  and  driven  back  into  the  fort  For  three  years  Sult&n 
Mahmdd  sometimes  daily,  sometimes  every  two  or  three  days, 
sent  out  armed  ships  and  ghrdbs  to  fight.  Three  times  he  sent 
out  his  whole  army,  horse  and  foot,  to  fight  a  regular  battle,  but 
each  time  he  was  defeated.  In  consequence  of  the  large  number 
of  men  which  he  had  crowded  into  the  fort,  pestilence  and  sick- 
nOBS^  broke  out  and  became  very  fatal,  so  that  500  to  1000 
persons  died  daily.  At  lengthy  in  the  year  983,  Mahmud  him- 
self died,  and  the  fort  came  into  the  possession  of  the  Emperor's 
adherents. 

When  the  Emperor  left  the  Panj&b  and  proceeded  to  Fathpur, 
Mun'im  Khdn  £hdn-kh&n&n  came  from  Jaunpur,  bringing 
Sikandar  Kh&n  with  him.  The  ofiences  of  Sikandar  Kh&n  were 
pardoned,  and  the  Jdgir  of  Lucknow  was  conferred  upon  him. 
£h&n-kh&n&n  quickly  returned  to  secure  his  Bengal  frontier. 
Sikandar  Khan  also  todc  his  leave,  and  was  sent  along  with 
Kh&n-khan&n  to  his  Jdgir.  Each  received  a  jewelled  sword- 
belt  and  four  horses  with  golden  saddles.  Soon  after  his  arrival 
at  Lucknow,  Sikandar  Kk&n  fell  sick,  and  died  on  the  10th 
Jum&da-l  awwal,  979  h. 

Seventeenth  year  of  tfie  Reign, 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Tuesday,  25th 
Shaww&l,  979  h.  (11th  March,  1572  a.d.) 

Campaign  in  Cfujardt.^ 

In  the  Court  of  the  Emperor  conversation  continually  turned 
upon  the  state  of  affairs  in  Gujarat,  and  information  was  often 

I  "  'ufitnat  0  bimdri:*    Badfrfini  (vol.  ii.  p.  135)  calls  it  « icahd.** 
*  **  Gojar&t  had  for  a  long  time  bad  no  legitimate  master,  and  its  amirt  were  quarrel- 
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340  NIZAMTJ-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

brought  about  ibe  oppression  and  \?ilfalne8s  of  its  petty  rulers, 
and  about  the  ruin  of  its  towns  and  cities.  Now  that  His 
Majesty's  mind  was  set  quite  at  rest  by  the  suppression  of  rebels, 
and  the  reduction  of  their  lofty  forts,  he  turned  his  attention 
to  the  conquest  of  Gujar&t.  The  order  was  given  for  the  as- 
isembling  of  the  army,  and  on  the  20th  Safar^  980,  in  the 
eighteenth  year  of  the  reign,  the  Emperor  started  and  pro- 
ceeded, enjoying  the  chase  on  his  way,  to  Ajmfr.  On  the  15th 
Babi'u-1  awwal^  he  paid  a  visit  to  the  tomb  of  Khw&ja  Mu'inu-d 
din  Ghishti,  and  gladdened  the  hearts  of  the  shaikhs  and  atten- 
dants with  his  munificent  gifts.  Next  day  he  made  a  visit  to 
the  tomb  of  Saiyid  Husain  Kh&ng-saw&r,  a  descendant  of  Zainu-1 
'&bidin,  which  is  on  the  top  of  a  hill  at  Ajmlr.  Next  day,  Mir 
Muhammad  Eh&n  Atka,  better  known  by  the  title  of  Eh&n-i 
kal&n,  was  sent  on  in  advance  with  10,000  horse,  and  His 
Majesty  followed  on  the  22nd  Babfu-s  s&ni. 

Two  stages  from  Nagor,  messengers  brought  him  the  news 
that  in  the  night  of  Wednesday,  2nd  Jum&dal  awwal,  a  son 
was  bom  to  him  [at  Ajmir].^  He  spent  several  days  in  rejoicing, 
and  made  many  happy  by  his  munificence.  As  the  child  had 
been  born  in  the  house  of  Shaikh  D&niy&I^  one  of  the  most 
pious  and  celebrated  shaikhs  of  the  time,  he  gave  the  prince  the 
name  of  D&niy&I.  After  the  rejoicings  were  over,  he  again 
marched  and  arrived  at  Nagor,  on  the  9th  Jum&da-l  awwal. 
There  he  remained  fourteen  days  employed  in  arranging  for  the 
supply  of  his  army. 

From  thence  he  marched  to  Mirath,  and  there  he  was  in- 
formed that  when  Mir  Muhammad  Khkn  came  near  to  Sirohi, 
the  B&J&  of  that  place  professed  subjection  and  obedience,  and 
sent  some  B&jpiits  as  envoys  to  wait  upon  the  Mir.  The 
envoys  arrived  and  delivered  their  message.     Mir  Muhammad 

ling  with  each  other,  and  oppressing  the  peasants.   'Itimad  Eh&n  was  minister  of  the 
country,  hut  was  not  ahle  to  keep  it  in  his  grasp,  and  each  chief  in  his  own  citj 
considered  himself  supreme  ruler  of  Gajar&t" — Tdrlkh'i  AlfL 
^  BadCt(ini,  toL  il  p.  139. 


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TABAEiCT-I  AHBABf.  341 

Eh&n  gave  them  an  appropriate  answer  and  fine  robes^  and  then» 
according  to  the  etiqaette  observed  among  the  people  of  India, 
he  dismissed  them  with  his  own  hand.^  One  of  those  desperate 
enyoys  at  that  moment  stabbed  the  Kh&a  in  the  breast,  and  the 
weapon  pierced  through  to  his  back  under  the  shoulder.  Bah&dur 
£h&n,  a  young  man  and  a  servant  of  the  Eh&n,  who  was  standing 
behind  Sher  Ehdn,  but  now  has  his  place  among  the  nobles, 
rushed  forward,  and  seizing  the  B&jput,  dashed  him  to  the 
ground.  Muhammad  S&dik  Eh&n,  who  was  seated  by  the  side 
of  the  £h&n,  arose  and  despatched  the  accursed  wretch  with  his 
dagger.  When  this  intelligence  reached  the  Emperor,  on  the 
same  day  he  sent  Lashkar  Kh&n  Mir-bahhsM  to  inquire  after 
Mir  Muhammad  Kh&n,  and  next  day  he  marched  forward  him- 
self. S&dik  Muhammad  Kh&n  and  the  other  amin  called  in 
surgeons,  who  dressed  the  Kh&n's  wounds,  and  by  the  Emperor^s 
good  fortune  the  severe  wound  was  cured  in  fifteen  days,  and 
the  Kh&n  mounted  his  horse  with  his  quiver  girt  upon  his  loins. 

The  Emperor  continued  his  march,  and  on  the  8th  Jum&da-s 
s&n(  formed  a  junction  with  the  advanced  force.  When  he 
reached  Sirohi,  eighty  B&jputs  in  a  temple  and  seventy  in  the 
B&j&^'s  house,  stood  ready  to  perform  the  vow  they  had  n»ade  to 
die.  In  a  few  moments  they  were  all  despatched.  Dost  Mu- 
hammad, son  of  T&t&r  Kh&n,  perished  in  the  R&j&'s  house.  At 
this  stage  His  Majesty  resolved  to  send  one  of  bis  officers  to 
make  sure  of  the  territory  of  Joudhpdr,  and  keep  the  road  to 
Oujar&t  open,  so  that  none  of  the  R&n&s  might  be  able  to  inflict 
any  loss.  This  duty  was  imposed  upon  R&i  Singh  Bikaniri,^ 
who  was  sent  with  a  strong  force  of  Imperial  troops.    FarmuM 

1  "  When  the  envoy  was  taking  leave,  according  to  the  cnstom  of  the  country,  he 
ashed  for  pdn,  and  the  Kh&n  taking  some  in  his  hand,  called  him  forward  to  give  it 
to  him.  The  envoy  then  drew  a  dagger  (Jamdhar)  from  his  hoeom,  and  stahhed  the 
Kh&n  in  the  hreast.  •  •  •  The  attendants  of  the  Kh&n  killed  all  the  followers 
of  the  amhaasador,  although  they  denied  any  complicity  in  the  shameful  deed." — 
T.  Alfl. 

'  **  R&S  Singh  of  Bikanir  was  sent  to  Joudhpdr  to  keep  the  road  to  Gujar&t  open, 
and  to  prevent  any  annoyance  from  B&n&  Kfka,  chief  of  Kokanda  and  Kombalmir." 
— Bad&dni,  vol.  ii.  p.  146. 

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342  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

were  written  to  the  amirs  and  jdgirddn  of  that  province,  direct* 
ing  them  to  render  B&i  Singh  every  assistance  he  might  reqaire. 

At  this  stage  Y4r  'Ali  Turkomdn,  with  an  escort  of  Turko- 
mans^ came  as  an  ambassador  from  Snltdn  Mahammad  Mirzi, 
and  from  Sh&h  Tahm&sp,  King  of  Khor&s&n,  bringing  with  them 
Arab  and  Persian  horses,  and  other  presents.  They  were 
received  by  His  Majesty  with  all  due  state  and  honour.  The 
Emperor  then  marched  from  Sirohi  to  Pattan  Nahrwala,  and 
when  he  arrived  near  the  fort  of  Dlsa,  which  is  twenty  has  from 
Pattan,  intelligence  was  brought  that  the  sons  of  Sher  Kh&n 
Ful&di  had  taken  off  their  troops  and  families  towards  fdar. 
The  Emperor  sent  B&j&  M&n  Singh  in  command  of  a  detach- 
ment after  them.  On  the  1st  Rajab,  980,  the  array  arrived  in 
sight  of  Pattan,  and  rested  there  for  a  week.  The  government 
of  the  country  was  conferred  upon  Saiyid  Ahmad  Kh&n  B&rha, 
a  man  of  courage  and  resolution,  who  had  numerous  friends  and 
allies  among  the  Saiyids  of  Hinddst&n.  At  this  halt  Bfijd  M&n 
Singh  returned,  bringing  in  a  large  booty,  which  he  had  taken 
from  the  remnant  of  the  Afgh&ns. 

The  Emperor  then  marched  towards  Ahmad&b&d.  Sher  Kh&n 
Ful&di  had  been  engaged  for  six  months  besieging  Ahmad&b&d, 
which  was  held  by  'Itim&d  Kh&n  ;^  but  when  he  heard  of  the 
Emperor's  approach,  he  took  to  flight.  The  Emperor  had  hardly 
advanced  two  stages  from  Pattan,  when  Sult&n  Muzaffar,  son 
of  Sult&n  Mahmud  Gujar&t(,  whom  'Itim&d  Kh&n  had  kept 
continually  in  confinement,  came  with  a  great  display  of  respect 
to  meet  the  Emperor,  and  on  Sunday,'  the  9th  Bajab,  was 
admitted  to  an  interview.  Next  day,  'Itim&d  Kh&n,  the  ruler 
of  Ahraad&b&d,  Mir  Abd  Tur&b,  Saiyid  Ahmad  Bukh&ri,  Ikhti- 
y&ru-l  Mulk,  Malik  Ashraf,  Wajhu-1  Mulk,  lJI6gh  Kh&n  Habshi, 

I  *<  The  slave  and  prime  minister  of  Snlt&n  Mahm(^d  Gujar&ti."— Bad&itoi,  toI.  ii. 
p.  141.     He  was  originally  a  Hindu  slave.    See  AU-i  Akbari,  toI.  iL  p.  385. 

3  According  to  Abd-I  Fazl,  Sult&n  Muzaffar  separated  from  Sher  Khfcn  FolftdS, 
and  wandered  about  without  aim  or  purpose.  Akbar  sent  a  party  to  search  for  him. 
He  was  found  hiding  in  a  corn-field,  and  was  brought  to  the  Emperor,  who  treated 
him  very  kmdij.—Akbar'ndmn.  [There  %$  here  a  henna  of  about  eix  monthe  m  tMa 
Zueknaw  edition  of  the  Akbar^ndma,) 

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TABASJCT-I  AKBARr.  343 

Jajh&r  £h&n  Habshi,  and  other  amirs  and  chie&  of  Gujar&t, 
too  numerons  to  mention,  came  in  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor, 
and  make  their  offerings.  'Itim&d  Kh&n  presented  the  keys  of 
Ahmad&b&d,  and  showed  every  sign  of  submission. 

Thr  officers  of  the  Court  were  suspicious  of  evil  designs  on  the 
part  of  the  Jffabshis  (Abyssinians),  and  brought  the  matter  to  the 
notice  of  His  Majesty,  and  although  he  desired  to  act  generously 
and  royally  towards  them,  as  a  precaution  he  committed  them 
to  the  charge  of  some  of  his  attendants.  The  Emperor  then 
marched  on,  and  on  Friday,  14th  Bajab,  pitched  his  camp  on 
the  banks  of  the  river  of  Ahmad&b&d.  The  khutba  was  read  in 
the  name  of  the  Emperor,  and  all  the  people  of  the  city  and 
environs  came  to  offer  congratulations  and  thanksgivings.  On 
the  20th  Bajab,  Saiyid  Mahmud  Eh&n  B&rha  and  Shaikh  Mu- 
hammad Bukh&ri  brought  their  wives  into  the  royal  camp.  On 
the  same  day  Jal&l  Kh&n,  wLo  had  been  sent  on  an  embassy  to 
a  B&n&,  returned. 

Ibr&him  Husain  Mirz&  and  Muhammad  Husain  Mirz&  held 
Broachy  Baroda,  and  Surat^  in  defiance  of  the  Emperor,  so  he 
resolved  to  free  the  country  of  Gajar&t  from  their  rebellious 
power.  On  Monday,  2nd  Sha^b&n,  he  started  firom  the  river  of 
Ahmad&b&d,  and  marched  towards  E[ambay.  'Itim&d  Kh&n 
and  other  of  the  Gujar&t  amirs  were,  at  the  request  of  some  of 
the  great  officials,  allowed  to  remain  behind  in  Ahmad&bdd  for 
a  few  days  to  arrange  their  affairs.  Seizing  this  opportunity, 
Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk,  one  of  the  chief  nobles  of  Gujar&t,  fled  on  the 
4th  Sha'ban  from  Ahmad&b&d  to  Ahmadnagar.  As  no  reliance 
could  be  placed  on  the  nobles  of  Gujar&t,  'Itim&d  Kh&n  was 
given  into  the  custody  of  Sh&hb&z  Eh&n  Kambu.  On  the  6th 
the  Emperor  reached  Kambay.  He  went  to  look  at  the  sea,  and 
leaving  Kanibay  on  the  12th,  he  reached  Baroda  on  the  14th. 
After  reflecting  upon  the  best  means  of  guarding  and  governing 
the  country  of  Gujar&t,  he  appointed  Mirza  ''Aziz  Muhammad 

>  Ibr&him  HirzCt  held  Baroda,  Mohammad  HuBain  Min&  held  Sarat,  and  Shah 
]lirz&  had  Ch&mpanlr. — Akbar'ndma, 


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344  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

Kokalt&sh  the  Khdn-i  *azim  to  be  the  governor  of  the  couutiy, 
and  especially  of  its  capital  Ahmad&b&d. 

A  detachment  sent  to  invest  Surat. 

After  the  departure  of  the  '^Azam-khdn,  the  Emperor  deter- 
mined upon  attacking  the  fortress  of  Surat,  which  was  the  home 
and  stronghold  of  the  Mirz&s.  To  effect  this  purpose  lie  sent 
Saiyid  Mahmud  Kh&n  B&rha,  Shah  Kuli  Khan  Mahram  Kh&n-i 
'dlam,  R&ja  Bhagw&n  D&s,  Kunwar  M&n  Singh  *  *  •  and 
several  others,  to  overpower  Husain  Mirzd,  who  was  in  Surat. 
*Next  day,  17th  Sha^b&n,  when  one  watch  of  the  night  was 
passed,  intelligence  was  brought  in  that  Ibr&him  Mirz4  Kh&n, 
having  heard  at  Broach  of  the  Emperor's  advance,  had  murdered 
Bustam  Eh&n  Bumi,^  and  then  left  the  town,  intending  to  pass 
about  eight  kos  distance  from  the  Emperor^s  camp,  and  to  raise 
disturbances  and  rebellion  elsewhere'. 

On  hearing  this,  the  Emperor's  wrath  was  kindled.  He 
instantly  gave  orders  that  Khwdja-jahdn,  Shuj&'at  Kh&n,  Kalij 
Kh&n,  and  Sadik  Kh&n  should  take  charge  of  the  young  prince 
Salim,  while  he  went  to  chastise  Ibr&him  Mirza.  He  took  with 
him  Maliku-sh  Shark  Grujar4tl,  who  was  well  acquainted  with 
the  roads,  and  he  sent  Sh&hb&z  Kh&n  Mir  Bakhshi  in  all  haste, 
to  recall  to  his*  side  Saiyid  Muhammad  Kh&n,  and  the  forces 
which  had  marched  against  Surat.*  The  remainder  of  that  night, 
and  the  greater  part  of  the  next  day,  he  kept  up  the  pursuit  for 
a  long  distance.  When  night  came  on,  he  arrived  with  forty 
horsemen  on  the  banks  of  the  river  Mahindri.'  Ibr&him  Husain 
Mirzd  was  in  the  town  of  Sarndl,  on  the  other  side  of  the  river. 
When  they  heard  this,  the  Emperor's  followers  endeavoured  to 
conceal  themselves. 

At  this  crisis,  Saiyid  Mahmud  Eh&n  B&rha,  Euli  Eh&n 
Mahram  Kh&n-i'&lam,  Baj&  Bhagw&n  Di&^  Kunwar  Man  Singh, 

^  '*  Who  was  desirous  of  returning  to  his  allegiance.*'— u^^^or-iM^ma. 
'  The  force  he  took  with  him  nambered  aboat  2000  meiL^Akhmr^ndnw, 
*  Ab6-I  Fazl  calls  the  rirer  also  «  Sak&nir. *'—/&.    There  is  a  "Sinnole"  on  the 
llanjam  river,  thirty  miles  south-east  of  Ahmaduagar. 


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TADAEAT-I  AEBABT.  345 

*  *  *  Bhoj  the  son  of  Surjan,  and  others  of  the  force  sent 
against  Surat,  by  a  forced  march  came  np  and  joined  the 
Emperor.  !Kunwar  M&n  Singh,  at  his  own  solicitation,  was 
placed  in  command  of  the  advanced  guard.  Although  the 
whole  of  his  followers  did  not  number  more  than  100  men,^ 
the  Emperor,  without  hesitation,  determined  to  attack.  They 
dashed  into  the  river  and  crossed  over. 

Ibr&him  Husain  Mirzd,  who  had  with  him  about  1000  horse- 
men, on  perceiving  this  bold  movement,  went  out  of  the  town  of 
Sam&l  by  another  road,  telling  his  men  that  he  intended  to  give 
battle  in  the  open.  The  road  between  the  river  and  the  fort 
was  very  broken,  so  Kunwar  M&n  Singh,  and  the  advance  under 
his  command,  took  another  road,  and  the  Emperor  passed  by  a 
road  to  the  gate  of  the  town  by  the  water-side.  Some  of  the 
enemy,  whose  blood  was  up,  made  a  stand  in  the  street,  and 
showed  fight.  Makbul  Kh&n,  a  Kalmuck  slave,  who  on  that 
day  went  in  front  of  the  Emperor,  cut  one  of  them  down,  and 
wounded  several  others. 

It  was  now  discovered  that  Ibr&him  Husain  had  quitted  the 
town,  and  the  Emperor  gave  orders  for  the  pursuit.  The 
troops  accordingly  left  the  walls  and  went  out  into  the  plain, 
and  there  the  two  parties  confronted  each  other.  Ibr&him 
Husain  made  an  attack  upon  B&b&  Eh&n  E&ksh&l,  who  had 
been  sent  forward  with  a  party  of  bowmen.  Although  these 
made  a  stout  resistance,  they  were  driven  back  a  short  distance. 
But  every  man  of  the  Imperial  force  fought  desperately,  and 
killed  a  great  many  of  the  enemy.  Bhfjpat,  son  of  E&j&  Bihfir 
Mai,  a  very  brave  young  man,  made  a  charge  upon  the  enemy, 
and  fell.  Emboldened  by  his  fall,  the  enemy  renewed  his  attack. 
But  the  royal  forces  were  in  a  contracted  spot,  where  three 
horsemen  could  not  pass  abreast,  as  it  was  all  hedged  in  with 
thorns.      The  Emperor  had,  with  great  courage,  gone  to  the 

^  The  text  says  distinctly  that  the  whole  of  the  Emperor*B  men  did  not  exceed  one 
handred.  Firishta  makes  them  156.  Bad&iini  (vol.  ii.  p.  142),  however,  states  that 
U&n  Sing  crossed  the  river  with  100  men.    See  Extract  from  Akbar'tidma^  infrd. 


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346  KIZAHU-D  DFK  AHHAD. 

front,  and  "Rkji,  Bhagw&n  D&s  had  kept  with  him.  Three  of 
the  enemy's  horsemen  now  charged  them,  and  one  of  them 
attacked  the  B&ja.  As  his  adversary  was  entangled  among 
the  thorns,  B&jd  Bhagw&n  D&s  horled  his  spear  at  him  and 
severely  woanded  him,  so  that  he  withdrew.  The  other  two 
assaulted  His  Majesty,  who  received  them  so  valiantly  that 
they  were  obliged  to  make  off. 

At  this  time,  Makbul  Khan  Ghal&m  and  Snrokh^  Badakhshi 
joined  His  Majesty,  and  he  sent  them  in  parsuit  of  his  assailants. 
The  royal  forces,  seeing  the  danger  in  which  the  Emperor  had 
been  placed,  were  roused  to  desperation,  and  made  a  fierce 
onslaught  upon  the  enemy.  Ibrahim  Husain  Mirz&  was  dis- 
heartened, and  took  to  flight.  Some  brave  men  pursued  him, 
and  cut  down  several  men  on  their  way.  But  the  night  came 
on  darker  than  the  fate  of  that  band,  so  the  Emperor  gave 
orders  to  stop  the  pursuit.  Ibr&h(m  Husain  Kh&n,  glad  to  save 
his  life,  made  off  with  a  few  persons  by  the  Ahmadnagar  road 
to  Sirohi.  The  Emperor  went  into  the  town  of  Sam&l,  and 
offered  thanks  for  his  victory.  Every  man  who  served  in  this 
engagement  received  his  reward  in  increased  rank  and  in  j'dgirs. 

Next  day  the  Emperor  started  on  his  return  to  the  royal 
camp,  but  he  sent  on  in  advance  Surokh  Badakhshi,  whose  con- 
duct in  this  affair  had  gained  the  royal  approbation,  to  carry 
news  of  the  victory  to  the  princes.  When  the  news  arrived, 
the  princes  and  the  ladies  of  the  harem^  and  the  amirs  and  the 
officials,  were  filled  with  joy  sufficient  to  last  them  their  lives. 
On  Wednesday,  the  18th  Sha'ban,  when  one  watch  of  the  night 
was  passed,  the  Emperor  rejoined  his  camp  at  Baroda.  Next 
day  he  conferred  a  banner  and  a  kettle-drum  on  B&j&  Bhagw&n 
D&s,  who  had  so  greatly  distinguished  himself  in  this  action. 

March  against  Surat. 

The  fortress  of  Surat  is  small,  but  exceedingly  strong  and 
secure,  and  remarkable  among  fortresses.    It  is  said,  that  a  slave 
1  One  MS.  inyariablj  oalLi  him  « Iraj." 

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TABAXiCT-I  ASBAKr.  347 

of  SuIi&Q  Mahmdd  Gnjar&tl,  Sa&r  J(ki  by  name,  who  received 
the  title  of  Khad4wand  Kh&n,  built  this  foiiress  on  the  sea- 
shore ^  in  the  year  947,  in  order  to  resist  the  attacks  of  the 
Europeans,  for  before  the  fort  was  built,  the  Europeans  did  all 
kinds  of  mischief  to  the  Musulm&ns.  When  Ehud&wand  Kh&n  was 
engaged  in  the  erection  of  the  fort^  the  Europeans  several  times 
fitted  out  ships  to  attack  it,  but  could  not  succeed  in  their  object. 
Khud&wand  Kh&n  then  called  for  his  architect,  a  very  clever  man, 
to  provide  for  the  security  of  the  fort.  After  a  little  reflection,  the 
careful  builder  determined  on  his  plan.  On  the  two  sides  of  the 
fort  which  face  the  land,  he  formed  ditches  reaching  to  the  water, 
which  were  twenty  yards  (dard)*  wide,  and  filled  with  water ;  they 
were  built  of  stone,  chunam,  and  burnt  bricks.  The  thickness 
of  the  double  walls  ^  is  five  yards,  and  the  height  twenty  yards, 
and  these  are  likewise  built  of  stone,  chunam,  and  burnt  brick. 
The  thickness  of  the  four  walls  is  fifteen  yards,  and  the  height 
twenty  yards.  It  is  a  remarkable  circumstance  that  each  stone 
is  firmly  fastened  to  the  next  with  cramps  of  iron,  having  molten 
lead  poured  into  the  interstices.  The  battlements  and  embra^ 
sures  are  formed  of  stone,  and  are  formidable  to  look  at.  On 
the  top  of  the  tower  there  is  a  ehaukandi^^  which,  in  the  opinion 
of  Europeans,  is  an  invention  of  the  Portuguese.  When  the 
Europeans  were  unable  to  prevent  the  erection  of  the  fortress 
by  force  of  arms,  they  ofiered  large  sums  of  money  to  prevent 
the  raising  of  this  structure.  But  Khud&wand  Kh&n,  in  con- 
tempt of  the  Europeans,  rejected  their  application  and  raised  the 
structure. 
After  the  death  of  Changiz  Eh&n,  the  fortress  came  into  the 

1  «  On  the  shore  of  the  Pendaa  gulf,"  but  it  is  really  on  the  river  T&pti,  twenty 
miles  from  the  sea. 
*  Bad&iinI  (rol.  ii.  p.  146)  uses  "gaz"  as  the  equivalent  of  "dara*.** 

^  This  word  is  used  for  the  howda  of  an  elephant,  and  so  by  inference  may  mean 
a  watch  tower  or  a  cupola ;  or  perhaps  it  was  something  in  derision  of  Christianity. 
Bad&6ni  uses  the  word  **  ffhurfa,  upper  room,"  as  an  equivalent.  See  Sir  H.  Elliot's 
note  in  the  Extract  from  Bad&dni,  infrd. 


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318  KIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

possession  of  the  Mirz&s.  When  the  Emperor  marched  into 
Gujar&t,  the  Mirz&s  placed  all  their  soldiers  in  the  place,  and 
left  it  under  the  Command  of  Ham-zab&n,  who  had  formerly 
been  one  of  the  orderlies  {korchidn)  of  the  Emperor  Hum&yun, 
but  had  fled  from  the  Imperial  Court,  and  joined  the  rebels. 
The  Mirz&s  themselves  did  their  best  to  stir  up  war  and  strife 
outside. 

When  Ibr&him  Husain  Mirzd  was  defeated  and  put  to  flight 
at  Sarnal,  the  Emperor  returned  to  Baroda,  and  renewed  his 
design  of  conquering  Surat.  He  sent  forward  Sh&h  Kuli  Eh&n 
and  S&dik  Eh&n,  with  instructions  to  invest  the  fort  so  that 
no  one  could  get  out.  Upon  this  nK)veroent  becoming  known 
to  the  garrison,  Gulrukh  Begam,  daughter  of  Prince  E&mr&n 
and  wife  of  Ibr&him  Husain  Mirzi,  took  her  son  Muzaffar  Kh&n 
Mirz&  with  her,  and  fled  to  the  Dekhin  before  the  arrival  of  the 
Imperial  forces.  When  the  amirs  heard  of  her  escape,  Sh&h 
Kuli  Kh&n  Mahram  pursued  her  for  fifty  kos,  and  returned 
unsuccessful,  but  some  of  the  Begam's  servants  fell  into  his 
hands.  Some  days  afterwards  the  Emperor  sent  B&ja  Todar 
Mai  to  examine  and  ascertain  precisely  the  inlets  and  outlets  of 
the  fortress.     After  a  week  he  returned  and  made  his  report.* 

His  Majesty,  relying  on  the  help  of  the  Almighty,  left  Baroda 
on  the  25th  Sha'b&n,  and  encamped  at  the  distance  of  a  kos 
from  Surat  on  the  18th  Bamaz&n.  On  the  same  night  he  went 
up  and  reconnoitred  the  fort.  He  distributed  the  batteries 
among  his  amirSj  and  three  days  afterwards  he  moved  his  camp, 
and  pitched  his  tent  so  near  the  fortress  that  cannon  shot  and 
musket  balls  could  reach  it.  But  the  chief  carpet-spreader 
brought  to  his  knowledge  through  the  amirs  that  there  was  near 
at  hand  a  tank  called  Goli-t&l&b,  and  although  the  bank  of  the 
tank  was  close  to  the  fort,  the  uneven  ground  and  the  trees 
would  prevent  balls  from  reaching  it.  So  the  order  was  given 
for  the  removal  of  the  royal  tents  to  this  spot. 

^  He  considered  its  redaction  an  easy  matter,  not  requiring  the  presence  of  the 
Emperor.-— ^A:6a;--fu//na.    Bad&dnS,  vol.  ii.  p.  144. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  349 

The  siege  was  pressed  os,  and  in  a  short  time  the  way  for 
drawing  water  was  closed.  After  it  had  gone  on  for  nearly  two 
months,  the  besiegers  advanced  tlieir  batteries,  so  that  every 
way  of  ingress  or  egress  was  closed.  (The  soldiers  and  the 
followers  of  the  amirs  collected  a  vast  quantity  of  earth,  and 
raised  a  high  mound,  which  commanded  the  fort.  And  the 
gunners  and  musleteers  stationed  upon  the  mound  kept  up  a 
fire  that  greatly  harassed  the  garrison,  and  prevented  the  men 
from  moving  about  or  bringing  anything  up.  Every  hole  big 
enough  for  a  mouse  was  closed.  The  miners  pushed  their  mines 
under  the  bastions,  and  made  such  progress  that  the  capture  of 
the  place  was  a  mere  matter  of  to-day  or  to-morrow.  When 
the  garrison  perceived  the  state  of  affairs),^  they  were  reduced  to 
the  greatest  alarm  and  distress. 

The  wretched  disloyal  Ham-zab&n  and  all  the  people  in  the 
fort  sent  out  Maul&na  Niz&mu-d  din  L&ri,  who  was  a  student 
and  an  eloquent  man,  to  sue  for  quarter.  The  Maul&nd  was 
conducted  to  the  royal  tent,  and  made  his  plea  for  mercy  through 
the  amirs  and  officials.  The  chief  amirs  reminded  His  Majesty 
that  the  batteries  had  been  advanced  very  forward,  and  when 
they  saw  that  he  was  inclined  to  mercy,  they  remarked  that  the 
garrison  had  resisted  and  fought  with  all  their  might  so  long  as 
they  had  any  power ;  and  now  that  they  saw  that  the  fall  of  the 
place  was  imminent,  they  were  ready  to  beg  for  mercy.  His 
Majesty,  in  his  gentleness  and  humanity,  granted  the  petition. 
Mauland  Niz&mu-d  din  L&ri  was  allowed  to  pay  his  homage  to 
the  Emperor,  and,  being  dismissed,  he  returned  to  the  fortress 
with  the  glad  news  of  quarter  having  been  conceded. 

A  royal  order  was  then  issued  for  E&sim  'Ali  Kh&n  and 
£hw&ja  Daulat   N&iir  to  proceed  into   the  fortress   with  the 

^  The  passage  in  parenthesis  is  not  given  in  the  M  S.  of  the  E.  I.  Lihrary,  bnt  is 
found  in  the  margin  of  the  Nawah  of  Jhajhar's  copy,  from  which  Sir  H.  £lliot*s  was 
transcribed.  It  is  written  in  a  different  hand  from  that  of  the  MS.,  and  does  not  fit 
in  rery  well  with  the  context ;  bnt  it  is  found  in  Bad&dni  (yol.  ii.  p.  144).  There 
are  other  similar  additions,  which  are  in  accord  with  Bad&(inS,  and  the  probability  is 
that  they  have  been  borrowed  from  his  work. 

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350  NIZAMU-D  DTH  AHMAD. 

Maal&n&,  to  give  assurances  to  Ham-zab&n  and  the  men  of  the 
garrison,  and  to  bring  them  out  with  them.  An  order  was  also 
given  for  a  party  of  trustworthy  clerks  to  be  sent  in  to  seize 
upon  all  property,  live  stock  and  dead  stock,  and  take  care  that 
nothing  was  lost.  The  names  of  all  the  people  in  the  plaoe 
were  written  down,  and  the  list  was  presented  to  the  Emperor. 
Kasim  'All  and  Khw&ja  Daulat  N&zir,  by  order  of  His  Majesty, 
brought  Ham-zab&n  and  all  the  men  before  him,  and  Ham- 
zab&n,  for  all  his  fluency,  hung  down  his  head  with  shame,  and 
could  not  speak.  In  gratitude  for  the  victory,  the  Emperor 
pardoned  the  common  people  and  inhabitants  of  the  place,  but 
Ham-zab&n  and  some  others,  who  were  the  instigators  of  all  the 
strife,  were  punished  and  kept  in  custody.^  This  conquest  was 
effected  on  the  23rd  Shaww&l,  in  the  year  980.' 

Next  day  the  Emperor  went  in  to  inspect  the  fortress.  After 
much  consideration  and  examination,  he  gave  orders  for  the 
necessary  repairs  and  improrements.  During  his  inspection 
some  large  mortars  (deg)  and  guns  {zarba-zan)  attracted  his 
attention.  Those  mortars  bore  the  title  of  Sulaim&ni,  from  the 
name  of  Sulaiman  Sult&n  of  Turkey.  When  he  made  his 
attempt  to  conquer  the  ports  of  Gujar&t,  he  sent  these  mortars 
and  some  guns,'  which  are  in  the  fort  of  Jun&garh,  with  a  large 
army  by  sea.  As  the  Turks  were  unable  to  overcome  the  diffi- 
culties and  obstacles  they  encountered,  and  were  obliged  to 
return,  they  left  these  mortars  and  the  gun  which  is  now  in 
Jun&garh  on  the  sea- shore,  and  returned  to  their  country.  The 
mortars  remained  upon  the  sea-shore  until  Khud&wand  Kh&n 
built  the  fortress  of  Surat,  when  he  placed  them  in  the  fort. 
The  one  whicli  was  left  in  the  country  of  Surath  ^  was  taken  to 

'  The  tongao  of  Ham-zab&n  was  cut  out. — Akhar-ndina  of  Abt&-1  Fazl  and  FakL 

'  The  siege  having  lasted  one  month  and  serenteen  days. — Akbar-ndma. 

'  The  plural  is  here  used,  but  it  would  seem  that  only  one  gun  was  taken  to 
Jnn&garh. 

*  The  names  ^*  Surat "  and  "  Sdrath  "  are  identical,  both  being  deriyed  from  tha 
Sanskrit  Surdthtra;  but  as  they  belong  to  yery  different  places,  a  distinction  u 
spelling  has  been  maintained.  '<  Surat "  is  the  city ;  *<  Sdrath  "  is  a  pnbU  or  dialcieft 
of  Kattiw&r,  of  which  Jun&garh  is  the  chief  town. 


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TABAKAT.I  ASBABT.  351 

the  fort  of  Jan&garh  by  the  ruler  of  that  country.  As  there  wa« 
no  great  necessity  for  these  mortars  in  the  fort  of  Surat,  the 
Emperor  gave  orders  for  their  being  removed  to  Agra.  On  the 
same  day  he  placed  the  custody  of  the  fort  and  the  government 
of  the  country  in  the  hands  of  Kalij  Eh&n.  On  the  last  day 
of  the  month  B&j&  Bih&r  Jid,  B&J&  of  the  country  of  BagUna, 
captured  and  sent  to  His  Majesty^s  presence  Sharafu-d  din 
Husain  Mirzd,  who  for  t^i  years  past  had  been  engaged  in 
various  turbulent  and  rebellious  proceedings.  His  Majesty^s 
anger  had  been  roused  by  the  disturbances  of  the  country's 
peace,  so  he  censured  the  Mirz&  and  placed  him  under  restraint. 
When  the  Emperor  had  settled  to  his  satisfaction  all  the 
afiairs  of  the  province,  on  Monday,  4th  Zi-1  ka'da,  980,  he 
marched  towards  Ahmad&b&d.  When  he  came  to  Broach,  the 
mother  of  Ghangiz  Kh&n  complained  to  him  that  Jajh&r  Eh&n 
Habshi  had  unjustly  killed  her  son,  and  the  order  was  given  for 
Jajh&r  Eh&n's  being  brought  up  to  answer  the  charge.^  Upon 
being  questioned,  Jajhar  Kh&n  acknowledged  the  deed,  and  the 
Emperor,  in  his  indignation,  ordered  him  to  be  cast  under  the 
feet  of  an  elephant. 

Various  Events  that  occurred  during  the  Siege  of  Surat, 

While  the  Emperor  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Surat,  several 
events  occurred.  Among  them  was  the  journey  of  Ibrahim 
Husain  Mirzd  to  Hindust4n,  for  the  purpose  of  raising  disturb- 
ances. After  his  defeat  at  Sarn&l,  Ibrahim  fled  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Pattan,  where  he  joined  Muhammad  Husain  Mirzd 
and  Sh&h  Mirz&,  and  informed  them  of  his  escape,  and  of  the 
siege  of  Surat.  After  consultation  it  was  resolved  that  Ibr&him 
Husain  Mirz&  should  go  into  Hindust&n  and  create  disturbances, 
while  the  other  two  Mirz&s^  along  with  Sher  Kh&n  Ful&di,  laid 
siege  to  Pattan :  their  expectation  being  that  the  Emperor,  on 
receiving  intelligence  of  these  proceedings,  would  abandon  the 
siege  of  Surat,  and  fall  back  upon  Ahmad&b&d,  to  repress  these 
1  He  was  tried  and  found  guilty. — Akbar-ndmay  yol.  iii.  p.  5. 

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352    •  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

two  outbreaks.^  Having  indaced  Sher  Eh&n  Ful&di  to  join 
them,  they  invested  Pattan.  Saiyid  Ahmad  Eh&n  B&rha  (the 
governor)  put  the  fort  in  order,  and  shut  himself  up.  He  sent 
an  account  of  the  investment  to  the  Emperor,  who,  on  hearing  it, 
issued  orders  that  Eutbu-d  din  Muhammad  Kh&n  and  *  *  *  all 
the  jdgirddrs  of  Malwa,  Br&isin,  and  Ghanderi,  and  all  the  other 
nobles  and  adherents  of  the  Imperial  throne,  such  as  *  *  *, 
should  assemble  under  the  command  of  'Azam  Kh&n  to  repress 
this  rebellious  attempt. 

The  nobles  accordingly  joined  'Azam  Eh&n  and  marched  to 
Pattan.  When  they  were  five  kos  distant  from  Pattan,  Muham- 
mad Husain  Mirz4  and  Sher  Eh&n  Fuladi  came  forward  to 
meet  them.^  The  Mirz&s  fell  upon  the  advance  and  defeated  it. 
They  then  attacked  the  right,  which  was  under  Kutbu-d  din 
Muhammad  Kh&n,  and  defeated  it  also.  Sh&h  Muhammad 
Atka  received  a  wound  and  fled.  These  two  divisions  being 
broken,  fled  towards  Ahmad&b&d,  Kutbu-d  dln'^s  camp  was 
plundered,  and  Shaikh  Muhammad  Bukhari  ^  was  killed.  When 
'Azam  Kh&n  saw  the  defeat  of  liis  right  and  left,  and  the  fall  of 
Muhammad  Bukh&ri,  he  resolved  to  make  a  bold  attempt  to 
retrieve  matters,  and  to  dash  into  the  fight.  But  Bidigh  Eh&n, 
who  was  himself  a  man  of  war,  held  his  bridle,  and  would  not 
let  him  go.  When  the  enemy'^s  men  dispersed  in  search  of 
plunder,  and  there  remained  but  few  in  array,  'Azam  Eh&u,  with 
Biddgh  Kh&n,  formed  his  ranks  and  fell  upon  the  enemy^'s 
centre.  By  God's  help,  victory  declared  in  their  favour,  and 
the  foe  was  scattered  on  every  side.*  Sher  Kh&n  Ful&df,  in  a 
forlorn  and  helpless  state,  went  to  Amin  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of 
Jun&garh,  and  there  found  refuge.     Muhammad  Husain  Mirz4 

^  Abu-1  Fazrs  view  is  different  He  says  that  Ibr&bfm,  who  was  as  able  with 
the  sword  as  he  was  wanting  in  sense,  quarrelled  with  his  brothers,  and  left  them 
with  the  crude  design  of  making  an  attempt  on  the  capital. — Akhar^ndma. 

'  Ab6-1  Fazl  and  Faizf  state  that  the  rebels  endeavoured  to  treat  and  gain  time 
for  the  arrival  of  expected  reinforcements. — Akbar^ndma. 

'  He  held  the  jdgir  of  Dfilaka.— Faizi. 

*  Ab<i-1  Fazl  attributes  the  victory  to  Eutbu-d  din,  who  rallied  his  broken  fbiceS| 
and  led  them  again  to  the  fight. 


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TABAKiCT-I  AEBABr.  353 

fled  to  the  Dekhin.    This  victory  was  won  on  the  18th  Bama- 
z&n,  980. 

^Azam  Ehin,  after  setting  things  in  order  at  Pattan,  left 
Saiyid  Ahmad  'Kh&n  B&rha  in  command  as  before,  and  went  to 
the  Emperor,  whom  he  joined  under  the  fort  of  Surat,  on  the 
20th  Shaww&l,  and  reported  the  devotion  and  bravery  of  the 
amirs  and  all  the  troops.  On  his  way  back,  he  sent  Kutbu-d 
din  Muhammad  Eh&n  and  some  other  amirs  to  Ma'mur^bad,  in 
order  to  chastise  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk^  and  the  defeated  troops 
who  were  scattered  in  the  jungles  and  forts.  Eutbu-d  din  drove 
Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk  and  the  other  Habshis  out  of  the  jungles, 
took  possession  of  the  forts,  and  left  his  own  garrisons  in  them. 
When  the  Emperor  departed  from  Surat  for  Ahmadab&d, 
Kutbu-d  din  Muhammad  Eh&n,  and  the  amirs  who  had  taken 
part  in  his  campaign,  joined  him  on  the  road  at  the  town  of 
Mahmud&b&d. 

Eighteenth  Tear  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Wednesday, 
5th  Zi-1  ka'da,  980  (11th  March,  1573).  The  Emperor  arrived 
at  Ahmad&b&d  on  the  last  day  of  Zi-I  kaMa,  and  there  he 
entrusted  the  government  of  Gujar&t  to  Eh&n-i  ''azam  (Mirza 
Koka).*  On  the  10th  Zi-l  hijja,  the  ^Td-ziiha,  he  commenced 
his  journey  to  the  capital.  On  the  18th  Zi-1  hijja,  at  the  town 
of  Haibatpur,  one  of  the  dependencies  of  Pattan,  he  gave  fine 
robes  and  horses  to  *Azam  Khin  and  the  other  amlrs^  and  dis- 
missed them  to  their y(f^ir«.  At  the  same  place,  Muzaffar  Kh&n 
(late  King  of  Gujar&t)  received  the  Imperial  bounty.  The 
sarkdrs  of  S&rangpdr  and  Ujjain  in  Malwa  were  taken  from  the 
B4ni  and  granted  to  him,  with  fifty  lacs  of  tankas  xnjdgir?     He 

1  He  had  escaped  from  pruon  at  Ahmadnagar.— Badatini,  vol.  ii.  p.  149. 

*  Pattan  was  g^ven  to  Mir  Muhammad  Kh&n-i  kal&n ;  Broach  to  Eutbu-d  din 
Muhammad;  andDtllaka  and  Danddka  to  Saiyid  H&mid  Bukh&ri.— ^^a>*-n<//^ia, 
Tol.  iiL  p.  6,  and  MS. 

>  Bad&dn£  (toI.  ii.  p.  149)  says,  "  Two  and  a  half  kror$  mjdgir,  S&rangpdr,  Ujjain, 
and  the  whole  of  M&lwa." 

•vol..  V.  23 


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354  NIZAMTJ-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

was  then  sent  to  his  jdglr.  The  Emperor  continned  his 
journey  by  J&lor  towards  Fathpdr.  At  one  stage  from  Ajmir, 
he  received  a  communication  from  Sa'id  Eh&n5  the  governor  of 
Mu1t4n,  to  inform  him  of  the  death  of  Ibr&him  Hnsain  Mirz&. 

When  Ibr&him  Husain  Mirz&  hurried  off  from  Gujar&t,  he 
proceeded  to  the  town  of  Mirtha.^  At  eleven  Jtos  from  that 
place,  he  plundered  a  caravan  which  was  on  its  way  from  Gujar&t 
to  Agra,  Upon  reaching  Niger,  Farrukh  Kh&n,  son  of  Khan-i 
kaldu,  who  governed  there  on  behalf  of  his  lather,  withdrew 
into  the  fort,'  and  the  Mirz&,  after  plundering  the  houses  of  the 
poor  people  in  the  environs  of  the  city,  went  on  to  N&mauL 
B&i  B&m  and  B&i  Singh,  whom  the  Emperor  had  left  at  iToudh- 
pur  with  about  1000  horse  to  keep  open  the  communications 
when  he  marched  into  Gujar&t,  gathered  their  men  and  pursued 
the  Mirz&.  On  reaching  N&gor,  they  joined  Farrukh  Kh&n, 
and  continuing  the  pursuit,  they  came  up  with  the  Mirz&  one 
evening  at  the  village  of  KathoH,'  twenty  koa  from  N&gor,  but 
he  took  the  alarm,  and  managed  to  make  his  escape. 

On  the  2nd  Bamaz&n,  980,  the  troops  halted  on  the  banks  of 
a  great  tank,  when  the  Mirz&,  who  was  only  a  little  in  advance, 
turned  back  and  attacked  the  troops  which  were  in  pursuit  of 
him.  The  troops  held  their  ground  and  defended  themselves. 
Three  times  the  Mirz&,  forming  his  men  in  two  divisions,  at- 
tacked them  on  two  sides,  and  showered  arrows  upon  them. 
Finding  he  could  make  no  impression,  he  again  fled.  One 
division  got  separated  in  the  darkness,  and  the  men  were  scat- 
tered in  the  neighbouring  villages,  where  they  were  taken 
prisoners,  and  many  of  them  were  put  to  death.  Nearly  200 
fell  alive  into  the  hands  of  Farrukh  Kli&n  and  the  amirs  of 
Joudhpdr. 

^  He  had  with  him  hiB  yoangest  brother,  Mas'Ad  Hwain  Hin&.— .^liUar-flKfflM, 
ToL  tii.  p.  8.    Faizf  Sirhindi. 

*  The  Mirz4  besieged  the  fort,  and  was  near  npon  taking  iS^.^Akbtar-mdma^ 
vol.  iii.  p.  8.    Faizl  Sirhindf. 

*  "Kahtoli/'— Bad&finl,  toL  ii  p.  160.  "  KahntonL*'— -if **«r.iii<jiM,  voL  liL 
p.  8.    "KahtolL*'— Faiai. 


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TABAEAT-I  AKBABf.  355 

The  Miiz&y  with  about  300  men  who  accompanied  him, 
plundered  the  villages  and  places  in  their  road,  and  crossing 
the  Jumna  and  Ganges,  lie  proceeded  to  the  pargana  of ''Azam- 
pur,  in  the  district  of  Sambal,  which  had  been  his  jdgir  while 
he  was  loyal  to  the  Emperor.  He  stayed  there  five  or  six  days, 
and  then  started  for  the  Panj&b.  He  plundered  Pinipat,  Sonpat, 
Kam&l,  and  other  places  on  his  route.  Many  plunderers  and 
adventurers  joined  him,  and  inflicted  great  wrongs  upon  the 
people. 

When  he  reached  the  Panj&b,  Husain  Euli  Eh&n  Turkom&n^ 
AmirU'l  umard  of  the  Panj&b,  was  engaged  with  the  forces  of 
his  province  in  besieging  E&ngra,  well  known  as  Nagarkot.  On 
hearing  of  the  Mirza's  arrival,  Husain  Kuli  Xh&n  set  off  with 
his  brother  Isma'il  Eh&n  ♦  ♦  ♦  and  other  amirs^  and  by  forced 
marches  came  up  with  the  MirzA  near  the  town  of  Tulambha, 
forty  ko8  from  Multdn.  He  was  returning  from  hunting  free 
from  apprehension  and  in  disorder,  when  he  was  attacked.  His 
men  were  dispersed,  and  were  unable  to  reach  him.  His  brother 
Mas'ud  Husain  Mirzd,  who  had  come  up  before  him,  attacked 
the  troops  of  Husain  Kull  Kh&n,  but  was  taken  prisoner.  Ibra- 
him Husain  Mirzd,  being  unable  to  do  anything,  made  off. 
Upon  arriving  near  Mult&n,  he  wanted  to  pass  the  Gara,  which 
is  the  name  of  the  river  formed  by  the  junction  of  the  Biydh 
and  Satlej.  But  it  was  night,  and  he  had  no  boats,  so  he  rested 
on  the  bank.  A  party  of  Jhils^  who  are  fishermen  dwelling 
about  Multad,  made  an  attack  upon  him  in  the  night,  and  the 
Mirzd  received  a  wound  in  his  throat  from  an  arrow.  Seeing 
no  other  means  of  escape,  he  quickly  changed  his  clothes,  and 
separating  from  his  people,  endeavoured  to  get  away.  But  some 
of  the  people  of  that  country  recognized  him,  took  him  prisoner, 
and  carried  him  to  Sa'id  Kh&n  at  Mult&n,  and  in  the  custody 
of  the  Eh&n  he  died.^ 

On  the  12th  Muharram,  981,  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  the 

^  He  had  receired  a  leyere  ▼onnd,  and  died  soon  after  his  eaptore.— uiArtor*»kima. 
vol.  iii.  p.  12.    Bad&Onl,  toL  ii.  p.  169. 


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356  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

reign,  the  Emperor  paid  a  visit  to  the  tomb  of  Ehw&ja  M u'lnu-d 
din  Ghishti^  and  observed  the  usual  ceremonies,  and  dispensed 
his  customary  gifts.  He  remained  there  a  week,  and  every 
morning  and  evening  paid  a  visit  to  the  tomb,  showing  strict 
attention  to  all  the  observances.  From  thence  he  started  for  the 
capital,  and  on  reaching  Sang&nir,  he  left  his  camp  and  went  on 
express  with  a  few  attendants  to  Fathpur.  In  two  nights  and 
one  day  he  reached  the  town  of  Bachuna,  twelve  kos  from  Fathpur. 
To  secure  an  auspicious  time,  he  remained  there  three  days,  and 
on  the  2nd  Safer  he  arrived  at  Fathpur. 

March  of  Hmain  Kuli  Khan  against  NagarkoL 

(There  was  a  brahman  named  Brahma  D4s,  a  bard  (bdd^ 
farosh)y  who  was  distinguished  above  all  his  compeers  for  his 
skill  in  celebrating  the  achievements  of  great  men,  and  he  used 
to  make  excellent  Hindi  verses.  He  was  some  years  in  the 
service  of  the  Emperor,  and  was  admitted  among  the  number 
of  his  private  attendants,  when  he  received  the  title  of  Kab  Br&i, 
chief  of  poets)  .^ 

When  the  Emperor's  favour  was  alienated  from  Rdja  Jai 
Chandar,  B&ja  of  Nagarkot,  he  issued  orders  for  putting  him  in 
confinement.  The  E&j&'s  son,  Badi  Ghand,  although  a  minor, 
assumed  the  place  of  his  father,  and  deeming  him  as  dead,  broke 
out  in  revolt.  The  Emperor  having  given  to  Kab  Bii  the  title 
of  Rajd  Birbal,^  bestowed  upon  him  the  country  .of  Nagarkot. 

hereupon  fanndna  were  sent  to  Husain  Kuli  Eh&n,  and  the 
amirs  of  the  Panj&b  commanding  them  to  take  Nagarkot  from 
Badi  Ghand,  and  place  it  in  the  possession  of  B&j&  Birbal.' 
Birbal  in  Hindi  signifies  courageous  and  great,  so  his  title 
means  "  Brave  and  mighty  Rajd.'* 

^  This  passage  is  another  marginal  addition  apparently  taken  from  Bad&fini. 

2  In  the  MSS.  the  name  is  more  frequently  written  '^BCrhar";  hut  the  more 
familiar  form  has  heen  here  adopted. 

'  Ah(i-l  Fazl  places  this  transaction  in  the  seventeenth  year  of  the  reign.— .^Ijfc^or* 
ndma,  vol.  ii  p.  426. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARI.  357 

When  the  E&j4  arrived  at  Lahore,  Husain  Kuli  Khdn,  ♦  ♦  • 
and  other  nobles  of  the  Panj&b,  set  out  for  Nagarkot.  On 
reaching  Damhari,  the  holder  of  that  place,  whose  name  was 
Choto,  and  who  was  a  relative  of  Jai  Ghand,  relying  on  the 
security  of  his  fort  which  he  had  strengthened,  kept  himself  in 
private,  and  sent  two  vakils  with  his  offerings.  He  also  sent 
a  message  excusing  himself  from  attending  in  person,  on  the 
groand  of  his  fears  and  anxiety,  but  he  undertook  the  duty  of 
keeping  the  roads  clear.  Husain  KuU  Khan  presented  the  vakils 
with  robes  and  sent  them  back.  Leaving  a  party  of  men  at  a 
village  situated  near  the  opening  of  the  road,  he  went  onwards. 

On  arriving  at  the  fort  of  Eutila,  ho  pitched  his  camp.  This 
fort  is  a  very  high  one.  It  formerly  belonged  to  B&j&  R&m 
Ghandar,  of  Gw&lior;^  but  B&j&  Dharm  Gband  and  Bajd  Jai 
Ghand  had  obtained  possession  of  it  by  force. 

The  of&cers  left  in  charge  of  the  fort  by  Bajd  Jai  Ghand 
discharged  muskets  and  arrows  and  stones  against  the  troops 
who  had  dispersed  in  search  of  plunder,  and  inflicted  some 
damage.  Upon  hearing  of  this,  Husain  Kuli  Kh&n  mounted 
his  horse  \**ith  the  other  amirs  to  reconnoitre  the  place.  He 
ascended  a  hill  which  is  opposite  to  the  fort,  and  commands  it. 
With  great  labour  some  guns  were  brought  up  the  hill,  and  fire 
was  opened  upon  the  fort.  Its  cracked  masonry  was  shattered 
by  the  balls.  A  large  number  of  men  stood  under  the  walls,  and 
great  loss  was  suffered.  As  evening  approached,  he  returned  to 
the  camp^  leaving  a  force  in  charge  of  that  position.  During 
the  night,  the  Rdjputs  who  were  in  the  fortress,  and  were  terri- 
fied by  the  cannonade,  made  their  escape.  In  the  morning 
Husain  Kuli  Kh&n,  beating  his  drams,  marched  into  the  fort  of 
Kutila,  which  he  delivered  over  to  the  B&j&  of  Gwalior,  to  whose 
ancestors  it  had  formerly  belonged ;  but  he  left  a  garrison  of  his 
own  there. 

Continuing  his  march,  he  came  to  a  thickly  wooded  country^ 
throua:h  which  it  was  diflScult  even  for  an  ant  or  a  snake  to 
I  The  Gwalior  in  the  hills.    See  Vol.  lY.  p.  494. 

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358  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

creep ;  so  a  party  of  men  \^as  set  to  cut  a  road  through  the  jungle. 
On  the  1st  Bajab,  990,  he  encamped  by  a  field  of  maize  near 
Nagarkot.  The  fortress  (hisdr)  of  Bhfin,  which  is  an  idol  temple 
of  Mskhimki,  and  in  which  none  but  her  servants  dwelt,  was 
taken  by  the  valour  and  resolution  of  the  assailants  at  the  first 
assault.  A  party  of  Rdjputs,  who  had  resolved  to  die,  fought 
most  desperately  till  they  were  all  cut  down.  A  number  of 
Brahmans,  who  for  many  years  had  served  the  temple,  never 
gave  one  thought  to  flight,  and  were  killed.  Nearly  200  black 
cows  belonging  to  the  Hindus,  during  the  struggle,  had  crowded 
together  for  shelter  in  the  temple.  Some  savage  Turks,  while 
the  arrows  and  bullets  were  falling  like  rain^  killed  these  cows 
one  by  one.  They  then  took  off  their  boots  and  filled  them  with 
the  blood,  and  cast  it  upon  the  roof  and  walls  of  the  temple. 

The  outer  fortifications  having  fallen,  the  buildings  were 
destroyed  and  levelled  to  make  a  camping  ground.  After  this 
the  fort  was  invested.  Sdbdts  were  formed,  and  a  mound  com- 
manding the  fort  (sar-kob)  was  raised.  Some  large  guns  were 
also  placed  upon  a  neighbouring  hill,  and  were  fired  several  times 
a  day  upon  the  fort  and  the  residence  of  the  B&j4.  One  day  the 
commander  of  the  artillery  fired  a  large  gun  upon  a  place  which 
the  B&jd  had  thought  to  be  safe,  and  in  which  he  was  sitting  at 
meat.  The  ball  struck  the  walls,  and  killed  nearly  eighty 
people  who  were  within  the  building.  Among  them  was  Bhuj 
deo,  son  of  B&j&  Takhat  Mai. 

In  the  beginning  of  Shaww&l,  letters  came  from  Lahore  with 
the  intelligence  that  Ibr&him  Husain  Mirz&  had  crossed  the 
Satlada  (Satlej),  and  was  marching  apon  Dip&lpiir.  Husain 
£uli  Kh&n  held  a  secret  council  with  the  amirs  about  the  course 
necessary  to  be  pursued.  The  army  was  suffering  great  hard- 
ships, and  the  dogs  in  the  fortress  were  anxious  for  peace,  so 
Husain  Euli  Khdn  felt  constrained  to   accede.^      The  infidels 

^  Husain  Euli  required  each  of  the  amirs  to  give  him  a  written  opinion,  signed 
and  sealed,  in  favour  of  granting  a  capitulation.  AbO-1  Faal  gires  a  somewhat 
different  version  of  the  terms.     1.  The  K{g&  was  to  send  his  daoghter  to  the 

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TAfiA£AT.I  AEBABr.  359 

undertook  to  pay  a  large  tribute :  five  mans  of  gold,  Akbarsh&hr 
weight,  and  various  kinds  of  stuffs  for  His  Majesty.  A  mosque 
was  founded  in  front  of  the  palace  ofRijk  Jai  Ghandar,  and  after 
the  completion  of  the  first  arch  a  pulpit  was  raised,  and  H4fiz 
Muhammad  B&kir  read  the  khutba  in  the  name  of  the  Emperor 
on  Friday,  in  the  middle  of  Shawwal,  980.  As  he  repeated  the 
titles  of  the  Emperor,  gold  was  showered  upon  his  head.  When 
peace  was  concluded,  the  khutba  read,  and  the  coins  stamped 
with  the  Emperor's  name,  Husain  Kuli  Kh&n  marched 
away. 

He  then  proceeded  against  Ibrdhim  Husain  Mirz&.  At  the 
town  of  Jamdri  he  paid  a  visit  to  the  holy  Khw&ja  'Abdu-sh 
shahid,  who  presented  him  with  his  garment,  and  sent  his 
blessings  with  him.  When  he  reached  Tulambha,  he  achieved 
the  victory,  which  has  already  been  described.  Upon  His 
Majesty  arriving  at  Fathpur  after  his  campaign  in  Gujar&t, 
Husain  Kuli  Kh&n  took  Mas'ud  Husain  Mirza  with  him,  and 
went  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor.  The  other  prisoners,  nearly 
300  in  number,  were  presented  to  the  eyes  of  the  Emperor  with 
cow-hides  placed  on  their  necks  in  a  strange  fashion.^  The 
Gjea  of  Mas'dd  Husain  Mirz&  were  sewed  up,  but  the  Emperor 
in  his  kindness  ordered  them  to  be  opened.  Several  of  the 
prisoners  were  liberated,  but  some,  who  had  taken  a  leading  part 
among  the  rebels,  were  kept  in  custody.  On  the  same  day  Sa^id 
Kh&n  arrived,  bringing  with  him  as  an  offering  the  head  of 
Ibr&him  Husain  Mirzd,  and  he  received  distinguished  marks 
of  favour. 

When  the  Emperor  returned  from  Gujardt,  there  remained 

Emperor's  harem.  2.  To  pay  a  proper  tribute.  3.  To  give  his  children  and  some 
relations  as  hostages  for  the  surrender  of  the  fort,  if  the  Emperor  refused  to  ratify 
the  peace.  4.  To  compensate  R&j&  Birbal  for  the  loss  of  his  jagir, — Akbar-ndma, 
yol.  iii..p.  10.  Faizi  Sirhindi  incorporates  the  Tersions  of  the  Tabakdt  and  Akbar^ 
ndma. 

^  "  Ckarmhde  gdo  dar  gald  anddkhtah,**  Such  are  the  words  in  the  text  and  in 
Faizf.  Chann-i  gdo  means  a  thong  or  lash,  the  American  <*  cowhide  " ;  but  Ab6-1 
Fazl  makes  the  matter  clear.  He  says,  ^  The  prisoners  were  brought  in  cow-skins, 
firom  which  the  horns  had  not  been  taken  away." — Akbar^ndmay  toI.  ill.  p.  14. 


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360  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

no  resistance  in  that  country,  all  the  forts  were  in  the  hands  of 
his  servants,  and  such  of  his  troops  as  had  not  served  on  the 
campaign  were  sent  to  strengthen  'Azam  Kh&n.  Bat  he  had 
hardly  been  six  months  in  his  capital,  when  news  of  fresh  out- 
breaks came  in  time  after  time,  and  'Azam  Eh&n  himself  wrote 
for  reinforcements. 

UvenU  ithich  occurred  in  Gujardi. 

When  the  Emperor  had  settled  the  affairs  of  Gujar&t,  mid 
had  returned  to  his  capital,  the  disaffected  and  rebellious  men, 
who  had  crept  into  comers  and  hidden  themselves  in  dread  of 
the  royal  forces,  once  more  raised  their  heads.  Having  assem* 
bled  round  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk,^  they  got  possession  of  Ahmad- 
nagar  and  the  surrounding  territory. 

Muhammad  Husain  Mirai  left  the  Dekhin^  with  the  intention 
of  attempting  the  recapture  of  Surat.  Eallj  Khan,  who  was 
jdgirddr  of  the  fort,  made  it  secure,  and  prepared  for  a  siege  ;  so 
Husain  Mirza  gave  up  the  project,  and  made  a  rapid  march  upon 
Kamb&y.3  Hasan  Kh&n  Karkar£h,  the  shikkddr,  being  unable  to 
make  any  resistance,  fled  to  Ahmad&b&d.^ 

Eh&n-i  ^azam  sent  Naurang  Kh&n  and  Saiyid  Ahmad  Bukh&ri 
against  the  Mirza,  while  he .  himself  marched  to  Ahmadnagar 
and  f  dar  against  Ikhtiy&m-l  Malk.  When  Naurang  Eh&n  and 
Saiyid  Bukh&ri  approached  Eamb&y,  Muhammad  Husain  Mirz& 
came  out  to  meet  him.  Sharp  fighting  went  on  for  several  days, 
and  Saiyid  Jal&l,  son  of  Saiyid  Bah&u-d  din  Bukh&ri,  was 
killed.  At  length  the  Mirz&  was  worsted,  and  fled  to  join 
Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk.  ^Azam  Xh&n,  who  had  marched  against 
Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk,  took  a  position  near  Ahmadnagar.  He 
several  times  attacked  him,  and  fighting  went  on  for  several  days 
between  Ahmadnagar  and  fdar  with  no  decisive  result. 

^  He  was  in  the  neighbourhood  of  fdar,  and  was  saj^rted  by  R&t  Kar&in,  tlM 
mminddr  of  that  plaoe. — Ahbar^ndnu^  vol.  iiL  p.  13, 
>  The  ndghhonrhood  of  Danlat&b&d.— J&.  p.  14. 
^  He  got  possession  of  Broach  on  his  way. — Jh,  p.  IS. 
*  Ah6-1  Fazl  impntes  negligenoe  to  Hasan  Kh&n.~J3.  p.  13. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  361 

Intelligence  now  came  that  the  sons  of  Sher  Eh&n  Ful&dl,  the 
son  of  Jajh&r  Eh&n,  and  Mirz&  Muhammad  Husain  had  joined 
Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk,  and  had  formed  the  plan  of  making  a  rapid 
march  by  a  different  road  to  Ahmad&b&d.  On  being  informed  of 
this,  Eh&n-i  'azam  marched  for  that  city,  and  when  he  reached 
it  he  sent  a  messenger  to  summon  Eutbu-d  din  Muhammad 
Kh&n  from  Broach,  who  accordingly  marched  and  joined  Khin-i 
'azam  at  Ahmad&b&d.  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk  and  Muhammad 
Husain  Mirz&,  and  the  other  insurgents,  got  together  a  force 
of  20,000  men — Mughals,  Gujar&tis,  Habshfs,  Afghans,  and 
R&jputs — around  Ahmad&b&d.  The  B&ja  of  tdar  also  kept  up 
a  connexion  with  them. 

Eh&n-i  'azam  and  Kutbu-d  din,  being  unable  to  depend  upon 
some  of  their  men,  shut  themselves  up  in  the  town,  but  sallied 
out  every  day  and  fought  under  the  walls.  Onct  day  F&zil  Kh&n^ 
son  of  Eh&n-i  kal&n,  went  out  and  made  a  bold  attack  upon  the 
enemy,  and  kilTed  several  men ;  but  he  was  slain  by  a  thrust  from 
a  spear.  Kh&n-i  'azam  daily  sent  off  despatches  to  the  Emperor, 
calling  for  assistance.  The  Emperor  therefore  resolved  once 
more  to  raise  his  banner  in  Gujar&t,  to  clear  the  country  of  the 
rebels,  and  to  uproot  their  families. 

The  Emperor  summoned  his  clerks  and  officials,  and  gave 
them  directions  to  provide  for  the  outfit  of  an  army.  The 
former  campaign  had  lasted  a  year,  and  the  men  through  the 
length  of  the  march  were  without  accoutrements.  After  re- 
turning they  had  not  had  sufficient  time  to  get  money  from 
their  jdgira  to  replace  their  necessaries.  His  Majesty  therefore 
issued  money  from  the  public  treasury  to  the  soldiers,  and  made 
liberal  grants  for  procuring  the  materials  of  war.  He  sent 
Shuj&'^at  Kh&n^  on  in  advance  with  his  camp  equipage,  and  he 
sent  with  it  his  horses  under  the  charge  of  Khw&ja  Aki  Xh&n. 
He  personally  enjoined  the  diwdni  officers  to  use  the  greatest 
despatch  in  outfitting  the  army.     To  expedite  matters  he  on  the 

^  R&J&  Bba£^6n  Das  and  B&i  Singh  were  sent  with  him. — AHar^ndma^  Tol.  iii. 
p.  18. 

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362  KIZiCMXT.D  DTN  AHMAD. 

same  day  sent  the  men  of  his  adyanced  guard  oat  of  the  city  to 
join  his  camp  equipage.  He  frequently  said  that  although  he 
was  exerting  himself  in  the  organization  and  despatch  of  the 
army,  no  one  would  be  ready  sooner  than  himself  to  take  his 
part  in  its  work. 

When  several  amirs  with  their  troops  had  been  set  in  motion 
for  Gujar&t,  he  bestowed  the  title  of  Kh&n-jah&n  upon  Husain 
Kuli  Kh&n,  who  had  rendered  good  service,  and  he  increased 
his  jdgira  and  allowances.  He  confirmed  to  him  the  government 
of  Lahore  and  the  sarkdr  of  the  Panjab,  and  then  dismissed  hioi 
to  his  duty.  Each  person  who  sought  for  an  increase  of  dignity, 
or  for  an  increase  of  his  allowances,  met  with  a  favourable 
hearing.  B&j&  Todar  Mai  was  ordered  to  join  Kh4n-jahdn 
Husain  Kuli  Kh&n,  and  to  give  him  and  the  amirs  of  the  Panjab 
the  benefit  of  his  experience  and  advice  in  the  management  of 
the  province.  All  the  amirs  of  the  Panj&b  took  their  leave  with 
Kh&n-jah&n,  excepting  Mirzd  Tusuf  Kh&n.  The  Mirzi  and 
Muhammad  Zam&n,  who  exhibited  great  intelligence,  were  to 
accompany  the  Emperor.  Sa'id  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  Multan, 
was  sent  to  his  Jdgir,  taking  with  him  his  brother  Makhsus 
Kh&n,  who  had  been  promoted. 

In  the  early  morning  of  Sunday^  24th  Babi'u-1  akhir,  981,  the 
Emperor,  with  his  companions  and  attendants,  mounted  swift 
she-camels/  and  took  their  departure.  On  that  day  he  rode  to 
the  town  of  Toda^  without  drawing  rein.  There  he  ate  what 
he  could  get,  and  continued  his  journey.  On  the  morning  of 
Monday,  he  took  a  short  rest  at  Hans-mah&l,  but  quickly 
resumed  his  journey.  One  watch  of  the  night  of  Tuesday  had 
passed,  when  he  reached  the  village  of  Mu'iz&b&d.'    He  was 

^  Ahd'l  Fazl  (vol.  iii.  p.  18)  agrees.  The  words  used  are  jummdz*  and  naka ; 
and  the  annotator  of  the  Ahbar-ndma  gives  as  an  explanation  the  Hindi  9dtulnL 
According  to  Bad&dnl  (vol.  ii.  p.  165),  the  animals  were  btdihtitf  or  two-humped 
camels.    Faizf  uses  both  termSfjumnubsa  and  bukktl. 

'  About  BOTenty  miles  W.  by  8.  from  Agra.  *<  He  proceeded  by  way  of  Bas&war 
and  Toda,  and  accomplished  100  ko9  in  two  days.  On  the  26th  he  arriTed  at  Ajmir.*' 
— Bad&^ni,  vol.  ii.  p.  165. 

3  Thirty  miles  S.W.  from  Jaipur. 

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TABAKIT.I  AEBABr.  863 

now  fatigued,^  and  several  of  his  attendants  had  dropped  behind, 
80  he  stayed  a  few  hours  to  take  rest.  After  his  attendants  had 
come  up,  he  mounted  a  fast-going  cart,*  and  travelled  all  night. 
On  Tuesday  he  reached  the  tomb  of  Khw&ja  Mu'inu-d  din 
Ghishti  (at  Ajmir),'  where  he  went  through  the  usual  observ- 
ances, and  bestowed  his  gifts  upon  the  poor.  He  rested  for  a 
while  in  the  palace,  which  he  had  built  for  his  own  use,  but 
towards  the  end  of  the  day  he  mounted  his  horae,  and  continued 
his  journey.  Among  his  attendants  when  he  started  were  Mirz& 
Khan,  son  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n  Bair&m^  JissS  Kh&n  Koka,  Zain 
Kh&u  Koka,  and  ♦  ♦  ♦ .  The  night  was  bright  moonlight.  In 
the  morning  they  joined  Sh&h  Kuli  Kh&n  Mahram,  and  Mu- 
hammad Kuli  Kh&n  T&ghbdniy  who  had  been  sent  on  in  advance 
from  Fathpdr.  The  intelligencers  now  brought  the  information 
of  the  royal  army  having  marched.  His  Majesty  alighted  at 
the  town  of  P&H,^  which  was  near  at  hand,  and  then,  having 
chosen  Khw&ja  'Abdu-lla,  Xsaf  Khdn  Bakshi,  and  E&is&I  Dar- 
bari,  he  took  them  along  with  him.  On  the  2nd  Jum&da-l 
awwal^  981,  he  reached  the  town  of  Disa,  twenty  kos  from 
Pattan,  in  Gujar&t,  where  the  shikkdar  ♦  ♦  came  forth  to  meet 
him.  His  Majesty  now  sent  ^saf  Khan  to  Muhammad  Kh&n, 
directing  him  to  collect  his  forces,  and  join  the  party  at  the 
town  of  B&lis&na,  five  koa  from  Pattan.  In  the  middle  of  the 
night  His  Majesty  started  from  Disa  for  B&lis&ua,  and  turning 
aside  from  Pattan,  came  in  sight  of  B&lis&na^  in  the  morning, 
and  there  halted.      Here  he   was  joined  by  Mir   Muhammad 

^  According  to  Faizf,  his  limbs  had  to  be  anoiated  with  oil,  to  assuage  the  effects 
of  the  friction. 

'  Here  the  T,  Alfi  says  they  rode  on  swift  female  camels,  bat  Abd-1  FazI  agrees 
as  to  the  carriages. — Akbar»ndma^  vol.  iiL  p.  19. 

8  Distance  140  Xw.— Faizl.    **  228  miles."— Thornton. 

*  The  ronte  from  Ajmir  was  by  Mirtha,  thirty  miles  to  the  N.W.  Jit&ran  forty- 
fiye  miles  S.W.  Thirty  miles  farther  to  Sojhat,  and  from  thence  twenty  to  P&li. 
From  thence  to  Bhagw&npdr.  He  now  wished  to  take  the  shortest  road  by  Sirohi ; 
but  as  that  route  was  dangerous,  his  attendants  were  in  favour  of  J&lor.  The  guide 
pretended  to  lose  the  way  in  the  night,  and  they  went  to  J&lor,  and  so  on  to 
Pattanw&l.->^A;^ar-Mcfma,  rol.  iii.  p.  20.    Faizi. 

0  About  five  miles  south-east  of  Pattan, 


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864  NIZiCMU.D  DfN  AHMAD. 

Kh&n  with  bis  army  and  all  his  amirs  and  attendants,  such  as 
*  *  *  and  a  party  of  the  principal  Bajpdts,  snch  as  Khang&r,  the 
nephew  of  E&ja  Bhagw&n  D&s,  who  had  previously  marched 
from  Fathpur  to  support  Kh&n-i  ^azam,  but  whom  caution  had 
restrained  from  advancing  beyond  Pattan. 

An  order  was  now  issued  for  all  the  troops  to  appear  fiilly 
armed  and  accoutred.  The  amtra  accordingly  brought  out  their 
men,  and  the  Emperor  reviewed  them.  Although  he  had  fuU 
trust  and  hope  of  heavenly  assistance,  he  neglected  no  material 
means  of  success.  He  gave  the  command  of  the  centre,  which 
is  the  place  of  the  Sult&n,  to  M irzd  Kh&n,  son  of  (the  late) 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  Bair&m  Eh&n,  a  young  man  of  great  parts  and 
promise.  He  also  appointed  Saiyid  Muhammad  Eh&n  B&rha, 
a  man  of  great  bravery,  and  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  and  S&dik  Kh&n 
to  the  centre.  The  command  of  the  right  was  given  to  Mir 
Muhammad  Eh&n-i  kal&n,  and  that  of  the  left  to  Wazir  Kh&n. 
The  advance,  composed  of  a  number  of  brave  fellows,  was  placed 
under  the  command  of  Muhammad  KuU  Ehdn  and  Tarkh&n 
Diw&na.  His  Majesty  kept  under  his  own  immediate  direction 
100^  horsemen,  men  who  had  been  picked  out  from  a  thousand 
thousand — a  reserve  intended  to  support  any  division  which 
might  be  hard  pressed.  Strict  orders  were  issued  that  no  man 
was  to  stray  from  his  place. 

Although  the  horsemen  under  his  colours  were  only  3000  in 
number,  and  the  enemy  had  more  than  20,000,  he  put  his  trust 
in  God,  and  in  the  latter  part  of  the  day  marched  from  B&lis&na 
towards  Ahmad&b&d.  A  messenger  was  sent  to  apprise  E[h&u-i 
'azam  of  his  approach.  He  marched  all  night,  and  on  Tuesday, 
3rd  Jum&da-l  awwal,  he  reached  Kari,  a  town  twenty  kos  from 
Ahmad&b&d.  The  scouts  now  brought  in  the  intelligence  that 
a  large  force  of  the  enemy  had  come  out  of  the  fort  to  give 
battle.*     Orders  were  accordingly  given   to  attack  them,  and 

^  This  is  the  number  given  by  Abti-l  Fasl,  Bad&dnl  (yoI.  ii.  p.  166),  and  Firiihta; 
but  one  of  our  MSS.  has  **  500." 

'  Under  the  command  of  B0U7&,  an  officer  ter?ing  under  Sber  Eh&n  Fnl&dL — 
AMhar^ndmOf  yoL  iii.  p.  23. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBABX.  365 

drive  them  from  the  road,  but  not  to  incur  any  embarrassment 
by  attacking  the  fort.  This  was  accomplished  in  the  twinkling 
of  an  eye,  and  those  of  the  enemy  who  escaped  the  sword, 
threw  themselves  into  the  fort.  Leaving  the  fort  untouched,  in 
obedience  to  orders,  the  army  marched  &ye  kos  from  Kari,  where 
it  rested  till  dawn. 

As  soon  as  it  was  light,  the  bakhahis  drew  up  the  forces,  and 
marched  on  without  drawing  rein  to  a  place  about  three  kos 
from  Ahmad&b&d.  Orders  were  given  for  every  man  to  arm 
himself,  and  the  royal  armoury  was  opened,  so  that  every  man 
who  had  lost  or  damaged  a  weapon  might  choose  one  to  suit 
him.  Asaf  Khin  was  sent  to  Eh&u-i  'azam,  to  inform  him  of  the 
proximity  of  the  Emperor,  and  directing  him  to  e£fect  a  junction. 
Thus,  in  nine  days,  the  Emperor  marched  from  Fathpiir  to  the 
outskirts  of  Ahmad&b&d,  a  feat  which  it  is  difficult  for  the  pen 
to  describe. 

It  was  now  discovered  that  the  enemy,  drunk  with  wine,^  were 
asleep  on  the  bed  of  heedlessness,  quite  unaware  of  the  approach 
of  the  royal  army.  The  feeling  ran  through  the  royal  ranks, 
that  it  was  unmanly  to  fall  upon  an  enemy  unawares,  and  that 
they  would  wait  till  he  was  roused.*  When  the  blast  of  the 
trumpets  was  heard,  the  enemy,  in  amaze  and  alarm,  rushed  to 
their  horses.^  Muhammad  Husain  Mirzd  advanced  with  two  or 
three  horsemen  to  the  bank  of  the  river  to  ascertain  the  truth, 
and  it  so  happened  that  Subh&n  Kuli  Turk  had  also  gone  down 
to  the  river  with  two  or  three  men  from  our  side.  Muhammad 
Husain  Mirz4  called  out  to  Subh&n  Kuli,  inquiring  whose  army 
it  was,  and  he  was  answered  that  it  was  the  Emperor,  who  had 
marched  from  Fathpur  to  punish  traitors.  The  Mirzd  replied, 
^*My  spies  have  informed  me,  that  fourteen  days  ago  the 
Emperor  was  at  Fathpur ;   and  if  this  is  the  Imperial  army, 

^  This  is  probably  figoratiye.  Bad&dnl  (vol.  ii.  p.  166)  employs  a  more  common 
simile,  **  the  sleep  of  neglect." 

>  Tlie  battle  was  fonght  on  the  6th  Jam&da.l  AWwah—Akbar-ndma,  yoI.  iii.  p.  26. 

'  Some  thought  a  reinforcement  had  arrived  for  themseWes,  and  others  that  it  waa 
a  force  come  from  Pattan  to'support  Kh&n-i  kBlkn^—JMar'ttdma,  yoI.  iii.  p.  26. 


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366  NIZXMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

where  are  the  royal  elephants  which  always  accompany  it?*" 
Subhdn  "^Ali  said,  "  How  could  elephants  have  travelled  with 
us  400  koB  in  nine  days?^"*  Muhammad  Husain  Mirz4  returned 
amazed  and  troubled  to  his  army,  and  drawing  out  his  forces, 
he  prepared  for  battle.  He  directed  Ikhtiy&r  Kh&n  to  take 
5000  horse,  and  prevent  Eh&n-i  'az&m  from  sallying  out  of 
the  city. 

When  the  time  for  delay  drew  to  an  end,  the  Emperor  directed 
the  advance  to  cross  the  river,  and  that  Wazir  Kh&n  also  should 
cross  with  the  left.  This  being  done,  he  himself  crossed  over  at 
the  head  of  his  chosen  men.  Some  little  confusion  occurred  in 
the  passage,  but  the  troops  all  got  over  together,  and  advanced 
a  short  distance  on  the  other  side,  when  a  strong  force  of  the 
enemy  came  in  view.  Muhammad  Husain  Mirz&,  with  1500 
Mughals,^  all  devoted  men  of  his  own,  came  up  and  fell  upon 
the  advanced  force  under  Muhammad  Kuli  Kh&n  and  Tarkh&n 
Diw&na.  Simultaneously  the  Habshis  and  Afgh&ns  attacked 
Wazir  Kh&n,  and  then  the  fight  grew  close  and  warm. 

The  Emperor  perceived  some  signs  of  weakness  and  distress 
in  the  advanced  force,  so  he  gave  the  word,  and  charged  the 
enemy  like  a  fierce  tiger.  Another  body  of  the  royal  forces 
came  up  and  took  them  in  flank.  Saif  Kh&n  Koka  made  a  rash 
charge  and  was  killed.  Muhammad  Husain  Mirz&  and  Sh&h 
Mirz&  struggled  manfully,  but  ill-luck  attended  them,  so  they 
turned  and  fled.  The  royal  troops  advanced  and  cut  off  some. 
His  Majesty  with  several  of  his  men  drew  up  and  stood  &8t. 
Muhammad  Husain  Mirz&  had  received  a  wound,  and  in  his 
haste  to  make  his  escape,  he  put  his  horse  at  a  thorn  hedge,  but 
the  animal  fell.  One  of  the  royal  troops,  a  Turk  named  Gad& 
'AH,  who  pursued  him,  threw  himself  from  his  horse  and  made 
him  prisoner. 

Wazir  Kh&n  on  the  left  fought  well  and  bravely,  but  the 
Habshi  and  Gujar&ti  troops  made  charge  after  charge,  until  they 
became  acquainted  with  the  defeat  of  Muhammad  Husain  Mirz& 
1  The  nsme  is  generaUy  spelt  "  Mnghdl''  in  this  work. 

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TABAKiCT-I  AKBAUr.  867 

and  Sh&h  Mirad.  Then  tbej  also  turned  their  backs.  Mir 
M ahammad  Kh&n  on  the  right  drove  back  the  sons  of  Sher 
Kh&n  Fulddi,  and  put  many  of  their  men  to  the  sword.  Victory 
now  declared  itself  on  every  side,  and  His  Majesty  returned 
triumphant  to  his  couch,  which  was  placed  at  the  edge  of  the 
battle-field,  and  there  he  o£fered  up  his  thanks  for  the  victory 
vouchsafed. 

Gbd&  'All  Badakhshi  and  a  servant  of  Kh&n-i  kal&n  now 
brought  in  the  wounded  Muhammad  Husain  Mirzd  a  prisoner, 
each  laying  claim  to  the  honour  of  capturing  him.  R&j4  Birbal 
asked  him  who  made  him  prisoner,  and  he  replied,  "  Ingratitude 
to  His  Majesty ; "  and  he  spoke  the  truth.  His  Majesty  spoke 
a  few  kind  words  to  him,  and  gave  him  into  the  custody  of  R&i 
Singh.  Among  the  prisoners  taken  was  a  man  named  Mard 
Azm&i  Shah,  who  declared  himself  the  Eoka  of  Mirz4  Ibr&him 
Husain.  His  Majesty  struck  him  to  the  earth  with  a  spear, 
and  the  attendants  cut  him  to  pieces  with  their  swords.  It  was 
afterwards  found  out  that  he  had  killed  in  the  battle  of  Sarndl, 
Bhupat,  brother  of  R&jd  Bhagwdn  D&s.* 

An  hour  after  the  victory  was  won,  another  large  division  of 
the  enemy*  made  its  appearance,  and  the  vedettes  brought  the 
information  that  it  was  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk  Gujarati.  He  had 
been  charged  with  the  duty  of  closing  the  road  against  'Azam 
Eh&n,  but  when  he  heard  of  the  defeat  of  the  Mirz&s,  he  left 
the  city  roads  and  came  out  Into  the  field.  His  Majesty  ordered 
a  force  to  advance  and  assail  him  with  arrows.  When  he  came 
in  sight,  some  fierce  horsemen  charged  and  overthrew  the  troop 
which  preceded  him.  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk  in  his  fright  cast  a  look 
upon  the  hill  whereon  the  royal  standard  was  planted,  and  he 
(and  his  men)  ran  off  on  both  sides  of  it  in  such  disgraceful 
panic  that  the  royal  troops  pulled  the  arrows  out  of  the  quivers 
of  the  fugitives,  and  used  them  against  them.     A  Turkom&n 

1  According  to  Abd-l  Fazl,  it  was  ibe  knowledge  of  this  fiact  which  indaced  the 
Emperor  to  kill  him.'' — Akbar-n&ma,  yoI.  iii.  p.  36. 

'  ''  More  than  5000  in  number." — Akbar-ndma^  vol.  iii.  p.  37  ;  Bad&t^ni,  yol.  ii. 
p.  168. 


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368  NIZXMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

named  Suhrdb  Beg  now  recognized  Ikhtiy4ru-1  Mulk,  and  pur- 
sued him.  Coming  to  a  thorn  hedge,  the  fugitive  endeavoured  to 
make  his  horse  leap  over,  but  the  animal  threw  him.  Suhr&b 
Beg  dismounted  and  took  him  prisoner.  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk  said, 
^^  You  look  like  a  Turkom&n,  and  the  Turkom&ns  are  followers 
of 'AH.  I  belong  to  the  Saiyids  of  Bokhara,  do  not  killme." 
Suhr&b  Beg  replied,  "  I  recognized  you  and  pursued  you.  You 
are  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk."  Thus  having  said  he  cut  off  his  head 
and  returned  to  mount  his  horse,  but  some  one  had  taken  it, 
so  he  wrapped  the  head  in  the  skirt  of  his  garment  and  walked 
back.  At  the  time  that  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk  advanced  towards 
the  hill  on  which  the  Emperor  was  standing,  the  B&jputs  of 
R&i  Singh,  who  had  charge  of  Muhammad  Husain  Mirzi,  cast 
the  Mirzd  off  an  elephant  to  the  ground,  and  despatched  him 
with  a  spear. 

After  the  victory,  "^Azam  Kh&n  and  the  other  officers  who  had 
been  besieged  in  the  city  came  out  to  the  Emperor,  who  be- 
stowed upon  the  Kh&n  many  marks  of  his  approval.  To  every 
one  of  the  Kh&ns  he  gave  promotion  or  other  distinctions,  and 
he  had  hardly  finished  with  them,  when  Suhr&b  Beg  Turkom&n 
came  up  and  threw  down  the  head  of  Ikhtiy&ru-l  Mulk.  When 
the  Emperor  saw  it,  he  praised  him  and  liberally  rewarded  him  ; 
and  then  he  ordered  that  a  pyramid  should  be  raised  of  the  heads 
of  the  rebels  who  had  fallen  in  the  battle,  and  these  were  more 
than  2000  in  number.  Afker  this  he  proceeded  into  Ahmad&b&d, 
and  occupied  the  royal  abode,  which  is  in  the  citadel.  The  men 
of  the  city  of  all  ranks  waited  upon  him  with  their  offerings  and 
congratulations.  He  rested  five  days  in  the  citadel,  and  then 
he  removed  to  the  house  of  'Itim&d  E[h&n,  in  the  middle  of 
the  city. 

His  first  act  was  to  see  that  all  those  who  had  rendered  good 
service  in  this  campaign,  especially  those  who  had  distinguished 
themselves  in  the  battle,  should  receive  their  due  reward  in 
advanced  rank  and  increased  allowances.  Eloquent  scribes  were 
employed  to  write  despatches  of  the  victory,  and  the  heads  of 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAET. 

Muhammad  Husain  Mirzd  and  Ikhtiy&ni-l  Mulk  were  sent  to 
be  hung  np  over  the  gates  of  ^gra  and  Fathpur. 

After  attending  to  the  wants  of  the  poor  people  of  Ahmad&b&d, 
he  sent  Kutbu-d  din  Muhammad  Eii&n  and  Naurang  Kh&n  to 
Broach  and  Ch&mp&nfr,  to  uproot  the  power  of  Sh&h  Mirz&. 
B&J&  Bhagwdn  D&s,  Sh&h  Kuli  Mahram,  Lashkar  Kh&n  Mir- 
bakhshi,  and  several  others^  were  sent  to  fdar,  to  ravage  the 
country  which  Band  I/di  Singh  had  abandoned.  The  govern- 
ment of  Fattan  was  again  confided  to  Mir  Muhammad  Kh&n 
(Kh&n-i  Kalan).  Wazir  Kh&n  was  appointed  to  Dulaka  and 
Dandiika,  and  he  was  to  support  Eh&n-i  'azam. 

When  the  Emperor  had  made  all  his  arrangements,  he  re- 
solved to  return  home,  and  on  Sunday,  16th  Jum&da-l  awwal, 
he  left  Ahmad&b6d  for  Mahmuddb&d,  and  rested  in  the  lofty 
and  fine  palace  of  Sult&n  Mahmud  of  Gujar&t.  Khw&ja 
Ohiy&BU-d  din  'AU  Bakhshi,  who  had  rendered  good  service  in 
this  campaign,  received  the  title  of  ^af  Eh&n,  and  he  was 
appointed  ditcdn  and  bakhshi  of  Gujar&t,  so  he  remained  behind 
with  Kh&n-i  ^azam.  The  Emperor  travelled  by  night  from 
Dulaka  to  Eari,  and  from  Kari  also  by  night  to  Sit&pur.  Here 
a  despatch  was  received  from  B&j&  Bhagw&n  D&s,  and  Sh&h 
Xuli  Mahram,  reporting  the  capture  of  the  fort  of  Bamagar,^  and 
a  letter  of  thanks  was  returned.  He  made  no  other  halt  till 
he  reached  Sirohi,  where  he  gave  S&dik  Kh&n  a  commission 
to  chastise  rebels  and  robbers.  On  Wednesday,  3rd  Jum&da4 
awwaly  981,  he  reached  Ajmir,  and  immediately  went  to  visit 
the  tomb  of  Ehw&ja  Mu'inu-d  din  Ghishti,  and  made  liberal 
donations  to  the  poor.  Next  day  he  departed,  and  marching 
night  and  day,  he  reached  the  village  of  Puna,  three  koa  from 
S&ng&nir,  in  the  j'dgir  of  B&m  Das  Kachhw&ha.  Here  B&m 
"D&s  had  prepared  an  entertainment  for  His  Majesty  and  all  his 
attendants. 

At  this  station  B&j&  Todar  Mai,  who  had  been  directed  to 

^  About  thirty  miles  east  of  Pattan. 
VOL.  v.  24 

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370  NIZAMXT-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

fit  out  a  thousand  boats  {kishtt)  and  ghrabs  at  Agra,  had  an 
interview  with  His  Majesty.  The  reyennes  of  Gujarit  had  not 
been  paid  np  satis&ctorilj,  so  the  B&j&  was  sent  to  ascertain 
and  settle  the  assets,  and  draw  up  an  account  of  them  for  the 
royal  exchequer.  The  Emperor  started  again  at  midnight,  and 
rode  to  Toda,  which  he  reached  on  the  morning  of  the  6th, 
and,  after  resting  for  a  while,  be  again  mounted  and  reached 
Bas4war  in  the  middle  of  the  night,  where  he  was  met  by 
Khw&ja-jah&n  and  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Ehan,  who  had  come 
out  of  Fathpdr  to  meet  him.  At  dawn  he  again  started  and 
went  to  the  town  of  Bajuna,  where  he  remained  till  the  following 
day.  He  then  ordered  his  attendants  to  march  into  Fathpur 
with  spears  in  their  hands.  He  himself  followed,  riding  upon 
a  gray  horse,  and  holding  a  spear  in  his  hand.  Thus  he  reached 
Fathpur  on  Saturday,  7th  Jum4da-1  &khir,  having  been  absent 
forty-three  days. 

Events  after  the  Emperor's  Return  to  Fathpitr. 

On  the  25th  of  Jum&da-l  dkhir,  the  ceremony  of  circumcising 
the  young  princes  was  performed,  amid  great  rejoicings  and 
congratulations.  The  time  was  now  arrived  for  beginning  the 
education  of  Prince  Salim,  so  on  the  22nd  Bajab  His  Majesty 
appointed  Maul&n&  Mir  Kal&n  Harawi  to  be  his  tutor,  and  to 
instruct  him  in  the  creed  and  the  Kur&n.^ 

Muzaffar  Kh&n,  who  had  been  formerly  appointed  to  the 
government  of  S&rangpur,  in  the  territories  of  Ahmad&b&d,  was 
summoned  to  Court,  and  on  the  4th  Bajab  he  was  appointed  waskr 
or  prime  minister  of  Hindust&n,  and  received  the  additional  title 
of  Jumlatu-1  Mulki.  The  general  management  of  the  affiuis 
of  the  country  was  committed  to  his  hands. 

The  debts  of  Shaikh  Muhammad  Bukh&rf,  who  was  killed  at 

the  battle  of  Pattan,  and  of  Saif  Eh&n  Koka,  who  fell  in  the 

second  campaign  of  Ahmad&b&d,  were  ordered  to  be  paid  out 

of  the  public  treasury.     The  total  amounted  to  one  lac  of  Akbar* 

1  The  translation  of  this  and  other  unimportant  panageg  of  this  section  is  abridged. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAKf.  371 

sli&lii  rapees,  equal  to  2600  tumdna  of  'Ir&k.  Sach  a  fact  has 
not  been  recorded  of  any  king  in  books  of  history. 

B&J&  Todar  Mai,  who  had  been  sent  to  settle  the  reyenaes 
of  Gojar&t,  having  made  the  necessary  arrangementSy  now  re« 
turned,  bringing  the  accounts  of  his  settlement,  and  suitable 
presents  for  His  Majesty.  He  was  highly  applauded.  After  a 
few  days  the  Emperor  gave  him  one  of  his  own  swords,  and  sent 
him  along  with  Lashkar  Elh&n  Mir-bakhshi  to  serve  under 
Kh^U'^kh&n&n  Mu'nim  Ehdn,  and  assist  in  the  conquest  of 
Bengal. 

Mir  Muhsin  Bizwi,  who  had  been  sent  on  a  mission  to  the 
rulers  of  the  Dekhin,  returned,  bringing  with  him  the  presents 
they  had  sent  to  His  Majesty. 

On  the  16th  Shaww&l  the  Emperor  went  to  pay  a  visit  to  the 
tomb  of  Khw&ja  Mu'inu-d  din  at  Ajmir,  for  although  he  had 
visited  it  this  year  on  his  return  from  the  second  campaign  in 
Gujar&t,  he  had  now  determined  upon  an  invasion  of  Bengal; 
and  as  this  campaign  might  last  longer  than  a  year,  he  might  be 
prevented  from  making  his  usual  pilgrims^e  \  so  he  determined 
to  proceed  thither  at  once,  and  offer  up  his  prayers  for  divine 
help  in  his  war  against  Bengal.  He  accordingly  set  out  on  the 
16th  Shaww&l,  981,  aud  remained  till  the  20th  in  the  village 
of  D&ir.i  •  ♦  ♦  At  this  place  Dil&war  Kh&n,  assisted  by  the 
Emperor's  orderlies  (pasdwala),  was  directed  to  protect  the 
cultivated  land  in  the  vicinity  of  the  camp  ^  and  besides  that, 
trustworthy  men  were  appointed  to  careftiUy  examine  the  land 
afler  the  camp  had  passed,  and  were  ordered  to  place  the  amount 
of  any  damage  done,  against  the  government  claim  for  revenue. 
This  practice  became  a  rule  in  all  his  campaigns,  and  sometimes 
even  bags  of  money  were  given  to  these  inspectors,  so  that  they 
might  at  once  estimate  and  satisfy  the  claims  of  the  raiyata  and 
farmers,  and  obviate  any  interfereuce  with  the  revenue  collec- 
tions. Continuing  his  journey,  and  hunting  as  he  proceeded,  he 
arrived  at  a  spot  seven  koa  from  Ajmir,  on  the  12th  Zi-1  kaMa. 
^  *'  Four  ko$  from  Fathpdr/'—Bad&tini,  yol.  ii.  p.  171. 


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372  NIZAIfU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

Next  day  he  went  on  foot  to  pay  his  visit  to  the  tomh,  and  from 
thence  he  repaired  to  his  palace  in  Ajmir.  There  he  remained 
twelve  days,  visiting  the  tomh  every  day,  and  enriching  the  poor 
with  his  bounty. 

Nineteenih  year  qf  the  Reign, 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Thursday,  17th 
ZU  ka'da,  981  h.  (11th  March,  1674  a.d.) 

After  paying  his  visit  to  the  tomb  of  the  holy  Khw&ja^  who 
is  the  helper  and  protector  of  kings,  the  Emperor  started  on  his 
return  from  Ajmir  on  the  23rd  Zi-1  ka*da.  Hunting  as  he  went 
along,  he  arrived  at  Fathpdr  on  the  17th  Zi-1  hijja. 

Campaign  against  Patna  and  H^ipiir. 

Sulaim&n  Eir&ni,  one  of  the  amir%  of  Salim  Eh&n  A%h&n 
[Salim  Sh&h],  and  ruler  of  Bengal  and  Bih&r,  who  had  always  in 
his  letters  acknowledged  himself  a  vassal  of  the  Imperial  throne, 
died  while  the  Emperor  was  engaged  in  his  Surat  campiugn,  in 
the  year  981  h.  His  eldest  son  B&yazid  succeeded,  but  he  was 
murdered  by  the  amirs^^  and  the  younger  son  D&ud  was  raised 
to  the  throne.  The  Emperor  was  informed  that  D&dd  had 
stepped  out  of  his  proper  sphere,  had  assumed  the  title  of  king, 
and  through  his  morose  temper  had  destroyed  the  fort  of  Fatna^ 
which  Kh&n-zam&n  built  when  he  was  ruler  of  Jaunpur.  A 
farmdn  was  immediately  sent  to  Elh&n-khdn&n,  directing  him  to 
chastise  D&ud,  and  to  conquer  the  country  of  Bihdr. 

At  that  time  D&ud  was  at  H&jipiir,  and  his  chief  noble,  Lodi, 
who  was  in  open  hostility  to  him,  was  in  the  fort  of  Bohtis,  and 
set  up  a  claim  to  independence.  Eh&n-kh&n&n  Mu^'nim  SSian 
marched  with  the  Imperial  forces  against  Patna  and  H&jipur. 
Lodi,  knowing  the  destruction  of  the  Afgh&ns  to  be  certain, 

1  «In  consequence  of  his  evil  conduct.'* — Bad&uni,  toI.  ii.  p.  178.  According  io 
Abd-l  Fazl,  the  nephew  and  son-in-law  of  B&yazfd,  whose  name  was  H6na6,  took  an 
active  part  in  his  remoTal.  He  in  his  turn  was  killed  by  Lodi,  and  D&Qd  was  placed 
upon  the  throne. — Akbar-ndma, 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  373 

notwithstanding  bis  hostility  towards  D&ud,  made  a  sort  of 
peace  with  Kh&n-kh&n&n.  The  old  friendship  and  respect  which 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  had  for  the  late  Sulaim&n  Ejr&ni  led  him  to  agree 
that,  upon  the  payment  of  two  lacs  of  rupees  in  money  and  one 
lae  in  stuflPs  as  a  tribute,  the  Imperial  forces  should  be  with- 
drawn. Then  having  sent  Jal&l  Kh&n  Krori,  he  entered  into 
a  peace  with  Da6d, 

But  D&dd  was  a  dissolute  scamp,  and  knew  nothing  of  the 
business  of  governing.  At  the  instigation  of  Katlu  Kh&n,  who 
had  for  a  long  time  held  the  country  of  Jagann&th  and  of 
Sridhar  BKndu  Beng&li,  and  through  his  ovm  want  of  judgment, 
he  seized  Lodi  his  amiru-l  umard^  and  put  him  in  confinement 
under  the  charge  of  Sridhar  Beng&li.  When  in  prison,  Lodi 
sent  for  Katlu  and  Sridhar,  and  sent  D&iid  this  message,  "  If 
you  consider  my  death  to  be  for  the  wel&re  of  the  country,  put 
your  mind  quickly  at  ease  about  it ;  but  you  vnll  be  very  sorry ' 
for  it  after  I  am  dead.  You  have  never  given  me  any  good 
wishes  or  advice,  but  still  I  am  willing  to  advise  you.  Act  upon 
my  counsel,  for  it  will  be  for  your  good.  And  this  is  my  advice : 
After  I  am  killed,  fight  the  Mughals  without  hesitation,  that 
you  may  gain  the  victory.  If  you  do  not  do  so,  the  Mughals  will 
attack  you,  and  you  will  not  be  able  to  help  yourself.  Do  not 
be  too  sure  about  the  peace  with  the  Mughals,  they  are  only 
biding  their  time." 

The  power  of  D&ud  and  of  all  the  Afgh&ns  was  on  the  wane : 
it  was  God's  will  that  they  should  &11,  and  that  the  power  of 
the  Emperor  should  be  established  over  the  country  of  Bengal. 
So  D&dd  resolved  to  put  Lodi  out  of  the  way,  and  by  so  doing 
to  establish  his  authority  to  his  own  satisfaction.  Katld  Eh&n 
and  Sridhar  Beng&li  had  a  bitter  animosity  against  Lodi,  and 
they  thought  that  if  he  were  removed,  the  offices  of  vakil  and 
wazir  would  fall  to  them,  so  they  made  the  best  of  their  oppor- 
tunity. They  represented  themselves  to  D&ud  as  purely  dis- 
interested, but  they  repeatedly  reminded  him  of  those  things 
which  made  Lodi's  death  desirable.     D&ud,  in  the  pride  and 


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374  NIZAMXJ-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

intoxication  of  youth,  listened  to  the  words  of  these  sinister 
counsellors.  The  doomed  yictim  was  put  to  death,  and  D&ud 
became  the  master  of  his  elephants,  his  treasure,  and  his  troops. 
But  he  was  puffed  up  with  conceit  and  folly,  and  took  no  pre- 
cautions for  combating  his  enemies,  and  relying  upon  that 
unsatis&ctory  peace  which  Lodl  had  concluded,  he  banished 
all  care. 

When  the  death  of  Lodi  was  reported  to  Kh&n-kh&n&n  and 
his  circle,  which  was  full  of  amirJi  of  renown,  he  at  once  set  his 
heart  upon  the  conquest  of  Bengal  and  Lakhnauti,  and  marched 
against  Patna  and  H&jfp6r.  In  high  spirits  he  arrived  in  the 
vicinity  of  Patna.  D&ud  now  deeply  regretted  the  murder  of 
Lod(,  who,  by  his  wisdom,  and  judgment,  and  devotion,  had  kept 
the  affairs  of  Bengal  in  order.  He  marched  towards  Patna, 
and  was  at  first  resolved  upon  battle ;  but  he  afterwards  recoiled 
from  trying  an  action,  and  resolved  to  take  shelter  in  his  fortifi- 
cations. Eh&n-kh&n&n  was  delighted  when  he  was  informed  of 
this  resolution,  and  he  already  foresaw  the  conquest  of  Patna 
and  H&jipiir.  D&ud,  without  drawing  a  sword  or  shooting  an 
arrow,  retired  precipitately  into  the  fort  of  Patna,  and  set  about 
repairing  the  works. 

Kh&n-kh&n&n,  with  the  concurrence  of  the  anUn,  proceeded 
to  invest  Patna.  Upon  hearing  this,  the  Emperor  determined 
to  personally  direct  the  operations  against  Patna  and  H&jipur. 
After  resting  for  a  few  days  at  Fathpur,  he  sent  off  his  camp 
and  elephants  by  land  under  the  command  of  Mirz&  Tusuf  Xh&n 
Bizwi  one  of  his  chief  amirs.  He  placed  Agra  in  charge  of 
Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n  Naishapuri,  and  embarked  on 
board  a  boat  on  Sunday  the  last  day  of  Safar,  982  H.  The 
young  princes  went  with  him.  The  boats  carried  all  his  equip- 
ments and  establishments,  armour,  drums,  treasure,  carpets, 
kitchen  utensils,  stud,  etc.,  etc.  Two  large  boats  were  specially 
prepared  for  his  own  accommodation,  in  which  he  embarked  with 
his  attendants.  The  boats  required  by  the  amirs  for  themselves 
and  their  establishments  were  in  the  rear  of  the  royal  boats. 

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TABAKiCT-I  AKBABr.  376 

and  so  they  started.  On  arriving  at  the  village  of  Batambh,  one 
of  the  dependencies  of  JCgn^  he  stopped  and  sent  a  letter  io 
Elh&n-kh&n&n  Mu'^nfm  Kh&n,  to  give  information  of  his  approach. 
On  the  1st  Babi'u-l  awwal  the  expedition  proceeded.  Every 
day  he  left  the  boat  and  went  hunting  on  shore.^  Every  day  he 
was  joined  by  fresh  parties  of  troops.  [Punishment  of  a  brahman 
guilty  of  incest  with  his  daughter."] 

On  the  23rd  of  the  month  the  Emperor  reached  lUahab&s, 
which  is  situated  at  the  confluence  of  the  Ganges  and  Jumna. 
This  is  a  great  place  of  pilgrimage  for  the  Hindus,  and  contains 
some  fine  buildings.  It  is  celebrated  in  all  parts  of  the  world 
as  a  holy  place  of  the  Hindds,  who  resort  thither  from  all  parts. 
On  the  25th  he  reached  Benares,  from  whence  he  sent  on  Sher 
Beg  Taw&chi  in  a  boat  to  Elh&n-kh&n&n  Mu'^nim  Kh&n,  to 
apprise  him  of  the  Emperor's  arrival  at  Benares.  At  that  city 
he  remained  three  days  taking  rest.  On  the  28th  he  reached 
the  village  of  Kori,  a  dependency  of  Saiyidpdr,*  at  the  confluence 
of  the  Gumti'  and  Gttnges,  and  there  anchored.^  Here  he  was 
waited  upon  by  Mirza  Ydsuf  Kh&n,  who  had  brought  down  the 
army  by  land.  He  now  determined  that  until  he  received 
accurate  intelligence  from  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  he  and  the  young 
prince  and  his  wives  would  go  and  stay  at  Jaunpur.^  So  he 
left  the  army  at  this  encampment,  and  went  up  the  Gumti  in 
boats  to  Jaunpdr. 

On  the  2nd  Bab('u-s  s&ni  he  reached  the  village  of  Yahy&- 
pdr,  a  dependency  of  Jaunpdr.  Here  a  despatch  arrived  from 
Kh&n-kh&n&n,  urging  him  to  march  on  with  all  speed.  So  on 
the  3rd  he  sent  on  the  young  prince  and  ladies  to  Jaunpdr,  and 

^  ^  In  the  evening  tliej  cast  anchor,  and  the  Emperor  engaged  in  diBCOBsiona  upon 
science  and  poetry/'  etc.  — Bad&Uai,  yoL  ii.  p.  176. 

'  Bad&dni  for  Saiyidptir  has  Jauopdr,  and  is  probably  right 

'  Here  oaUed  in  the  MS.  *<G(ida"  and  "GKbri " ;  by  fiad&dnf  «  Gddi,"  and  by 
Ab6-1  Fazl  ♦«  KtfdL" 

*  The  expedition  encountered  three  violent  storms,  and  several  boats  sank.— 
Akhar^ndma^  vol.  iii,  p.  64. 

*  The  r.  Alfl  writes  the  name  indifferently  "  Jaunpdr  "  and  "  J&nipdr." 


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376  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

then  departed  on  his  campaign  against  Bengal.*  On  the  4th 
the  boats  fell  down  the  Gamti  to  the  Ganges,  and  Mirz&  Yusof 
Eh&n,  the  commander  of  the  army,  waited  on  His  Majesty. 
It  was  now  arranged  that  the  army  should  keep  within  sight  of 
the  royal  flotilla.  On  the  6th  it  encamped  in  the  plain  of 
Gh&z(pur,  and  the  Emperor  went  hunting.  ♦  ♦  ♦  On  the  7th 
he  halted  at  Gangadfispur,  and  here  he  was  met  by  the  eunuch 
'Itimdd  Khdn,  a  distinguished  noble,  who  had  been  rendering 
good  service  in  the  siege  of  Patna,  and  who  now  made  a  full 
report  of  all  the  occurrences  to  His  Majesty,  and  urged  him  to 
hasten  forward.  His  Majesty  thereupon  directed  Saiyid  Mirak 
Ispah&ni,  one  of  his  principal  attendants,  who  was  learned  in 
charms,  to  seek  an  augury  in  his  books  by  sortilege.  The 
augury  was  favourable,  and  a  few  days  proved  its  truth. 

On  Tuesday,  the  8th  Rabi'u-s  s4ni,  he  encamped  at  the  ferry 
of  Chaunsd,  and  here  a  despatch  arrived  from  Eh&n-kh&n&n, 
reporting  that  Ysa  Eh&n  Ni&zi,  an  Afgh&n  renowned  for  his 
courage,  had  made  a  sortie  with  elephants  and  a  large  force  from 
Patna,  and  had  attacked  the  besiegers.  'fs&  Kh&n  was  slain 
by  Lashkar  Kh&n,  one  of  the  Emperor's  men,  and  a  great 
number  of  Afgh&ns  fell.     This  news  was  sent  on  to  the  princes. 

On  the  following  day  Dil&war  Eh&n  was  ordered  to  transport 
the  army  over  at  the  ferry  of  Ohaunsd,  and  on  the  10th  the  army 
encamped  at  the  village  of  Domni,  belonging  to  Bhojpur.  Kasim 
''All  Khdn,  was  now  sent  to  inform  Eh&n-kh&n&n  of  the  near 
approach  of  the  Emperor,  and  to  inquire  what  he  advised  to  be 
done.  The  Eh&n  advised  the  Emperor  to  advance  as  hitherto, 
himself  by  boat  and  his  army  by  land ;  and  he  requested  that 
some  horses  might  be  sent  to  replace  those  that  had  been 
rendered  useless  by  the  rains.'    Horses  and  arms  were  accord- 

^  "  News  aniyed  on  tbig  day  of  the  oonqnest  of  Bhakar.**  This  is  in  the  text,  bat 
has  been  placed  here  as  a  note.  BadiAni's  yersion  is,  **  News  arriyed  of  the  deatii  of 
ScQt&n  Mahmdd  of  Bhakar,  and  of  Miihibb  'All  Kh&n's  obtaining  possession  of  that 
country." 

»  The  weather  continued  very  stormy ;  heavy  rains  fell,  and  the  waters  were  much 
out. — Jkbar-ndma,  yol.  iii.  p.  76. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEr.  377 

ingly  sent.  Kh&n-kh&n&n  and  the  other  amira  advanced  two 
ko8  from  Patna  to  meet  His  Majesty^  who^  on  the  16th  Babi'u-s 
8&ni,  reached  his  destination,  and  took  np  his  abode  in  the  tents 
of  Eh&n-kh&n&n.  Great  rejoicings  followed,  and  rich  offerings 
were  made. 

On  the  17th  Akbar  called  a  conncil  of  war  in  the  tents  of 
Kh&n-kh&n&n,  when  he  observed  that  the  siege  had  now  lasted 
a  long  time,  that  he  was  resolved  upon  reducing  the  place, 
and  upon  crushing  the  defenders,  so  that  they  should  be  unable 
to  make  any  further  resistance  either  in  the  city  or  in  the 
country.  He  thought  that  the  best  course  to  pursue  was  to  first 
reduce  the  fort  of  H&jipur,^  which  rendered  very  material  assist- 
ance to  the  garrison  of  Patna,  and  that  their  operations  must 
be  directed  to  that  object.  The  Kh&ns  greatly  applauded  this 
scheme.  At  that  same  council  Kh&n-'&lam  was  sent  off  with 
three  thousand  men  in  boats,  with  the  materials  required  for  a 
siege.  B&J&  Gajpati,  the  zaminddr  of  that  country,  who  had 
many  armed  adherents,  was  directed  to  support  Kh&n-'&lam. 

Next  day,  the  18th,  Kh&n-'&lam  crossed  the  river,  embarked 
immediately,  and  went  to  lay*siege  to  H&jipur,  while  the  troops 
marched  by  land.^  In  order  to  see  the  field,  His  Majesty 
mounted  a  batt-ery  of  Sh&ham  Kh&n  Jal&ir,  which  was  upon 
a  hill  on  the  bank  of  the  Ganges,  and  from  which  H&jipur  was 
visible.  As,  however,  he  could  get  no  certain  information  of 
what  was  passing,  in  the  evening  he  sent  a  party  of  men  in  three 
boats  toward  H&jipur  to  gain  intelligence.  When  the  enemy 
saw  these  boats  approaching,  they  sent  eighteen  boats  full  of 
fid^hting  men  against  them.  But  the  three  Imperial  boats  pre- 
vented them  from  advancing,  and  by  hard  fighting  cut  their 
way  through,  and  joined  Eh&n-'&lam.  Victory  now  declared  in 
favour  of  the   Emperor.'     Fath  Kh&n   B&rha,  commander  of 

>  ''A  fort  whioh  stood  opposite  to  Patna;  the  Gang^  about  two  hot  in  width, 
flowing  between  them." — Akbar-tidma,  toI.  ili.  p.  73. 

'  He  went  np  the  Ghindak. — Akbar^ndma,  yoI.  iii.  p.  75. 

*  Faixi  Sirhindi  follows  this  aocoont ;  but  Abd-1  Fazl's  Torsion  is  somewhat 
different.    See  infrd. 


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378  NIZXMU-I)  DTK  AHMAD. 

H&jipdr,  and  many  Afgh&ns,  were  Blain,  and  the  place  fell  into 
the  hands  of  Kh&n-'&lam«  The  head  of  Fath  £h&n  B&rha 
and  the  heads  of  other  Afgh&ns  were  thrown  into  boats,  and 
sent  to  the  Emperor.  After  offering  his  thanksgiving  for  this 
victory,  he  sent  the  heads  of  Fath  Eh&n  and  of  the  others  to 
D&dd,  that  he  might  see  with  his  own  eyes  what  had  befiillen 
his  officers,  and  might  be  led  to  reflect  upon  his  own  position. 
•*  When  D&ud's  eyes  fell  npon  these  heads,  he  was  plonged  into 
dismay,  and  set  his  mind  upon  flight. 

On  the  same  day,  the  16th,  the  Emperor  went  out  npon  an 
elephant  to  reconnoitre  the  fort  and  the  environs  of  the  city, 
and  he  ascended  the  Panj-pah&ri^  which  is  opposite  the  fort. 
This  Panj-pah&ri,  or  '^  Five  domes,''  is  a  place  built  in  old  times 
by  the  infidels  with  burnt  bricks  in  five  stages.  The  Afgh&ns, 
who  were  on  the  walls  and  bastions  of  the  fortress,  saw  the 
Emperor  and  his  suite  as  he  was  making  his  survey,  and  in 
their  despair  and  recklessness  they  fired  some  guns  at  the  Panj- 
pah&ri,  but  they  did  no  injury  at  all  to  any  one. 

When  D&dd  saw  the  Imperial  forces  swarming  in  the  plain, 
and  when  he  was  informed  of  the  iall  of  Hijlpur,  although  he 
had  20,000  horse,  abundance  of  artillery,  and  many  elephants, 
he  determined  to  fly,  and  at  midnight  of  Sunday,  the  21st 
Rabi'u-s  s&ni,  he  embarked  in  a  boat  and  made  his  escape. 
Sridhar  the  Bengali,  who  was  Diud's  great  supporter,  and  to 
whom  he  had  given  the  title  of  B&j&  Bikram&jit,  placed  his 
valuables  and  treasure  in  a  boat  and  followed  him. 

Gujar  Kh&n  Eir&ni,  who  was  Daud's  minister,^  brought  the 
elephants 'out,  and  fled  by  the  rear  of  the  city.  On  that  dreadful 
night,  a  foretaste  of  the  day  of  judgment,  the  inhabitants  were 
in  a  state  of  bewilderment  and  despair.  Some  endeavoured  to 
escape  by  the  river,  but  through  the  crowding  and  struggling 
many  of  them  were  drowned.  Others  endeavoured  to  fly  by 
land,  but  were  crushed  under  the  feet  of  elephants  and  liorses 
in  the  narrow  lanes  and  streets.  Some  in  their  despair  cast 
^  His  title  was  "  Enknud  daula."— Bad&Oni,  toI.  iL  p.  181. 

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TABAKiCT-I  AKBABr.  379 

themselves  down  from  the  walls,  and  others  perished  in  the  moat. 
When  Gujar  Eh&n  came  to  the  Ponpun^  river,  he  passed  his 
elephants  over  the  bridge;  bat  the  fagitives  in  his  rear  so  pressed 
and  crowded  upon  the  bridge  that  it  broke  down,  and  nambera 
were  precipitated  into  the  water.  Those  who  came  up  afterwards 
threw  away  their  arms  and  clothes,  and  cast  themselves  naked 
into  the  river. 

Late  at  night,  when  the  flight  of  D&dd  was  reported,  the 
Emperor  gave  thanks  to  heaven,  and  as  soon  as  it  was  light 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  having  assured  himself  of  tBe  fiict,  the  royal 
ferces  entered  the  city  with  great  display.  Fifty-six  elephants, 
which  the  enemy  had  been  unable  to  carry  off,  were  found  in 
the  city  and  paraded  before  His  Majesty.  The  date  of  the  fall 
of  Eatna,  which  was  indeed  the  conquest  of  Bengal,  is  found  in 
this  line,  ''Mulk-i  Sulaimdn  zi  Dditd  rqfl''  (983). 

The  Emperor  remained  in  the  city  till  four  hours  of  the  day 
had  passed,  and  having  made  a  proclamation  of  amnesty  to  the 
inhabitants,  he  left  £h&n-kh&n&n  in  command  of  the  army, 
while  he  himself  dashed  off  with  a  detachment  in  pursuit  of 
G6jar  Kh&n  and  the  elephants.  When  he  reached  the  Punpun, 
he  swam  over  on  horseback,  and  the  amirs  and  soldiers  followed 
his  example.  Then  he  gave  orders  for  every  officer  and  man  to 
press  on  with  all  his  might  in  the  pursuit  of  the  enemy,  and  he 
himself  spurred  forward.  The  amira,  driving  Gujar  Kh&n  before 
them,  secured  D&ud'*s  elephants,  and  brought  them  to  His 
Majesty.  On  reaching  the  pargana  of  Dary&p6r,'  twenty-six 
ko8  ^  from  Patna  on  the  banks  of  the  Ganges,  they  drew  rein, 
and  it  was  found  that  nearly  400  elephants^  had  been  taken. 
His  Majesty  halted  at  Daryfipdr,  but  ordered  Shahb&z  Kh&n 
Mir-bakhshl  and  Majndn  Kh&n  K&ksh&l  to  continue  the  pursuit. 
They  went  on  to  the  river  Balbhund,  seven  kos  from  Dary&pdr. 

^  A  rirer  which  nms  from  the  south,  and  fallfl  into  the  Ganges  near  Patna. 
'  Oo  the  right  bank  of  the  Ganges,  sixty  miles  east  from  Patna. 
>  Abti-1  Fail  makes  it  thirty  ktn.-^Akbar-ndma,  ToL  iiL  p.  78. 
*. «  Two  hundred  and  sixty-fiTC."— /3. 

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880  NIZAMU-D  BfN  AHMAD. 

There  they  learned  that  Gdjar^  worn  out  and  half  dead,  had 
passed  over  the  river,  and  that  some  of  his  men  had  been 
lost  in  the  water.  Shahb&z  Kh&n  and  Majnun  Eh&n  then 
retomed. 

On  Monday,  the  2l8t,  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  according  to  orders,  came 
by  water  to  wait  upon  His  Majesty,  bringing  with  him  the  royal 
boats  and  attendant  establishments.  The  Emperor  stayed  at 
Dary&pur  six  days.  He  appointed  Eh&n-kh&n&n  to  the  govern- 
ment of  Bengal,  and  left  him  an  additional  force  of  20,000  horse. 
He  increased  his  military  allowances  twenty-five  or  thirty  per 
cent.,  he  gave  him  all  the  boats  which  he  had  brooght  down 
from  ^gra,  and  invested  him  with  fall  power  and  authority. 
Then  he  raised  the  standard  of  return,  and  dismissed  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n  and  the  other  amirs.  Next  day  he  marched  to  the  town 
of  Ghiy&spdr  on  the  bank  of  the  Ganges.  There  he  rested 
four  days,  employed  in  the  pleasing  occupation  of  viewing  the 
elephants  captured  from  D&ud  and  his  Afgh&ns.  From  thence 
he  determined  to  go  on  to  Jaunpur  rapidly.  Leaving  the  com- 
mand of  the  army  as  usual  with  Mirz&  Yusuf  Kh&n,  he  started 
at  midnight  of  the  2nd  Jum&da-l  awwal,  982,  mounted  upon  an 
elephant.  In  the  morning  he  halted  at  an  encampment  of  the 
royal  forces  between  Dary&pur  and  Ghiy&spur,  where  he  wit- 
nessed some  elephant  fights. 

At  this  stage  Muzafiar  Kh&n,^  who  was  formerly  a  clerk,  but 
now  an  amir  of  reputation,  was  sent  along  with  Farhat  Ehan, 
one  of  the  late  Emperor's  slaves,  and  now  enrolled  in  His 
Majesty's  service,  to  besiege  the  fortress  of  Rohtfis,  a  very  lofty 
and  strong  place.  And  he  gave  orders  that  after  its  capture 
it  should  be  placed  under  the  command  of  Farhat  Kh&n,  and 
that  Muzaifar  Eh&n  should  return  to  Oourt.  On  Friday,  3rd 
Jum&da-l  awwal,  he  proceeded  to  Patna,  and  spent  a  short  time 

1  Muzaffar  Eb&n,  who  was  appointed  prime  minister  (see  wprti),  bad  been 
since  removed  from  office,  for  reasons  wbicb  wUl  appear  in  an  Extract  from  tbe 
Akbar-'ndma^  infrd,  Abti-1  Fazl  says  he  was  sent  on  this  campaign  to  Bohtfta  in 
disgrace. — Akbar'tidma,  toI.  iii.  p.  81. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  381 

in  examining  the  buildings  of  D&ud.^  From  thence  he  started 
to  make  the  best  of  his  way,  and  on  Saturday,  the  4th,  he 
reached  the  village  of  Fathptlr  Sahina,  which  is  twenty-one  ko8 
distant,  and  on  Monday,  6th  Jum&da-l  awwal,  at  mid-day,  he 
arrived  at  Jaunpur.  Mirz&  Yiisuf  Kh&n  arrived  with  the  army 
on  the  7th.  The  Emperor  remained  at  Jaunpdr  thirty-three 
days,  devoting  his  time  to  making  arrangements  for  the  army 
and  the  government  of  the  country.  He  placed  Jaunptir, 
Benares,  the  fort  of  Ghun&r,  and  sundry  other  mahdh  and  par- 
ganas  directly  under  the  royal  exchequer,  and  he  gave  th6 
management  of  them  tor  Mirz&  Mirak  Bizwi  and  Shaikh  Ibr&him 
Sikri.  On  the  9th  Jum&da-s  s&ni,  982,  he  departed  from  Jaun- 
pur, and  went  to  Kh&npur,  where  he  stayed  four  days.  Here 
he  was  waited  upon  by  K&zi  Niz&m  Badakhshi,  who  [being 
graciomly  received  and  appointed  to  office"]  afterwards  achieved 
a  high  position  among  the  nobles. 

A  despatch  now  arrived  from  Eh&n-kh&n&n,  reporting  the 
capture  of  the  fort  of  Garhi.*  When  D&ud  fled  from  Patna,  he 
went  to  Garhi.  Leaving  some  trusty  men  there,  he  proceeded 
to  the  town  of  T&nda.  He  made  such  efforts  to  strengthen  the 
fort  of  Garhi  that  in  his  vain  idea  it  was  impregnable.  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n  marched  against  T&nda,  and  arrived  near  Garhi.'  As 
soon  as  the  eyes  of  the  terrified  Afgh&ns  fell  upon  his  army,  they 
fled  and  abandoned  the  fort,  so  that  he  obtained  possession  of 
Garhi  without  striking  a  blow.  This  intelligence  greatly  pleased 
the  Emperor,  and  he  sent  letters  of  commendation  to  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n  and  the  other  amirs.  Continuing  his  journey,  and  hunting 
as  he  went,  he  arrived,  on  the  8th  Jum&da-s  s&ni,  at  the  town  of 
Iskandarpdr,  where  he  received  intelligence  of  the  fall  of  T&nda. 

After  taking  possession  of  the  fort  of  Garhi,  the  Imperial 

^  <*  It  is  a  cnrioiu  &Gt  that  in  this  place  there  are  thatched  houses  called  chkappar- 
handy  which,  although  they  are  coTcred  only  with  wood  {chob  posh)^  are  worth  30^000 
or  40,000  rupees  each."— Bad&^ni,  yoI.  ii.  p.  182. 

2  SeeYol.  lY .  p.  367.  Also  Extract  from  Ak.^ndma^  infrdy  respecting  Garhi  and  T&nda. 

3  He  had  previoosly  made  himself  master  of  Surajghar,  on  the  Ganges,  ahout 
eighty  miles  from  Patna ;  of  Monglr,  with  the  help  of  R&j&  Sangr&m  of  Gorakhp(ir 
and  Ptiran  Mai  B£lj&  of  Kidhdr ;  and  of  fih&galpiir.~.^^*-mi;mi,  toL  iii.  p.  84. 

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382  mzKMXJ'D  DrN  ahmad. 

forces  marched  on  towards  Tanda,  which  is  the  capital  of  the 
kingdom  (of  Bengal).  Kh&n-kh&n&a's  explorers  at  first  reported 
that  D&ud  intended  to  make  a  stand  there,  and  bad  made  his 
dispositions.  Kh&n-kh&n&n  thereupon  snmmoned  his  amirs,  and 
took  every  precaution  for  the  security  of  his  army.  Next  day 
he  marshalled  his  forces,  and  advanced  in  great  force  against 
T&nda.  When  D&ud's  spies  carried  him  the  intelligence  of 
Kh&n-kh&n&n's  advance,  he  and  his  associates  thought  of  the 
black  night  of  Patna,  and  fled  in  dismay,  abandoning  the  town. 
Thus  on  the  4th  Jum4da-s  s&ni,  the  capital  of  T&nda  was  won 
for  the  Emperor  without  fighting,  and  a  proclamation  of  protec* 
tion  was  issued  to  the  people. 

Again  the  Emperor  was  delighted  with  this  good  news.  He 
determined  to  go  on  to  Dehli,  and  he  arrived  there  on  the  1st 
Bajab.  He  made  a  pilgrimage  to  the  tombs  of  the  saints  and 
holy  men ;  he  also  visited  the  tomb  of  his  father,  and  he  dis- 
pensed his  bounty  among  the  needy,  and  offered  up  prayers 
suitable  to  his  position.  To  give  his  escort  rest  he  remained  at 
Dehli  some  days,  and  employed  himself  in  hunting.  In  the 
beginning  of  Sha*b&n  he  started  for  Ajmir,  and  hunted  as  he 
went.  At  the  town  of  Namaul  he  was  waited  upon  by  Elhan- 
jah&n,  who  came  from  Lahore  to  see  him.  The  Emperor  was 
much  pleased  to  see  the  Kh&n,  and  gave  him  some  princely 
marks  of  his  approval.  A  few  days  afterwards  'Az4m  Kh&n 
also  came  from  Ahmad&b&d  expressly  to  offer  his  congratula- 
tions. In  the  beginning  of  Ramaz&n,  the  Emperor  reached 
Ajmir,  and  hastened  immediately  to  pay  his  visit  to  the  tomb. 
Out  of  the  spoils  of  Bengal  he  presented  to  the  nakdra-khdna  of 
the  Khw&ja  a  pair  of  drums  which  had  belonged  to  D&ud.  He 
also  dispensed  the  usual  gifts. 

It  now  came  to  his  knowledge  that  Chandar  Sen,  son  of  M&l 
Deo,  was  oppressing  the  raiyats  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  forts 
of  Joudhpur  and  Siw&nah,  and  was  creating  disturbances.^    His 

1  ThiB  intelligence  was  brooght  from  Siw&nah  by  E&j&  R&i  Singh.  —  Jkh&r^ 
ndrna^  vol.  iiL  p.  87.    Siw&nah  Ib  about  sixty  miles  S.W.  of  Joudhplir. 


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TABAEiCT-I  AKBABr.  883 

Majesty  sent  Tayib  Eh&n,  son  of  T&hir  Kh&n  Mlr-i  fardghat 
the  goyemor  of  Dehli,  and  Subh&n  EaU  Tdrk,  with  a  suitable 
force,  to  chastise  him.  When  they  approached,  the  rebel  with- 
drew with  his  followers  ^  into  dense  jungles  and  places  hard  of 
access.  But  some  of  the  fugitives  were  caught  and  put  to  the 
■word,  and  the  royal  troops  returned  with  considerable  spoil.  In 
the  middle  of  Bamaz&n  the  Emperor  started  on  his  return  to 
the  capital,  and  on  the  same  day  Eh&n-i  /azam  departed  for 
Gujar&t.  The  Emperor  arrived  at  Fathpdr  on  the  last  day  of 
Bamaz&n. 

It  had  become  manifest  that  much  of  the  cultivable  land  of 
Hindustan  was  lying  uncultivated ;  and  to  encourage  cultivation, 
some  rule  for  dividing  the  profits  of  the  first  year  between  the 
Government  and  the  cultivator  seemed  to  be  required.  After 
carefiil  consicLeration^  it  was  arranged  that  the  various  parganaa 
should  be  examined,  and  that  those  which  contained  so  much 
land  as  being  cultivated  would  yield  a  kror  of  tankas^  should  be 
divided  off  and  given  into  the  charge  of  an  honest  and  intelligent 
officer,  who  was  to  receive  the  name  of  krari.  The  clerks  and 
accountants  of  the  Exchequer  were  to  make  arrangements  with 
these  officers,  and  send  them  to  their  respective  districts,  where, 
by  vigilance  and  attention,  in  the  course  of  three  years  the 
uncultivated  land  might  be  brought  into  cultivation,  and  the 
revenues  recovered  for  Government.  To  carry  out  these  views, 
a  number  of  the  most  honest  and  trustworthy  servants  of  the 
State  were  selected,  such  as  *  *  and  appointed  to  the  office  of 
krari.  The  amirs  also  were  called  upon  severally  to  appoint 
kroris^  who  were  sent  into  the  country  upon  their  responsibility. 

At  this  time  Sh&h  Euli  Eh&n  Mahram,  Jal&l  Eh&n  Eorchf, 
and  some  other  amirsj  were  sent  to  effect  the  reduction  of  the 
fort  of  Siw&nah,  belonging  to  the  son  of  Bif  M&l  Deo.  The  fort 
was  besieged  for  a  long  time,  and  Jal&l  Eh&n  Eorchi,  one  of  the 
officers  of  the  Court,  was  killed  there.  After  that  Shahbaz  Ehan 
Eambd  was  sent  there,  and  he  took  the  place  in  a  very  short  time. 

»  "  by  way  of  B&mpur." — Ak.'ndtna,  B&mptir  in  Tonk,  eeventy  miles  S.  from  Jaipdr. 


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384  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

A  statement  wad  now  received  from  the  ministers  (wuknld) 
of  Sult&n  Mahmdd  of  Bakar,  reporting  that  Saltfin  Mahmdd 
was  dead^  and  that  they  had  no  confidence  in  Muhibb  'Ali  Kh&n 
and  Muj&hid  Khan.  If,  therefore,  his  Majesty  would  send  one 
of  his  officers,  they  woald  render  up  the  fort  into  his  charge. 
His  Majesty  accordingly  sent  Mir  Kisu  Bakdwal-begij  who  had 
received  the  title  of  Kisu  Kh&n. 

In  this  year  a  great  pestilence  (wabd)  and  &mine  occurred  in 
Gujar&t,  and  lasted  for  nearly  six  months.  From  the  severity  of 
these  calamities,  the  inhabitants,  rich  and  poor,  fled  the  country, 
and  were  scattered  abroad.  For  all  this,  grain  rose  to  the  price 
of  120  tankaa  per  man,^  and  horses  and  cows  had  to  feed  upon 
the  bark  of  trees. 

Khw&ja  Am!nu-d  din  Mahmdd  Khwdja-jahdn^  who  was  toasir-i 
mmtakill  of  the  territories  of  Hindust&n,  died  at  Lucknow. 

Tiventieth  year  of  the  Beign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Monday,  29th 
ZM  ka'da,  982  h.  (13th  March.  1576). 

Defeat  of  Ddud  Khan  hy  Khdn^khdndn. 

After  the  conquest  of  T&nda  and  the  flight  of  D&ud  to  Orissa, 
Kh&n-kh&nan  devoted  his  attention  to  the  settlement  of  the 
aflfairs  of  the  country.  Then  he  sent  B&j&  Todar  Mai  with 
some  other  amirs  towards  Orissa,  in  pursuit  of  D&ud.  He  ap- 
pointed  Majnun  Kh&n  K&ksh&l  to  the  government  of  Ghora- 
gh&t.  When  the  Kh&n  proceeded  to  Ghora-gh&t,^  Sulaim&n 
Mangali,  the  jdgirddr  of  the  place,  and  one  of  the  bravest  of 
the  Afgh&ns,  collected  a  force  to  resist  his  taking  possession. 
Some  sharp  fighting  followed,  and  Sulaim&n  was  killed,  and  the 
wives  and  children  of  him  and  of  other  Afgh&ns  were  made 
prisoners.  Immense  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  K&ksh&ls. 
Majnun   Kh&n   married   Sulaim&n^s  daughter  to  his  own   son 

>  **  JaicdriroiQ  to  the  price  of  120  black  tanhaa  per  man** — Bad&tSni,  toI.  ii.  p.  186. 
'  Forty-eight  miles  S.E.  of  Din&jptir. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  885 

Jabb&ri.  He  then  went  on  to  Ghord-gh&t,  and  after  dividing 
the  whole  of  the  country  among  the  £&ksh&Is,  he  made  a  report 
to  Kh&n-kh&n&n. 

£&j&  Todar  Mai,  who  had  been  sent  in  pursuit  of  D4tid,  when 
he  reached  Mad&ran,^  was  informed  by  his  scouts  that  D&ud  was 
engaged  collecting  men  in  Din-kas&ri,  and  that  his  forces  were 
daily  increasing.  Todar  Mai  stopped  at  Mad&ran,  and  wrote 
a  full  report  from  thence  to  Elh&n-kh&n&ni  On  receiving  it,  the 
Khiu  sent  Muhammad  Kuli  Kh&n  Birl&s  •  *  with  reinforce- 
ments for  the  R&jd.  Upon  their  arrival,  all  the  chie&  concurred 
in  the  expediency  of  marching  to  Gow&lp&ra,  ten  koH  from  Din- 
kas&ri,  with  all  speed.  When  D&ud  heard  this,  he  did  not  fly, 
but  stood  his  ground  at  Dharpur.' 

The  spies  now  brought  in  information  that  Junaid,  son  of 
Daud's  uncle,  a  man  of  high  repute  among  the  Afgh&ns  for 
bravery  and  resolution,  who  had  formerly  come  into  the  service 
of  the  Emperor,  but  fled  from  ^gra  to  Gujarat,  and  afterwards 
came  from  Gujar&t  to  Bengal,  was  now  at  Din-kas&ri,  seeking 
to  form  a  junction  with  D&ud.  K&j&  Todar  Mai,  with  the 
approval  of  the  other  amirs^  sent  Abti-1  K&sim  Namaki  and  Nazar 
Bah&dur  to  attack  Junaid.  These  men,  making  light  of  the 
matter,  neglected  the  precautions  necessary  in  warfare,  and  were 
defeated  by  Junaid,  thus  bringing  disgrace  upon  themselves. 

R&J&  Todar  Mai,  on  receiving  the  news,  with  the  approval  of 
his  amirs,  marched  against  Junaid ;  but  before  he  could  arrive, 
Junaid  had  fled  into  the  jungles.  Todar  Mai  therefore  stopped 
at  Midnapdr.  Muhammad  Kuli  Xh&n  Birl&s  died  here  after  a 
few  days'  illness.  He  was  an  able  man,  and  his  loss  was  a  great 
cause  of  weakness  in  the  Imperial  forces. 

,  In  concurrence  with  the  remaining  amirs,  Il&j&  Todar  Mai 
returned  from  Midnapur  to  Mad&ran.     Here  Kiy&  Kh&n  Gang, 

*  In  the  KtigU  district  between  Bardwan  and  Midnap6r.      See  Bloclimann's 
Ahk-i  Akbari,  Yol.  i.  p.  376. 
»  "  A  place  lying  between  Bengal  and  Oriasa." — Akbar-ndma,  yoI.  iii.  p.  99. 

VOL.  v.  26 


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386  NIZAMIJ.D  DTN  AHMAD. 

being  offended  with  the  other  amirs^  without  reason,  went  off 
into  the  jungle.  Todar  Mai  reported  the  fact  to  Eh&n-kh&n&n, 
and  remained  for  some  days  in  Mad&ran.  Hereupon  Eh&n- 
^-kii&n&n  sent  Sh&ham  Eh&n  Jal&ir  and  *  *  *  to  support  B&j& 
Todar  Mai.  When  they  joined  the  Il&j&  at  Bardwan,  the  B4ja 
left  them,  and  went  out  into  the  jungle  after  Eiy&  Kh&n,  and 
having  pacified  him,  brought  him  back  with  him.  From  Mad&- 
ran  they  marched  to  Jitura.  There  they  were  informed  that 
D&ud,  with  his  forces,  had  gone  into  the  fort  of  Katak  Ban&ras,' 
and  was  engaged  in  preparations  for  war. 

B&jd  Todar  Mai  halted,  and  sent  swift  messengers  to  inform 
Khfin-kh&n&n  of  the  position  of  affairs.  Ehan-kh&n&n  then 
left  T&nda  to  march  against  D&ud,  and  he  formed  a  junction 
with  B&j&  Todar  Mai.  D&dd  had  organized  his  army  and  now 
advanced  to  meet  him.     The  Afgh&ns  entrenched  their  camp. 

On  the  20th  Zi-1  ka'da,  982,»  the  armies  met.*  After  the 
array  was  formed,  the  Afghins  advanced  rapidly  and  boldly  to 
the  attack.  Eh&n-kh&u&n  ordered  fire  to  open  upon  them  from 
the  swivels  {zarlhzan)  and  light  guns  {zambiirak)^  which  were 
mounted  on  ardbas  in  front  of  his  line.  The  fire  of  the  guns 
drove  back  the  elephants  which  were  placed  in  front  of  the 
Afgh&n  attack,  and  the  musketry  mowed  down  the  A%fa&ns 
who  were  in  the  advance.     Gujar  Kh&n,  with  his  division  in 

^  With  Eh&n-kh&n&n  in  particular. — Akbar-ndma,  yoI.  iii  p.  98. 

'  Attock  and  Cnttack,  at  the  two  extremities  of  the  Empire,  both  have  the  word 
Ban&ras  (Benares)  added  to  their  names  in  the  Tahakdt. 

'  This  date  shows  that  Abii-1  Fazl  is  right  in  placing  the  battle  in  the  nineteenth 
year  of  the  reign.  Several  lines  are  occupied  with  the  names  of  the  atnira  in  com- 
maud  of  the  yarious  divisions  of  the  two  armies. 

*  "at  Bajhora."— Bad&fini,  vol.  ii.  p.  194.  The  MSS.  of  the  Akhar-ndma  bare 
"  Takaroi."  The  name  is  not  given  in  the  MSS.  of  the  Tabakdt^  nor  in  the  Akbar^ 
ndma  of  Faizi  Sirhindi.  Mr.  Blochmann  finds  the  locality  of  the  battle  in  the 
Trigonometrical  Map  of  Orissa,  in  two  places  called  Mughnlm&ri  (Mughal's  fight), 
and  **  Tookaroe/'  a  village  about  seven  miles  southwards,  halfway  between  Mughnl- 
m&rl  and  Jalesar  (Jellasore),  and  two  miles  from  the  left  bank  of  the  Soobanreeka 
river,  lat.  21**  63'.  The  battle  extended  over  a  large  space.  Bad&dni  (voL  ii. 
p.  195)  speaks  of  three  or  four  koSf  ue,  about  six  miles." — See  Ain-i  Akbai%  vol.  i. 
p.  875. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEF.  387 

excellent  order,  now  came  up  boldly,  and  drove  back  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n's  advanced  force  upon  the  Altamah}  Kh&n-i  ''filam,  who 
commanded  the  advance,  held  his  ground,  and  was  killed.  The 
AUamsh  division  was  next  defeated  and  driven  back  upon  the 
centre,  which  in  its  turn  was  in  great  difficulty.  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n  did  all  in  his  power,  but  could  not  restrain  his  men.  At 
this  time,  Gujar  Elh&n  attacked  and  wounded  Kh^-kh&n&n,  and 
as  the  latter  had  no  sword,  he  returned  Gujar  Kh&n's  cuts  with 
slashes  of  his  whip.  In  this  conjuncture  Kh&n-kh&n&n^s  horse 
took  fright ;  and  although  his  rider  was  anxious  to  stop  him  and 
rally  the  fugitives,  he  could  not  restrain  him.  The  Afgh&ns 
pursued  Kh&n-kh&n&n  for  half  a  kos^  when  Kiy&  Kh&n  Gang 
attacked  the  Afgh&ns,  and  showered  arrows  upon  them.  The 
Afgh&ns  were  exhausted  by  their  long  ride,  and  could  not  move. 
Then  Xh&n-khan&n  got  his  horse  under  control,  and  rallying 
his  men,  led  them  back  to  the  field.  They  discharged  showers 
of  arrows,  and  by  the  guidance  of  fate,  an  arrow  struck  Gujar 
Kh&n,  and  brought  him  down.  When  the  Afghans  saw  their 
leader  fall,  they  turned  their  backs  and  fled ;  but  many  of  them 
were  cut  down  in  their  flight.  II&J&  Todar  Mai,  Lashkar  Kh&n, 
and  others  who  were  upon  the  right,  now  charged  the  left  of  the 
enemy.  Sh&ham  Kh&n  and  others,  who  were  on  the  left,  also 
attacked  their  opponents  of  the  right,  defeated  them,  and  drove 
them  back  upon  D&ud.  His  elephants,  being  worried  by  the 
arrows,  turned  round  upon  the  body  of  his  army,  and  the  stone 
of  dismay  was  cast  among  them.  The  banner  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n 
now  became  visible,  and  the  death  of  Gujar  Kh&n  came  to  the 
knowledge  of  D&ud.  This  shook  his  resolution,  and  he  turned 
and  fled.  Immense  booty  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors,  and 
Khan-kh&n&n  encamped  victorious  on  the  battle-field.  He 
remained  there  a  few  days,  to  have  his  wounds  tended,  and  sent 
a  report  of  the  victory  to  the  Emperor.  All  the  prisoners  taken 
were  put  to  the  sword.     Lashkar  Kh&n  Mtr-bakhsM,  who  had 

^  AltafMk  is  a  Turki  word  meaning  "  sixty,"  and  it  is  applied  to  a  force  placed  at 
the  head  of  an  army  between  the  advanced  guard  and  the  general. — See  9uprdf  p.  364. 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


388  NIZAMTJ.D  DfN  AHMAD. 

rendered  such  good  service,  died  of  his  wounds  before  the  army 
moved. 

Conclmion  of  peace  with  Ddud.    Sis  interview  mth  Khdn-khdndn. 

After  his  defeat,  D&ud  fled  to  Katak  Ban&ras  (Guttack),  in  the 
centre  of  Orissa,  and  Eh&n-kh&n&n,  who  remained  stationary  on 
account  of  his  wounds,  held  a  council,  in  which  he  and  his  amirs 
determined  to  pursue  Ddud.^  R&j&  Todar  Mai  and  *  •  *  were 
directed  to  proceed  after  him,  and  it  was  agreed  that  Eh&n- 
kh&nin  himself  would  follow  as  soon  as  his  wounds  permitted. 
The  R&jd  and  his  amirs  accordingly  started,  and  did  not  halt 
until  they  reached  Kalkal-gh&ti.^  After  resting  there  a  while, 
the  scouts  brought  in  the  intelligence  that  D&ud  and  the  Afgh&ns, 
with  their  wives  and  children,  were  shut  up  in  the  fort  of  Katak 
Ban&ras.  Reduced  to  extremities,  and  having  no  other  refuge, 
the  men  were  resolved  upon  fighting,  and  fugitives  from  the 
field  of  battle  daily  gathered  round  them.  R&ji  Todar  Mai 
sent  a  report  of  the  state  of  affairs  to  Kh&n-kh&n&n,^  and  the 
Kh&n  set  out  for  Katak  Ban&ras,  never  resting  till  he  came 
within  two  kos  of  that  place.  Then  he  held  a  council  with  his 
amirSy  and  having  pitched  his  camp  on  the  banks  of  the  Mah&- 
nadi,  which  is  half  a  kos  from  Katak,  he  began  to  collect 
materials  for  a  siege. 

D&ud  had  suffered  several  defeats  in  succession,  and  Gujar 
Kh&n,  his  mainstay  and  support,  was  slain.  Death  stared  him  in 
the  face ;  so,  in  hia  despair  and  misery,  he  sent  a  messenger  to 
Kh&n-kh&n&n  with  a  message  to  this  effect :  ^^  The  striving  to 
crush  a  party  of  Musulm&ns  is  no  noble  work.  I  am  ready  to 
submit  and  become  a  subject ;    but  I  beg  that  a  comer  of  this 

^  *<  A  large  number  of  Afgb&n  prisonen  were  put  to  death  by  order  of  Ehfim- 
khtofiin."— r.  Aifi. 

'  Aba-l  Fazl  calls  the  place  "  Bhadrak."  The  <*  Bhudnick"  of  Thornton,  north 
of  Cuttack.  Bad&ani  and  Faizl  Sirhindl  follow  the  Tabakdt,  and  haye  <<  Kalkal- 
gh&tl." 

3  According  to  Ab&-1  Fazl,  the  R&j&'s  men  were  despondent,  and  he  was  obliged 
to  call  for  support.— ^Ar^r-iMJma,  toL  iii.  p.  107. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAET.  389 

wide  country  of  Beng&I  sufficient  for  my  support  may  be  assigned 
to  me.  If  this  is  granted,  I  will  rest  content,  and  never  after 
rebel."  The  amirs  communicated  this  to  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and 
after  considerable  discussion,  it  was  determined  to  accept  the 
proposal,^  upon  the  condition  that  D&dd  himself  should  come 
out  to  meet  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and  confirm  the  agreement  by  solemn 
binding  oaths.' 

Next  day' Khan-kh&n&n  ordered  a  grand  Court  to  be  held, 
and  all  the  nobles  and  attendants  to  be  present  in  their  places  in 
fine  array,  and  the  troops  drawn  up  in  arms  in  front  of  the 
tents.  D&dd  came  out  of  the  fort,  attended  by  his  Afgh&n 
nobles  and  officers,  and  proceeded  to  the  tent  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n. 
When  he  approached  it,  Kh4n-khan&n,  with  great  courtesy  and 
respect,  rose  up  and  walked  half-way  down  the  tent  to  meet 
him.  When  they  met,  D&ud  loosened  his  sword  from  the  belt, 
and  holding  it  before  him,  said,  "  I  am  tired  of  war  since  it 
inflicts  wounds  on  worthy  men  like  you."  Kh&n-kh&n&n  took 
the  sword,  and  handed  it  to  one  of  his  attendants.  Then  gently 
taking  Daud  by  the  hand,  he  seated  him  by  his  side,  and  made 
the  most  kind  and  fatherly  inquiries.  Food  and  drink  and 
sweetmeats  were  served,  of  which  the  Kh&n  pressed  him  to 
partake. 

After  the  dishes  were  removed,  the  terms  of  peace  came  under 
discussion.  D&ud  protested  that  he  would  never  take  any  course 
hostile  to  the  Imperial  throne,  and  he  confirmed  his  promise 
by  the  most  stringent  oaths.  The  treaty  of  peace  was  drawn 
up,  and  then  Kh&n-kh&nan  brought  a  sword  with  a  jewelled 
belt  of  great  value  out  of  his  stores,  and  presenting  it  to  D4ud, 

*  "  R&J&  Todar  Mai,  who  weU  understood  the  true  posiiion  of  affaire,  though  he 
wrung  his  hands  and  stamped  his  feet  (to  prevent  the  annistice),  met  with  no 
support."  He  refused  to  take  any  part  in  the  BGiilemenU—Akbar^ndma,  yoI.  iiu 
p.  108. 

'  The  terms  were  that  D&6d  was  to  do  homage  of  service,  to  surrender  his  best 
elephants,  and  pay  up  his  tribute.  Eventually  he  was  to  go  to  Court  and  do  homage 
in  person,  but  for  the  present  some  relations  were  to  be  sent  as  hostages.  His 
nephew  Shaikh  Muhammad  was  the  hostage. — Akbar-ndmaj  vol.  iii.  p.  108. 

3  IstMuharram,  983  (12th  April,  l676).-^Akbar'ndma,  vol.  iii.  p.  108. 


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390  KIZAttU-D  DTN  AHMAD. 

Baid,  ''  You  have  now  become  a  subject  of  the  Imperial  throne, 
and  have  promised  to  give  it  your  support.  I  have  therefore 
requested  that  the  country  of  Orissa  may  be  settled  upon  yoa 
for  your  support,  and  I  feel  assured  that  His  Majesty  will 
confirm  my  proposition— granting  this  to  you  as  my  tankhwdh 
has  been  granted  to  me.  I  now  gird  you  afresh  with  tliis  war- 
like sword.''  Then  he  bound  on  the  sword  with  his  own  hands  ; 
and  showing  him  every  courtesy,  and  making  him  a  great  variety 
of  gifts,  he  dismissed  him.  The  Court  then  broke  up,  and 
Kh&n-kh4n&n  started  on  his  return. 

On  the  10th  Saiar,  983,  he  reached  T&nda  the  capital,  and 
sent  a  report  of  his  arrangements  to  the  Emperor,  who  was 
greatly  delighted  and  satisfied  with  the  conquest  of  Bengal. 
Splendid  robes  and  jewelled  swords,  and  a  horse  with  a  golden 
saddle,  were  sent  to  Eh&n-kh&n&n,  and  all  the  arrangements  he 
had  made  were  confirmed. 

While  Kh&n-kh&n&n  was  occupied  at  Katak  Ban&ras,  the  sons 
of  Jalalu-d  din  Sur,  in  concert  with  the  zamknddrs  of  Ghord- 
gh&t,  attacked  and  defeated  Majnun  Kh&n,  drove  him  to  the 
neighbourhood  of  Tinda,  and  captured  the  fort  of  Gaur.  Mu'in 
Kh&n  and  Majnun  Kh&n  provided  for  the  security  of  Tanda^  and 
awaited  intelligence  of  Kh&u-kh&nan's  success.  When  his  return 
became  known,  the  insurgents  scattered  and  hid  themselves  in 
the  jungles.^ 

Building  of  an  'Jbddat-Khdna. 

The  Emperor  had  from  his  early  youth  taken  delight  in  the 
society  of  learned  and  accomplished  men,  and  had  found  pleasure 
in  the  assemblies  of  men  of  imagination  and  genius.  He  always 
treated  them  with  the  greatest  respect  and  honour,  and  frequently 
graced  their  heavenly  meetings.  He  listened  to  their  discus- 
sions of  nice  points  of  science,  of  the  ancient  and  modem  history 
of  religions  and  people  and  sects,  and  of  all  matters  of  worldly 

^  Abd-l  Fazl  says  that  Mu*nim  Kh&n  went  to  Ghorli-gh&t,  and  snppreswd  the 
iasurrectioD. — Akbar-ndma,  yol.  iii.  p.  140. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBARI.  391 

interest ;  and  he  profited  by  what  he  heard.  His  great  &yoar  for 
sach  men,  led  him  at  the  time  of  his  return  from  Ajmir  in  the 
month  of  Zi-l  ka'da,  982,  and  in  the  twentieth  year  of  his  reign,  to 
issue  his  commands  for  skilful  architects  and  clever  builders  to 
erect  in  the  gardens  of  the  royal  palace  a  refuge  for  8&Ji8y  and  a 
home  for  holy  men,  into  which  none  should  be  allowed  to  enter 
but  saiyids  of  high  rank,  learned  men  (^ulamd)y  and  shaikhs.  In 
obedience  to  the  Imperial  commands,  skilful  architects  planned  a 
building,  containing  four  halls  (aiwdnj^  and  in  a  brief  period 
completed  it.  When  this  happy  abode  was  finished,  the  Emperor 
used  to  go  there  on  Friday  nights  and  on  holy  nights,  and  pass 
the  night  until  the  rising  of  the  sun  in  the  society  of  distin- 
guished men.  It  was  arranged  that  the  western  hall  should  be 
occupied  by  saiyids^  the  south  by  the  learned  Qulama)  and  the 
wise,  the  northern  by  shaikhs  and  men  of  ecstasy  (arbab^i  hdl) ; 
all  without  confusion  or  intermixture.  The  nobles  and  officers  of 
the  Court,  whose  tastes  were  in  unison  with  those  of  men  of 
greatness  and  excellence,  were  to  sit  in  the  eastern  hall.  His 
Majesty  graced  each  of  the  four  halls  with  his  presence,  and 
enriched  those  present  with  his  gifts  and  bounty.  The  members 
of  the  assembly  used  to  select  a  number  of  the  most  worthy 
among  those  present  to  be  presented  to  His  Majesty,  and  to 
receive  from  him  handfuls  of  mhrafts  and  rupees.  Those,  who 
from  evil  fortune  did  not  participate  in  the  royal  bounty  in  the 
evening,  used  to  sit  down  in  rows  before  the  'ibddat-khdna  on 
Friday  mornings,  and  receive  handfuls  of  ashrafis  and  rupees 
from  His  Majesty ""s  own  hands.  This  assemblage  used  fre- 
quently to  last  beyond  mid-day  on  Fridays.  Sometimes,  when 
His  Majesty  was  tired,  one  of  the  attendants  of  the  Court,  in 
whose  kindness  and  gentleness  he  had  confidence,  was  deputed 
to  perform  this  duty.  *  ♦ 

In  this  year  Gulbadan  Begam,  daughter  of  the  Emperor 
B&bar,  and  aunt  of  Akbar,  piously  undertook  the  journey  to 
Mecca.  When  Gujar&t  was  annexed  to  the  Imperial  dominions, 
he  determined  that  every  year  one  of  the  officers  of  his  Court 

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392  NIZAMTJ.D  DfN  AHMAD. 

should  be  appointed  Mir  H&ji,  or  Leader  of  the  Pilgrims,  to 
conduct  a  caravan  from  Hindust&n,  like  the  caravans  from  Egypt 
and  Syria,  to  the  holy  places.  This  design  was  carried  out,  and 
every  year  a  party  of  enlightened  men  of  Hind,  of  M4war4u-n 
nahr,  and  Khur&s&n,  received  provision  for  their  journey  from 
the  royal  treasury,  and  went  under  the  appointed  leader  from 
the  ports  of  Gnjar&t  to  the  holy  places.^  Never  before  had  any 
monarch  provided  for  the  annual  departure  of  a  caravan  from 
India,  nor  had  any  one  furnished  means  to  the  needy,  to  enable 
them  to  perform  the  pilgrimage.  Gulbadan  and  Salima  Sultin 
Begam^  now  obtained  the  Emperor'^s  permission  to  go  the 
pilgrimage,  and  received  from  him  a  sum  of  money  for  the 
expenses  of  the  journey.  All  the  pious  poor  who  desired  to 
join  in  the  pilgrimage  obtained  the  means  of  travelling. 

Arrival  of  Mirzd  Snlaimdn. 

Mirz4  Sulaim&n  had  been  ruler  of  Badakhsh&n  since  the  time 
of  the  Emperor  Babar.  He  had  a  son,  Mirzd  Ibralnm,  a  fine 
intelligent  young  man,  who  was  taken  prisoner  in  battle  and 
killed  by  the  adherents  of  Pir  Muhammad  Eh&n  Uzbek,  in  the 
year  that  Mirzd  Sulaimdn  invaded  Balkh.  Mirza  Ibr&him  left 
a  son,  Sh&h  Rukh  by  name,  whom  Sulaimfin  carefully  brought 
up,  and  to  whom,  in  spite  of  his  tender  age,  he  gave  several 
districts  of  Badakhshdn. 

When  Sh4h  Bukh  arrived  at  years  of  discretion,  and  Mirz& 
Sulaim&n  grew  old,  some  designing  people  incited  the  youth 
with  stories  of  his  rights.  But  the  Mirza'^s  wife  was  a  clever 
woman;  she  kept  a  sharp  watch  over  Sh&h  Rukh,  and  pre- 
vented any  outbreak.  But  when  she  died,  these  same  people 
stirred  up  Sh4h  Bukh's  ambition  to  be  ruler  of  Badakhsh&n. 
He  came  from  Kunduz  to  Kol&b,  and  being  supported  by  his 

1  ''After  five  or  six  years,  this  arraogemenfc  was  set  aside." ^Bad&iini,  toL  ii. 
p.  213. 

a  *<  Daughter  of  Nuni-d  din  Muhammad  Mirzfi,  who  was  married  to  Bairfrm 
Kh&n  "  (see  suprdy  p.  256).— Bad&dnl,  toI.  ii.  p.  213. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBABr.  393 

party,  the  whole  of  Badakhsh&n,  from  His&r  Sh&^m&n  to  K&bul, 
fell  into  his  hands,  and  he  wanted  to  send  his  grandfather  to 
join  his  father. 

Mirz&  Sulaim&n  fled  in  great  distress  to  seek  assistance  from 
Muhammad  Hakfm  Mirz&.  But  he  did  not  meet  with  the 
reception  he  expected,  so  he  begged  to  be  sent  on  to  the  Indus. 
Hakim  Mirz&  did  not  comply  with  this  trifling  request.  He 
sent  him  a  party  of  pretended  guides,  who  left  him  at  the  first 
stage  and  fled  to  K&bul.  But  Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  trusting  in  God, 
continued  his  journey,^  and  although  he  was  sometimes  opposed 
by  the  Afgh&ns,  and  had  to  fight  his  way,  and  was  wounded  by 
an  arrow^  he  at  length  reached  the  Indus.  Thence  he  wrote  to 
the  Emperor,  who  sent  him  50,000  rupees,  horses,  and  neces- 
saries, by  the  hand  of  Khw&ja  Xkk  Khan,  *  *  *  and  after  some 
days  II&J&  Bhagw&n  D&s^  came  to  the  Indus  with  an  escort, 
and  conducted  him  honourably  to  Lahore. 

At  this  time  h/armdn  was  sent  to  summon  ^Azam  Khkn  from 
Gujar&t,  and  he  arrived  at  Court'  with  speed  and  alacrity. 
Some  cavillers  and  fault-finders  made  insinuations  about  his 
management  of  aflairs,^  and  the  Khdn,  in  defending  himself, 
passed  the  bounds  of  prudence  and  respect,  and  made  use  of 
unseemly  words,  which  brought  upon  him  the  displeasure  of  the 
Emperor.  Thereupon  the  Kh4n,  forgetful  of  his  duty,  retired 
to  his  garden  at  Agra,  shut  himself  up  alone,  and  refused  admis- 
sion to  everybody. 

Mirzd  Sulaim&n,  after  staying  a  few  days  at  Lahore,  started 
for  Fathpur.  On  reaching  Mathura,  twenty  kos  from  Fathpur, 
the  Emperor  sent  *  *  several  nobles  to  meet  him,  and  to  arrange 
for  his  meeting  the  Emperor  on  the  15th  Bajab,  983.  All  the 
nobles  and  officers  were  sent  out  to  the  distance  of  five  kos  from 

^  He  had  his  daughter  with  him.— Bad&tinf,  vol.  ii.  p.  214. 

«  Then  ruler  of  Lahore.— BadWni,  toI.  ii.  p.  214.       »  On  the  4th  Rajah,  983  h. 

*  Ah6-1  Fazl  {Akbar-ndma,  toI.  iii.  p.  126)  says  the  charge  was  ahout  the  hranding 
of  the  horses  ;  hut  Bad&6ni  (toL  ii.  p.  214)  states  that  there  were  complaints  also 
against  his  revenue,  military  and  general  administration.  They  agree  that  he  was 
sent  into  retirement. 


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394  KIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

Fathpur  to  receive  him.  And  when  intelligence  of  his  having 
left  this  stage  was  brought,  the  Emperor  himself  went  out  on 
horseback  to  meet  him.  Five  thousand  elephants,  with  housings 
of  velvet  and  brocade,  with  gold  and  silver  chains,  and  with 
white  and  black  fringes  on  their  necks  and  trunks,  were  drawn 
up  in  lines  on  each  side  of  the  road  to  the  distance  of  five  kos 
from  Fathpur.  Between  each  two  elephants  there  was  a  cart 
(ardba\  the  chitaa  in  which  had  collars  studded  with  gold  and 
housings  of  fine  cloth ;  also  two  bullock-carts,  which  had  animals 
that  wore  gold-embroidered  headstalls. 

When  alPthe  arrangements  were  made,  the  Emperor  went 
out  with  great  pomp  and  splendour.  Upon  approaching,  the 
Mirzi  hastened  to  dismount,  and  ran  forward  to  His  Majesty ; 
but  the  Emperor  observing  the  venerable  age  of  the  Mirz&, 
also  alighted  from  his  horse,  and  would  not  allow  the  Mirz&  to 
go  through  the  usual  observances  and  ceremonies.  He  fondly 
embraced  him ;  then  he  mounted  and  made  the  Mirz&  ride  on 
his  right  hand.  All  the  five  kos  he  inquired  about  his  circum- 
stances, and  on  reaching  the  palace  he  seated  him  by  his  side  on 
the  throne.  The  young  princes  also  were  present,  and  were 
introduced  to  the  Mirz&,  and  after  a  great  entertainment,  he 
gave  the  Mirzd  a  house  near  to  the  royal  palace.  On  this 
occasion  an  order  was  issued  to  Kh&n-jahan,  the  ruler  of  the 
Panjab,  to  take  5000  horse  and  proceed  to  Badakhshan  in 
attendance  on  the  Mirz&,  to  recover  the  country  and  restore  it 
to  him,  and  then  to  return  to  Lahore. 

Death  of  Khdn-khdndn  Mu^nim  Khan. 
When  Eh4n-kh&ndn,  with  his  mind  at  ease  about  D&ud,  re- 
turned to  T&nda,  the  capital  of  the  country,  under  the  influence 
of  his  evil  destiny,  he  took  a  dislike  to  T4nda,  and  crossing  the 
Ganges,  he  founded  a  home  for  himself  at  the  fortress  of  Gaur, 
which  in  old  times  had  been  the  capital  of  Bengal,^  and  he  ordered 

^  He  was  inflaenced  by  two  reasons.  It  was  on  the  side  of  the  rirer  nearest  lo 
Ghor&-gh&t,  the  seat  of  the  rebellion,  and  it  contained  many  handsome  and  oonveoient 
buildings.— ^X-W-wc/ma,  yoL  iii.  p.  140.    Faizt  Sirhindi. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARF.  895 

that  all  the  soldiers  and  raiyats  should  remove  from  T&nda  to 
Gaur.  In  the  height  of  the  rains  the  people  were  involved  in 
the  trouble  of  expatriation.  The  air  of  Gaur  is  extremely  un- 
healthy, and  in  former  times,  the  many  diseases  which  distressed 
its  inhabitants  induced  the  rulers  to  abandon  the  place,  and  raise 
the  town  of  T&nda.  Sickness  of  many  kinds  now  broke  out 
among  the  people,  and  every  day  numbers  of  men  departed  from 
Gaur  to  the  grave,^  and  bade  farewell  to  relatives  and  friends. 
By  degrees  the  pestilence  reached  to  such  a  pitch  that  men  were 
unable  to  bury  the  dead,  and  cast  the  corpses  into  the  river.* 
Every  day  the  deaths  of  many  amirs  and  officers  were  reported 
to  Kh&n-kh&n&n^  but  he  took  no  warning,  and  made  no  resolu- 
tion to  change  his  residence.  He  was  so  great  a  man  that  no 
one  had  the  courage  to  remove  the  cotton  of  heedlessness  from 
his  ears,  and  bring  him  to  a  sense  of  the  actual  position.  His 
own  health  became  affected,  and  he  grew  worse,  and  at  the  end 
of  ten  days,  in  the  month  of  Safar,  983,  he  departed  this  life. 
His  nobles  and  officers,  who  had  so  often  met  to  congratulate  him, 
now  assembled  to  lament  him.  They  placed  Sh&ham  Kh&n 
Jal&ir  in  command,*  and  made  a  report  of  the  foots  to  the  Em- 
peror. Kh&n-kh&n^n  had  no  son,  so  all  his  property  escheated 
to  the  royal  exche<^uer,  and  an  account  of  it  was  made  out. 
When  the  despatch  reached  His  Majesty,  he  appointed  Kh&n- 
jahan,  who  had  been  supreme  governor  of  the  Panj&b,  to  be 
governor  of  Bengal.  He  raised  him  to  the  dignity  oiamiru-l  umard, 
commended  the  raiyats  and  people  to  his  tender  care,  bestowed 
upon  him  gifts  of  embroidered  coats,  jewelled  swords,  and  a 
richly-caparisoned  horse,  and  dismissed  him  to  his  government. 
Kh&n-jah&n,  furnished  with  full  credentials,  then  departed  to 
assume  his  authority. 

^  At  gaur  ha  gor :  the  tvro  words  being  'written  exactly  alike.  A  neat  though 
misplaced  pun. 

*  "  Out  of  the  many  thousand  men  that  were  sent  to  that  country,  not  more  than  a 
hundred  were  known  to  haye  returned  in  safety." —Bad&iSnf,  vol.  ii.  p.  217. 

'  Upon  this  appointment,  BadWnT,  in  his  caustic  way,  quotes  the  proverb — **  In 
the  treeless  land  the  shrub  Falma  Chritti  is  a  tree." 


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396  NIZAMTJ.D  DfN  AHMAD. 

Ttoenty-first  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Sunday,  9th 
Zi-1  hijja,  983  h.  (11th  March,  1576  a.d.) 

Mirzd  Sulaimdn's  Journey  to  Mecca. 

*  *  The  Emperor  had  determined  that  Kh&n-jah&n  shoald 
march  with  the  array  of  the  Panjab  to  recover  the  country  of 
Badakhsh&n,  but  fate  ruled  otherwise.  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  the  ruler 
of  Bengal,  was  removed  by  death,  and  the  Emperor  deeming 
the  retention  and  administration  of  that  country  more  important 
than  the  conquest  of  Badakhshfin,  sent  Eh&n-jah&n  thither. 
When  Mirzd  Sulaim&n  saw  this  change  of  fortune,  he  sought 
leave  of  the  Emperor,  through  the  officers  of  state,  to  go  on  the 
pilgrimage.  The  Emperor  complied  with  his  request,  and  fur- 
nished him  with  50,000  rupees  in  cash,  besides  other  things 
required  for  the  journey.  He  sent  with  him,  to  attend  upon  him 
in  his  journey  to  the  coast,  Muhammad  Kalij  Kh&n,  one  of  the 
chief  nobles,  who  had  been  appointed  governor  of  Surat.  When 
the  Mirz&  went  on  board  ship,  twenty  thousand  rupees  more  were 
given  to  him  out  of  the  revenues  of  Gujar&t.  The  Mirz&  per- 
formed the  pilgrimage  in  the  same  year,  and  afterwards  returned 
and  recovered  his  kingdom  of  Badakhshdn. 

On  the  7th  Zi-1  ka'da,  984,  the  Emperor  set  off  on  a  visit  to 
Ajmir.  He  hunted  as  he  went,  and  on  the  4th  Zi-1  hijja  he  en- 
camped at  ten  kos  from  Ajmir.  He  afterwards,  as  usual,  walked 
five  ko8  on  foot  to  the  tomb  of  the  saint,  and  after  going  through 
all  the  observances  of  the  pilgrimage,  he  gave  away  two  thousand 
rupees  in  charity. 

Ttcenty-second  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  the  20th  Zi-1 
liijja,  984  H.  (11th  March,  1577  a.d.). 

While  the  Emperor  was  encamped  at  Ajmir,  the  intelligence 
was  brought  to  him  that  Dfiud  Afgh&n  had  flung  away  the  treaty 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAKr.  397 

T?hich  he  had  made  with  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  had  risen  against  the 
royal  authority,  and  had  marched  against  T&nda.  The  Imperial 
officers  in  that  quarter,  having  no  chief  among  them  on  whom  they 
could  rely,  had  abandoned  the  country,  and  retired  to  Hajipdr 
and  Patna.  All  this  commotion  had  arisen  because  Eh&n-jah&n 
had  taken  his  time  in  going,  there  in  consequence  of  his  army 
being  at  Lahore.  Upon  receiving  this  intelligence,  the  Emperor 
sent  a  letter  by  Subh&n  Kuli  Turk  to  Kh&n-jah&n,  directing  him 
to  take  with  him  all  the  amirs  and  jdgirddra  who  had  abandoned 
Bengal,  and  to  march  against  D4ud.  In  twenty-two  days 
Subh&n  Eull  travelled  nearly  a  thousand  kos,^  (!)  and  delivered 
the  farman  to  Xh&n-jah&n.  The  Xh&n  took  the  field,  and  ad- 
vanced into  Bengal.  He  had  an  action  with  three  thousand  men 
whom  D&ud  had  left  in  charge  of  Garhi,  and  took  the  place. 
Nearly  fifteen  hundred  of  the  enemy  were  slain,  and  many  chiefs 
were  made  prisoners. 

Whilst  the  Emperor  was  staying  at  Ajmir,  he  sent  Eunwar 
M&n  Singh,  a  brave  and  able  man,  with  five  thousand  horse, 
against  R&n&  Kik&.»  He  also  sent  K4zi  Kh&n  Badakhshi,  *** 
and  other  ambitious  young  men  with  him.  ^saf  Kh&n  was 
appointed  Mir-bakhahi  of  this  army.  His  Majesty  presented 
Kunwar  M&n  Singh  and  all  the  amirs  and  sarddrs  of  the  army 
with  robes  and  horses.  After  fitting  out  this  army,  he  started 
to  return  home  on  the  20th  Muharram,  and  reached  Fathptir  on 
the  Ist  Safar,  985  h. 

After  his  arrival  at  Fathpur,  messengers  arrived  with  the  in- 
telligence that  Kh&n-jah&n,  after  the  capture  of  Garhi,  had 
advanced  to  the  vicinity  of  T&nda.  There  he  found  that  D&ud 
had  evacuated  T&nda,  and  had  taken  up  a  position  in  the  village 
of  ^k.'     On  one  flank  was  the  river,  on  the  other  a  mountain^ 

1  Bad&dnr  (toL  ii.  p.  227)  confirms  this. 

>  « Against  Kokanda  and  Eombalmir,  the  territory  of  R&n&  Eik&."— Bad&dni, 
ToL  ii.  p.  228.  Kombalmlr  is  in  the  Ar&yalli  mountains,  about  forty  miles  north  of 
Udipdr. 

>  Or  "  Ak-mah&l ''  or  Ag&-mah&l,  afterwards  caUed  "  R&j-mah&l "  by  R&j&  M&n 
Singh,  when  goyemor  of  Bengal.    The  ancient  name  was  E&j&-griha, 


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398  NIZAMU-D  BfN  AHMAD. 

and  he  had  thrown  up  entrenchments  to  secure  his  position. 
Kh&u-jah&n  marched  against  him,  and  sharp  fighting  followed. 
One  day  Khw&ja  ^Abdu-lla,  one  of  the  Imperial  officers,  ad- 
vanced from  his  battery  to  the  edge  of  the  Afgh&n  entrenchment. 
The  enemy  sallied  forth  and  attacked  him,  and  he  fell,  fighting 
bravely.  On  hearing  of  his  fall,  the  Emperor's  anger  was 
roused,  and  he  sent  an  order  to  MuzaSar  Eh&n,  the  governor 
of  Patna  and  Bih&r,  to  assemble  all  the  troops  in  his  province, 
and  to  march  to  the  assistance  of  Kh&n-jah&n.  In  a  few  days, 
a  letter  arrived  from  Kh&n-jah&n,  with  the  news  that  there  had 
been  a  battle  with  the  enemy,  in  which  the  royal  troops  had 
fought  bravely,  and  had  won  a  victory,  in  which  they  killed 
the  commander  of  the  enemy's  army,  who  was  called  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n. 

Defeat  of  Rand  Kikd  by  Kuntcar  Man  Singh. 

R&n&  Kik&  was  chief  among  the  B&j&s  of  Hindust&n.  After 
the  conquest  of  Ghitor,  he  built  a  town  called  Kokanda,^  with 
fine  houses  and  gardens,  in  the  mountains  of  Hinduw&ra.  There 
he  passed  his  days  in  rebellion.  When  Kunwar  M4n  Sing* 
drew  near  to  Eokanda,  R&n&  Kik&  called  all  the  B&j&s  of  Hindu- 
w&ra  to  his  aid,  and  came  out  of  Gh4ti  Haldeo  '  with  a  strong 
force  to  oppose  his  assailant.  Eunwar  M&n  Singh,  in  agreement 
with  his  amirs,  put  his  troops  in  array  and  marched  to  the  battle- 
field. Some  desperate  charges  were  made  on  both  sides,  and 
the  battle  raged  for  a  watch  with  great  slaughter.  The  B&jpdts 
in  both  armies  fought  fiercely  in  emulation  of  each  other.* 
Nearly  150  horsemen  of  the  royal  army  were  killed,  and  more 

^  This  is  the  spelling  of  our  MSS.,  of  Bad&6ni  and  of  the  Lucknow  ediHon  of  the 
Akbar-ndma,  Todd  calls  the  place  *'  Grogoonda."  Blochmann  {Ain-i  Akbarif  toL  i. 
p.  339)  writes  it  '*  Gogandah." 

*  M&n  Singh  was  supported  hy  Asaf  Khan,  and  marched  from  Ajmir  by  way  of 
M&ndalgarh.— Bad&tini,  toI.  ii.  p.  230. 

8  Or  Haldi-gh&t. 

*  The  RkjpCits  of  the  royal  army  were  commanded  by  R&j&  Lon  Kanm  of  S&m- 
bhar.— Bad&iinl,  toL  ii.  p.  331. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEr.  399 

than  500  B&jputs  of  the  enemy's  army  were  sent  to  perdition.^ 
The  enemy  lost  B&meswar  Gwali&ri  and  his  son,'  and  the  son  of 
Jai  Mai.  On  that  day  B&n&  Kik&  fought  obstinately  till  he 
receiyed  wounds  from  an  arrow  and  from  a  spear ;  he  then  turned 
to  save  his  life,  and  left  the  field  of  battle.  The  Imperial  forces 
pursued  the  B&jputs,  and  killed  numbers  of  them.  Kunwar 
M&n  Sing  wrote  an  account  of  his  victory  to  the  Emperor. 
Next  day  he  went  through  the  pass  of  Haldeo,  and  entered 
Kokanda.  He  took  up  his  abode  in  the  house  of  'R&nk  Kikd, 
and  again  returned  thanks  to  the  Almighty  (sic).  B&n&  Klkk 
fled  into  the  high  hills  for  refuge.  '  The  Emperor  rewarded 
Kunwar  Man  Sing  and  his  amirs  with  robes  and  horses. 

Khdn-jahdrCs  campaign  against  Dditd. 

When  the  battle  fought  by  Khan-jah&n  became  known  to  the 
Emperor,  he  sent  five  lacs  of  rupees  by  ddk-chauki  towards 
defraying  the  expenses  of  the  array.  Orders  were  given  for 
the  despatch  of  boats  laden  with  grain  from  -d^ra,  for  the  use  of 
the  army.  ♦  *  ♦ 

Gajpati  was  a  zaminddr  in  the  neighbourhood  of  H&jipur  and 
Patna,  who  had  been  enrolled  among  the  partisans  of  the 
Emperor.  When  Muzafiar  Eh&n  went  with  reinforcements  to 
Kh&n-jahan,  leaving  this  country  void  of  troops,  he  collected  a 
party  and  attacked  Farhat  Kh&n  and  his  son  Mirak  B&wi,  wh6 
were  at  the  station  of  Arab.  In  the  fight  which  ensued  Farhat 
Kh&n  and  his  son  were  killed.  Great  disturbances  followed,  and 
the  roads  were  closed. 

^  Bad&dni  was  in  this  battle,  and  g:iTe8  a  detailed  account  of  it.  The  Imperialists 
had  a  hard  victory,  and  were  much  indebted  to  their  Hindd  auxiliaries  on  this,  as 
on  many  other  occasions.  But  notwithstanding  this  and  the  enlightened  policy  of 
the  Emperor,  the  Mnsulman  generals  could  not  repress  their  contemptuous  hatred 
of  the  iafideL  Bad&iini  (vol.  iL  p.  231)  relates  that  he  was  with  a  party  of  the 
advanced  force,  and  in  the  middle  of  the  fight  he  asked  Asaf  Kh&n  how  they  were  to 
distinguish  between  their  R&jpilt  friends  and  foes.  They  were  told  to  shoot  at  a 
venture,  let  the  consequences  be  what  they  might.  *'  So,"  says  he,  **  we  kept  up  the 
discharge  of  arrows,  and  our  aim  at  that  mountain-like  mass  (of  men)  never  failed." 

«  Named  "  S&libah&n"  (Bad&tinl,  vol.  ii.  p.  233).  The  Jai  Mai  referred  to  was 
the  hero  of  Chitor. 


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400  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

When  intelligence  of  this  reached  the  Emperor  at  Fathpur, 
on  the  25th  Babru-1  &khir  he  set  off.  At  five  koB  distance  he 
made  a  halt,  and  issned  orders  for  the  assembling  of  troops,  and 
for  the  preparation  of  boats  and  artillery.  Here  he  was  waited 
upon  by  'Abda41a  Kh&n,  whom  he  had  sent  as  a  messenger  to 
Kh&n-jah&n,  and  who  now  returned  to  cast  the  head  of  D&ud 
at  the  foot  of  the  Emperor^s  throne.  Bejoiced  at  the  victory, 
he  returned  to  the  capital. 

Saiyid  ' Abdu-lla  Kh&n  thus  rehearsed  the  story  of  the  victory. 
Muzaffar  Kh4n  arrived  with  the  forces  of  Bihar,  H4jipur,  and 
Patna,  amounting  to  nearly  5000  horse,  and  joined  Kli&n-jah4n. 
On  the  15th  Babi'u-1  &khir,  984,  they  drew  out  their  forces  and 
attacked  the  enemy.  D4dd  also,  supported  by  his  uncle  Junaid 
Kir&ni  and  other  Afgh4n  chiefs,  made  his  dispositions.  Junaid 
was  struck  by  a  cannon-ball.  His  leg  was  broken.  After  a 
while  the  armies  closed  with  each  other,  and  the  enemy  was 
defeated.  D4ud  being  lefb.  behind,  was  made  prisoner,  and 
Kh4n-jah4n  had  his  head  struck  off,  and  sent  it  to  His  Majesty. 
Great  spoil  and  many  elephants  fell  into  the  hands  of  the 
victors.  ♦  •  * 

At  this  time,  Sult&n  Khw4ja  was  appointed  Mir  Haji,  and  a 
sum  of  six  lacs  of  rupees  in  cash  and  goods  was  assigned  for 
the  benefit  of  the  poor  people  about  to  make  the  pilgrimage  to 
the  holy  places,  and  given  into  his  charge.  He  was  directed  to 
furnish  what  was  necessary  to  any  one  desirous  of  being  a 
pilgrim,  and  many  benefited  by  this  liberality. 

[The  annual  pilgrimage  to  the  tomb  of  Khwi^'a  MuHnu-d  din 
at  Ajmir.2 

It  has  already  been  related  how  B4j4  M4n  Singh  defeated 
Bran4  Kik4,  and  occupied  his  cdtintry — how  the  B4n4  fled  into 
the  high  hills,  and  how  the  army  penetrated  to  Kokanda,  which 
was  the  Bdna's  home.  The  roads  to  this  place  were  so  difficult 
that  little  grain  reached  it,  and  the  army  was  nearly  famished. 
The  order  was  given  for  M4n  Singh  to  fall  back  quickly,  and  he 
very  soon  arrived  at  the  Emperor's  throne.    When  the  distress 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBABF.  401 

of  the  army  was  inquired  into,  it  appeared  that,  although  the 
men  were  in  such  great  straits,  Kunwar  M&n  Singh  would  not 
suffer  any  plundering  of  R&n&  Kik&''s  country.  This  caused  the 
Emperor  to  be  displeased  with  him,  and  he  was  banished  from 
Court  for  a  time.^  After  a  while  he  was  forgiven,  and  was  sent 
at  the  head  of  a  force  to  ravage  the  B&n&''s  country.  It  must 
be  understood  that  in  the  language  of  Hind  ^'  Kunwar ''  signifies 
'*son  of  a  B&J&."  On  the  19th  of  the  month  the  army  marched 
from  Ajmir  towards  the  B&n&^s  country. 

Khvoaja  Shah  Mamdr  made  Diwdn. 

Sh&h  Mansdr,  a  Shir&zi  clerk,  at  the  beginning  of  his  career 
was  employed  in  the  royal  perfumery  department.  But  Muzaffar 
Kh&n  was  then  in  power,  and  he  caused  him  to  be  first  im- 
prisoned, and  afterwards  banished  from  Court.  He  then  entered 
the  service  of  Eh&n-kh&n&n  Mu'nim  Khan  at  Jaunpur^  and  rose 
to  be  his  diwdn.  The  conversation  of  the  Kh&n  made  his 
abilities  known  to  the  Emperor,  and  after  Kh&n-kh4n&n's  death, 
Mansur  was  summoned  to  Court,  and  appointed  to  the  office  of 
diwdn  in  chief.^ 

Sult&n  Khw&ja  had  been  appointed  Mir  H&ji,  or  Leader  of  the 
Pilgrims,  and  as  the  road  to  Gujar&t  vid  Kokanda  was  nearest, 
Kutbu-d  din  Kh4n  *  *  and  the  other  amirs  were  ordered  to 
escort  the  caravan  through  Kokanda.  They  were  directed  to 
plunder  and  lay  waste  the  country  of  B&n&  Kik&,  and  to  follow 
him  up,  and  harry  him  wherever  they  might  hear  of  him. 
When  Sttlt&n  Khw&ja  was  about  to  depart-  on  the  pilgrimage, 
the  Emperor,  acting  after  the  manner  of  pilgrims,  stripped  him- 
self, put  on  the  ihrdm  or  pilgrim's  garment,  and  went  some  steps 
after  the  Khw4ja.'  A  cry  arose  from  those  present,  and  their 
voices  were  raised  in  benediction  and  praise. 

^  Bad&dni  (vol.  ii.  p.  240}  tells  us  that  Asaf  Kh&n  fell  into  dugrace  along  with 
the  Knnwar;  hntthat  the  others,  including  Bad&fini  himself,  received  rewards  and 
promotion.  '  Ahridged  translation. 

'  According  to  the  Akhar-ndma  (toI.  iii.  p.  165),  the  Emperor  had  a  strong  desire 
to  go  on  the  pilgrimage,  hut  was  dissuaded  by  his  friends  and  coansellors. 

TOL.  T.  26 


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402  NIZAMU-D  DTN  AHMAD. 

When  His  Majesty  reached  the  pargana  of  Mohi/  news  came 
in  from  the  front  that  Eutbu-d  din  Kh&n  and  the  other  amirs, 
on  arriving  at  Kokanda,  found  that  the  R&n&  had  fled  into  the 
hills.  Orders  were  then  given  for  Kntbu-d  din  and  R&j4  Bhag- 
w&n  D&s  to  remain  at  Kokanda,  and  for  Kalij  Kh&n  and  the 
other  amirs  to  accompany  the  caravan  of  pilgrims  as  far  as  fdar. 
The  amirs  were  to  stop  at  f  dar,  and  lay  siege  to  it ;  but  they  were 
to  send  on  an  escort  with  the  caravan  as  far  as  Ahmad&b&d, 
forty-eight  kos  from  War.  When  Kalij  Kh&n  arrived  there,  he 
found  that  the  Br&j&*  had  fled  into  the  hills,  but  that  a  party  of 
B&jputs  remained  in  the  temple  resolved  upon  death.  They 
were  all  killed  in  a  short  time.  Next  day  Kalij  Eh&n  sent  on 
Timur  Badakhshi  with  the  caravan  to  Ahmad&b&d.  Here 
Shah4bu-d  din  Ahmad  *  *  *  and  other  jdgirddrs  of  M&lwa 
came  in  to  pay  their  respects. 

Grants  of  mansabs  to  various  chiefs. 

When  the  Emperor  reached  l/diptir,  a  despatch  arrived  from 
Sultdn  Khwfija,  the  Mir  Haji,  from  the  port  of  Surat,  reporting 
that,  owing  to  no  pass  {haul)  having  been  obtained  from  the 
Europeans,  the  ship  was  useless.  The  Emperor  directed  a  mes- 
senger to  be  sent  to  Kalij  Kh&n  to  bring  him  quickly  to  Surat»  in 
order  to  secure  the  departure  of  the  vessel.  During  Kalij  Kh&n's 
absence,  Asaf  Kh&n  was  to  have  the  command  of  his  army. 

Kutbu-d  din  Khan  and  B&j&  Bhagw4n  D&s  returned  from 
Kokanda,  and  waited  upon  the  Emperor.  Sh&h  Fakhm-d  din 
and  Jagannath  were  left  in  l/dipur,  and  Itaj&  Bhagwfin  D&s  and 
Saiyid  'Abdu-lla  Kh&n  were  left  in  Dhauli-gh&ti  of  l/dfpur. 
When  His  Majesty  came  into  the  territory  of  B&nsw&Ia 
(B&nsw&ra)  and  Dungarpdr,  the  K&j&s  and  zaminddrs  of  the 
country  came  to  wait  upon  him  with  their  ofierings,  and  were 
right  royally  received.'     Here  also  B&j&  Todar  Mai  came  from 

»  "  Mohani."— Bad&6ii(,  yol.  ii.  p.  241. 
»  "N6.rWn  D&s"  by  name.— BadSiiSnf,  yol.  ii.  p.  241.  . 

3  Aba-l  Fazl  specifies  **  R&wal  Part&b,  chief  of  B&naw&ra,  and  H&wal  Askaran, 
chief  {marzbdn)  of  D(ingarpf&r." — Akbar»fUtmUf  vol.  iii.  p.  169. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  403 

Bengal  to  wait  upon  him,  bringing  nearly  500  elephants  from 
the  spoils  of  Bengal,  with  other  presents  and  offerings.  Kalij 
Kh&n  also  arrived  to  attend  upon  him,  and  was  sent  to  Surat 
to  despatch  the  ships.  He  went  along  with  Kaly&n  Br&i,  a 
merchant  (bakkdl) ;  and  having  got  passes  {haul)  from  the 
Europeans,  he  sent  off  the  ships.  He  quickly  returned,  and 
waited  upon  His  Majesty,  while  he  was  in  M&lwa.  '  After 
arranging  his  posts  (jthdnajdf)  to  his  satisfaction,  and  securing 
the  loyalty  of  the  zaminddrs^  he  entered  M&lwa. 

Twenty-third  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Tuesday,  the 
2nd  Muharram,  986  h.^  (11th  March,  1578). 

The  festivals  of  the  Nau-roz  and  of  the  Emperor's  accession 
were  celebrated  in  the  pargana  of  Dip&lpur,  a  dependency  of 
M&lwa.  The  Emperor  devoted  his  attention  to  measures  for 
increasing  the  prosperity  of  this  country,  and  the  raiyata  waited 
upon  him  in  parties,  and  made  statements  of  their  circumstances. 
He  paid  the  kindest  attention  to  every  one's  case,  and  made  a 
satisfactory  settlement  of  the  affairs  of  the  province.  Many 
zaminddra  became  submissive  and  obedient  to  his  will. 

B4j&  'Alf  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  Aaiv  and  Burh&npur,  had  not 
been  duly  subordinate,  and  it  being  deemed  necessary  to  chastise 
him,  several  amira^  such  as  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  and  *  *,  with 
other  jdgirddrs  of  M&lwa,  were  sent  against  him.  Shahabd-d 
din  was  appointed  commander.  Shahb&z  Khan,  the  Mtr-bakhshi^ 
was  to  check  the  brands  (of  the  horses)  and  the  muster  of  the 
army.  The  other  amirs  were  to  exercise  their  diligence,  and 
secure  the  speedy  departure  of  the  force. 

At  this  same  place  B&j&  Todar  Mai  was  commissioned  to 

1  Tlie  MS.  has  985,  but  this  is  a  manifest  error.  The  Akbar-ndma  (vol.  iii. 
p.  203)  is  correct.  The  twenty-second  year  began  [suprd,  p.  396)  on  the  20th  ZM 
hijja,  984,  and  being  a  solar  year,  it  extended  over  the  whole  of  Hijra  98d,  and  ended 
<m  the  1st  day  of  986.  The  oversight  of  this  fact  has  given  rise  to  some  confnsion  in 
the  dates  about  this  period,  and  the  events  here  recorded  as  having  occurred  in  the 
twenty-third  year  of  the  reign  are  placed  by  Abii-1  Fazl  in  the  twenty-second.  See 
Table,  p.  246  auprd. 


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404  NIZAMTJ-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

settle  the  revenue  and  other  affairs  of  the  province  of  Gajar&t. 
News  also  was  brought  from  the  force  at  f  dar,  that  a  battle  had 
been  fought  with  B&j&  N&r&in  Dfis  and  a  victory  gained.  The 
particulars  of  the  occurrence  were  these:  When  Muhammad 
Kalij  Kh&n,  in  obedience  to  orders,  repaired  to  the  Imperial 
camp  along  with  'All  Mur&d  Uzbek,  the  army  was  left  under 
the  command  of  ^af  Khfin.  Intelligence  came  in  that  the 
B&J4  of  f dar,  with  a  number  of  B&jputs  who  had  been  driven 
from  their  homes,  together  with  some  zaminddra  of  the  country, 
and  supported  by  E&j&  Kik&,  had  gathered  a  force  which  was 
posted  ten  kos  distance,  and  contemplated  a  night  attack.  When 
this  intelligence  was  confirmed,  Asaf  Kh&n  and  *  *  *  held  a 
council.  About  500  men  were  left  to  secure  the  camp,  and  the 
rest  of  the  force  was  called  out  at  midnight,  and  marched  towards 
the  enemy.  On  the  morning  of  the  4th  Zi-l  hijja,  after  marching 
seven  kos^  they  encountered  the  foe,  and  a  battle  began.  Mirz& 
Muhammad  Mukim,  who  led  the  advance,  was  killed ;  but  the 
enemy  was  defeated.  B&j4  N&r&in  D&s  fled,  and  the  chiefe  of 
the  royal  army  obtained  the  victory.  Asaf  Eh&n's  despatch 
gave  His  Majesty  much  pleasure,  and  he  ordered  letters  of 
thanks  to  be  written  to  the  amirs  and  officers  of  the  army. 

When  His  Majesty  had  arranged  the  affairs  of  M&lwa,  and 
settled  the  matters  of  the  amirs  of  ^ir  and  Burh&npur,  he 
turned  homewards;  and,  hunting  as  he  went,  he  arrived  at 
Fathpur  on  Sunday,  23rd  Safar.  After  three  months,  troubles 
arose  in  Gujar&t,  through  the  coming  thither  of  Muzaffiu*  Husain 
Mirza,  son  of  Ibr&him  Mirz&,  who  was  son  of  the  daughter  of 
Edmr&n  Mirz&.  The  circumstances  of  his  case  are  these: 
When  the  Emperor  was  engaged  in  the  siege  of  Surat,  Gulrukh 
Begam,  daughter  of  K&mr&n  and  wife  of  Ibr&him,  carried  off 
her  child  Muzaffar  Husain,  as  has  been  related  in  the  account 
given  of  the  conquest  of  Ahmadab&d.  A  disaffected  man  named 
Mihr  'All,  a  servant  of  the  late  Ibr&him  Mirzd,  who  accompanied 
Gulrukh  Begam  when  she  fled  from  Surat  to  the  Dekhin,  now 
stirred  up  the  ambition  of  Muzaffar  Husain,  who  was  fifteen  or 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAET.  405 

sixteen  years  of  age.  He  induced  him  to  leave  the  Dekhin,  and 
collecting  a  number  of  adventurers  from  all  directions,  he  entered 
Gujar&t  intent  upon  insurrection. 

At  this  time  B&j&  Todar  Mai  was  in  Pattan,  engaged  in  the 
settlement  of  the  revenue.  The  insurrection  spread,  and  the 
disaffected  were  everywhere  raising  their  heads.  Wazir  Kh&n, 
the  ruler  of  Gujar&t,  had  3000  horsemen,  but  there  were  amongst 
them  many  adventurous  men  upon  whom  he  could  not  rely,  so 
he  retired  into  a  fortress,  itnd  sent  an  account  of  the  occurrences 
to  B&J4  Todar  Mai.  Before  the  Baj&  came  to  his  assistance, 
B&z  Bah&dur,  son  of  Sharif  Eh&n,  and  B&ba  Gad&i,  the  ditvdn 
of  Gujar&t,  attacked  Muzaffar  Husain  in  the  pargana  of  Nan- 
durb&r,^  and  were  defeated.  Muzaffar  Husain  then  went  to 
Eambay,'  and  after  staying  two  or  three  days,  he  went  off 
towards  Ahraad&b&d.  B&ja  Todar  Mai  turned  back  from  Pattan, 
and  arrived  at  Ahmad&b&d. 

When  the  insurgents  heard  of  this,  they  fell  back,  and  went 
towards  Dulaka.  The  B&j&  and  Wazir  Kh&n  pursued  them, 
and  coming  up  with  them  at  Dulaka,  a  battle  ensued,  in  which 
the  royal  forces  were  victorious,  and  the  enemy  drew  off  to 
Jdn&garh.  B&j&  Todar  Mai  then  departed  on  his  return  to 
Court. 

Muzaffar  Husain,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  B&j&'s  depar- 
ture, came  back  and  besieged  Wazir  Kh&n  in  Ahmad&b&d ;  for 
although  Wazir  Eh&n's  force  was  large,  it  was  not  trustworthy, 
and  so  he  was  obliged  to  seek  the  shelter  of  the  fortress.^  Mihr 
'Ali,  the  vakil  of  Muzaffar  Husain,  and  the  great  prop  of  the 
revolt,  brought  forward  scaling-ladders  to  attempt  an  assault, 
but  he  was  sent  to  hell*  by  a  bullet  from  the  fortress.    When  he 

1  In  Kh&ndeBh.    This  is  written  Nadarbar  and  Naryadaba  in  the  MSS.    Bad&dnl 
has  "  Paaad." 
s  Bat  failed  to  gain  poisession  of  the  fort. — Akbar-ndma,  yol.  iii  p.  181. 

*  The  rebels  had  a  number  of  partisans  in  the  city  also,  who  acted  in  concert  with 
them. — Akbar-ndma,  toI.  iii.  p.  187. 

*  This  charitable  expression,  though  commonly  used  for  the  deaths  of  infidels,  is 
not  reserred  ezclusively  for  them. 


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406  NIZAMTT-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

was  removed,  MuzaSar  Husain  withdrew,  and  went  towards 
Salt&npilr.     So  the  insurrection  came  to  an  end. 

Arrival  of  the  amirs  with  an  Imperial  army  at  Asir  and 
Burhdnpur, 

It  has  been  mentioned  above,  that  Shah&b  Kh&n  and  other 
amirs  were  sent  with  10,000  horse  against  ^sir  and  Barh4npdr. 
When  E&J4  'Ali  Kh&n  heard  of  the  approach  of  this  force,  he 
drew  in  his  horns  and  crept  into  his  fortress.  The  amirs  entered 
the  country,  and  did  not  stop  till  they  reached  Bijanagar.^  Great 
dissension  arose  in  the  country  of  ^sir,  and  B&j&  'Ali  Kh4n  was 
reduced  to  be^  pardon  for  his  offences.  He  promised  the  amirs 
to  send  suitable  tribute  and  some  elephants  in  charge  of  his 
people  to  the  Emperor's  Court.  At  this  time,  Kutbu-d  din 
Muhammad  Kh&n  separated  from  the  other  amirs,  and  went  off  to 
Nandurbar  and  Sult&npur,  in  consequence  of  disturbances  which 
had  arisen  in  his  jdffirs  of  Broach  and  Baroda,  through  the  pro- 
ceedings of  Muzaffar  Husain.  The  disorders  in  ^ir  and  Bur- 
h&nplir  which  the  amirs  had  been  sent  to  settle  being  ended,  by 
the  submission  of  B&j&  'Ali  and  his  payment  of  tribute,  the 
amirs  retired  to  iheir  respective  jdgirs.  When  Hakim  ^Ainu-l 
Mulk,  who  had  gone  on  an  embassy  to  '^dil  the  ruler  of  the 
Dekhin,  returned,  he  was  sent  with  the  elephants  and  the  tribute 
to  the  Imperial  Court. 

[^The  annual  pilgrimage  to  Ajmir.'] 

The  Emperor,  on  his  return  journey,  when  he  reached  the 
neighbourhood  of  Ambir,*  ordered  a  fort  and  town  to  be  founded 
in  the  village  of  Mulath&n,'  one  of  the  dependencies  of  Ambir, 
on  the  site  of  an  old  citv  which  had  been  in  ruins  for  some 

•r 

thousand  yeai*s.  Walls  and  forts,  and  gates  and  gardens  were 
allotted  out  among  the  amirs^  and  injunctions  were  given  for  the 
completion  of  the  work.    So  a  building  {'ifndrat),  which  might 

»  "  Bijagarh,"  about  seyenty  miles  N. W.  of  BurhtnpCir  P 

^  Four  miles  N.E.  of  Jaiptir. 

'  Or  as  Bad&6n(  (vol.  ii.  p.  251)  writes  the  name  "Mult&n." 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBABT.  407 

hav^e  taken  years  for  its  coropletioiiy  was  finished  in  twenty  days. 
Orders  were  then  given  for  raiyati  and  all  sorts  of  mechanics  to 
be  collected  from  all  the  parganas  of  that  province,  to  populate 
the  fortress  (hisdr).  The  land  of  this  place  was  an  ancient 
possession  of  B&i  Lon  Earan,^  and  his  son,  who  was  young  and 
was  being  brouglit  up  with  the  princes,  was  named  Manohar,  so 
the  town  was  called  Manohar-nagar  after  that  child.  This  child 
has  now  grown  up  a  jclever  young  man,  and  composes  poetry 
under  the  takhallua  (nom  de  plume)  of  T&nsani.^ 

Appearance  of  a  Comet? 

At  this  period,  at  the  time  of  evening  prayer,  a  comet  appeared 
in  the  sky  towards  the  east^  inclining  to  the  north,  and  con- 
tinued very  awflil  for  two  hours.  The  opinion  of  the  astrologers 
was,  that  the  effects  would  not  be  felt  in  Hindust&n,  but  pro- 
bably in  Ehur&s&n  and  'Ir&k.  Shortly  afterwards,  Sh&h  Isma'il, 
son  of  Bh&h  Tahmasp  Safawi,  departed  this  life,  and  great 
troubles  arose  in  Persia. 

On  arriving  at  N&maul,  the  Emperor  paid  a  visit  to  Shaikh 
Niz&m  N&mauli.  *  *  From  thence  he  proceeded  to  Dehli,  and 
encamped  near  the  Hauz-i  Khdsy  and  paid  a  visit  to  the  tomb 
of  his  father  with  due  ceremony.  Then  he  visited  the  tombs  of 
the  holy  men  who  sleep  at  Dehli  and  dispensed  large  charities. 
He  next  halted  at  the  aardi  of  Bdwali,  and  here  he  was  waited 
upon  by  Haji  Habibu-lla,  who  had  visited  Europe,  and  had 
brought  with  him  fine  goods  and  fabrics  for  His  Majesty "^s  in- 
spection. He  started  from  thence,  and  passed  through  the 
pargana  of  P&lam.     He  passed  the  night  in  the  house  of  the 

>  *<  Ruler  of  S&mbhar."— Bad&dnl.  >  The  celebrated  wit  and  poet. 

3  Bad&^nl  (toI.  ii.  p.  240)  places  the  appearance  of  this  comet  in  the  twenty- 
second  year  of  the  reign.  He  also  records  a  joke  of  the  time.  Sh&h  Manstlr,  the 
diwdn,  used  to  wear  a  turban  with  the  end  hanging  down  his  back  ;  so  he  got  the 
name  of  "  The  Comet/'  or  *'  Long-tailed  Star.''  Ab(i-1  Fazl  likewise  places  this 
comet  in  the  twenty-second  year  of  the  reign,  or  1577  a.d.,  and  according  to 
Fergusson,  the  comet  passed  its  perihelion  on  the  26th  October,  1577  {Fergusson^s 
Astronomy,  ToL  ii.  p.  231).  Ab(i-1  Fazl  enters  into  a  learned  discussion  upon 
comets  in  general. — Akbar-ndma^  vol.  iii.  p.  192. 


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408  NIZAMIT-D  BIN  AHHAD. 

mukaddam  of  the  village,  and  in  the  morning  he  directed  that 
the  revenae  officers,  whenever  he  so  rested  in  the  hoase  of  a 
cultivator,  should  remit  the  tax  and  tribute  {bdj  o  khirdj)  of  his 
cultivated  land  by  way  of  madad-ni d%h^  or  help  for  subsistence.^ 
*  *  *  When  he  arrived  at  the  pargana  of  H&nsi,  he  went  to  pay 
a  visit  in  the  town  to  Shaikh  Jam&l  H&nsawf,  and  made  his 
offerings  and  alms.  Here  a  despatch  arrived  announcing  that 
MuzaSar  Husain  Mirza,  after  flying  from  Gujar4t,  had  been 
taken  prisoner  by  R&j&  'All  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  Ksit  and  Bur- 
h&npur.  On  the  1st  Zi-1  ka'da  the  camp  moved  for  the  Panj4b, 
and  ^farmdn  was  sent  to  Il>&j&  ^Ali  Kh&n,  directing  him  to  send 
Muzaffar  Husain  Mirz&  with  his  (the  R&j&'s)  son  to  Court. 
[The  maulud-ndma  or  horoscope  of  His  Majesty.] 

Twenty-fourth  year  of  tlie  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Thursday,  13th 
Muharram,  987»  h.  (12th  March,  1579)  *  ♦  *  [^Hunting,  etc."] 

The  Emperor  marched  to  the  town  of  Bahira,  and  here  intel- 
ligence was  brought  of  the  approach  of  Her  Highness  Maryam 
Mak&ni  from  the  capital,  and  Prince  Salim  was  sent  to  meet 
her.  *  ♦  •  After  conferring  the  government  of  the  Panj&b  on 
Sa'id  Eh&n,  the  Emperor  started  on  his  return  homewards,  and 
on  reaching  the  village  of  Sult&npdr,  appertaining  to  Khizr&b&d,^ 
he  ordered  boats  to  be  collected,  so  that  the  rest  of  the  journey 
might  be  performed  by  water.  Muhammad  E&im  Eh&n,  the 
Mlr-bahr,  collected  the  vessels^  and  on  the  3rd  Jum&da-s  s&ni, 
986  H.,  the  Emperor  embarked.  The  camp  returned  by  land. 
He  reached  Dehli,  and  the  boats  were  moored  opposite  the  tomb 
of  Ehw&ja  Ehizr  on  the  29th  of  the  month.  This  being  the 
time  of  the  'ara,  or  anniversary  of  Ehw&ja  Mu'inu-d  din,  he  left 
the  boats  on  the  1st  Bajab,  and  set  off.    Travelling  thirty  kos 

'  This  18  the  title  of  a  very  common  Id-hhirdj  tenure. 

'  This  passage,  and  a  few  more  lines  of  no  importanoe,  are  found  in  only  one  oopj. 

3  The  text  has  "  986,"  hnt  see  note,  p.  403,  9uprd, 

«  *<S&dhaura."— Bad&tfni,  vol.  ii.  p.  254. 


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TABAEAT-I  AEBAHr.  409 

a  day,  he  reached  Ajmfr  on  the  eyening  of  the  6th,  which  was 
the  day  of  the  festival,  and  paid  his  visit  to  the  tomb.  Next 
day  he  started  for  Fathpur,  and  travelling  fifty  ko8  a  day,  he 
arrived  there  on  the  evening  of  the  9th.^  There  he  spent  much 
of  his  time  in  the  building  called  the  '^IbddaUkhdna^  in  the 
company  of  learned  and  holy  men,  every  one  of  whom  he 
enriched  with  gifts  of  gold  and  silver.  Every  Friday  he  used 
to  pass  the  night  there,  making  offerings  and  dispensing  charity. 

In  those  days  there  was  a  reservoir  in  the  court-yard  of  the 
palace  at  Fathpur,  twenty  gaz  long  by  twenty  broad  and  three 
gaz  deep.  This  he  caused  to  be  filled  with  red,  white,  and 
black  money  (».e.  gold,  silver,  and  copper),  the  whole  of  which 
he  gave  away  to  the  amirs^  the  poor,  the  holy,  and  the  learned. 
The  total  of  this  money  amounted  to  twenty  krors  of  tankas^^ 
and  the  distribution  of  it  lasted  for  three  years. 

In  this  year  Ma'sdm  Kh&n,  Eoka  of  Mirzi  Hakim,  a  young 
man  of  courage,  who  had  done,  some  great  things,  being  offended 
with  the  Mirz&,  left  him  and  came  to  the  Court  of  the  Emperor, 
who  received  him  with  great  kindness.  He  gave  him  a  mamab 
of  500,  and  a  jdgir  in  Bih&r,  whither  he  sent  him.  When 
Ma'sum  went  there,  E&1&  Pah&r,  one  of  the  highest  and  bravest 
of  the  A%h&n  amirB^^  attacked  him  ;  but  he  was  victorious, 
although  he  received  several  wounds.  The  Emperor  bestowed 
upon  him  as  a  recognition  a  mansdb  of  1000,  with  a  horse  and 
a  robe. 

In  the  month  of  Shaww&l  he  appointed  Mull&  Taiyib  to  the 
diwdni  of  the  province  of  Bih&r  and  H&jiptir,  Purkhottam  to  be 
bakhshi^  Mull£  Majdi  amf»,  and  the  eunuch  Shamshir  Kh&n  to 
the  charge  of  the  khdlisa  of  that  province.'    In  the  saime  month 

>  The  journey  was  performed  on  horseback,  with  an  escort  of  nine  penona.  The 
distance  was  120  kos  in  two  days. — Akbar^ndma,  yol.  iii  p.  214. 

*  "  B&J&  Todar  Mai  collected  seventeen  krors  of  ddmt  for  this  purpose." — Akhar^ 
ndma,  toL  iii.  p.  210. 

>  Bad&tfni  was  not  pleased  with  the  appointment  of  these  officers.  He  says  they 
were  low  base  men,  and  acted  as  such,  senring  neither  God  nor  the  king. — Yol.  ii. 
p.  266. 


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410  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

Maksud  Jauharl,  who  went  to  fetch  Mirzd  Mazaffar  Hosain 
from  B£j&  ^Ali  Elh&n  of  Xair,  arrived  at  Court  with  the  Mirz& 
and  the  Rkj&'a  tribute,  and  presented  it  to  Hia  Majesty. 

Campaign  agaimt  Rdnd  Kikd. 

His  Majesty'^s  mind  was  always  intent  upon  clearing  the  land 
of  Hinddst&u  from  the  troubles  and  disturbances  created  by 
infidels  and  evil  men.  He  sent  Shahb&z  'Sh&R  IRr-hakhM  *  * 
and  several  other  amim^  against  B&n&  Eik&,  to  ravage  and 
occupy  his  country.  Shahb&z  Kh6n  accordingly  laid  the  country 
waste,  and  pursued  the  B&n&  into  the  mountains  and  jungles. 
Upon  reaching  the  fort  of  Kombalmir,  Shahb&z  Khan  laid  siege 
to  it,  and  captured  it  in  a  few.  days.  The  B&n&  made  his  escape 
from  the  fort  by  night. 

Sultdn  £hw&ja,  whom  His  Majesty  had  appointed  Mir-%  h^y 
now  returned  from  Mecca,  and  waited  upon  him  with  presents — 
fabrics  and  stuffs  of  Turkey  and  of  Europe,  Arab  horses, 
Abyssinian  slaves,  holy  relics,  and  curiosities.  These  His 
Majesty  accepted  with  much  satisfaction,  and  he  raised  Sult&n 
Ehw&ja  to  the  mansab  of  Sadr  (chief  judge).  As  it  had  been 
determined  to  send  a  leader  of  the  pilgrims  every  year,  £hw&ja 
Muhammad  Yahya  *  *  was  now  appointed,  and  he  received 
four  lacs  of  rupees  for  expenses. 

At  the  end  of  this  year,  987,  intelligence  arrived  of  the  death 
of  £hdn-jah&n,  the  ruler  of  Bengal.  His  Majesty  was  much 
grieved,  and  sent  a  letter  of  condolence  to  IsmaMl  Kh&n,  the 
brother  of  the  deceased.  Muzaffar  Kh&n,  who  had  been  ap< 
pointed  diwdn^  was  promoted  to  be  governor  of  Bengal,  Bizwi 
Kh&n  to  be  bakhshi,  and  Hakim  Abu-1  Fath  and  Patar  D&s  to 
discharge  jointly  the  office  of  diwdn, 

Twenty-ffih  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Thursday,  the 
24th  Muharram,  988  h.^  (12th  March,  1580). 

^  The  author  has  now  got  the  date  correct. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  411 

The  rulers  of  Eashmir  had  always  been  well-wishers  and 
servants  of  the  Imperial  house.  His  Majesty  now  intended, 
after  performing  his  usual  pilgrimage  to  Ajmir,  to  pay  a  visit  to 
the  tomb  of  Shaikh  Farid  Shakar-ganj,  and  to  visit  the  Panj&b. 
So  he  sent  MulU  Ishki,  one  of  the  old  servants  of  the  Court, 
along  with  EazI  Sadru-d  din,  to  Kashmir.  'All  Eh&n,  the  ruler 
of  Kashmir,  entertained  them  nobly  and  respectfully,  and  exhi- 
bited his  fidelity  and  devotion.  Along  with  the  two  envoys  he 
sent  his  own  vakil,  Muhammad  Kasim^  to  carry  his  tribute  and 
productions  of  Kashmir  as  presents  to  the  Emperor — ^saffron, 
musk^  paper,  shawls,  etc«  They  accordingly  brought  them  to 
His  Majesty,  and  reported  what  they  had  seen  and  knew  of 
'Ali  Khan's  cordiality  and  good  wishes. 

Muzaffar  Husain  Mirz&^  whom  Maksud  Jauhari  had  brought 
from  E&J&  'Ali  Kh&n,  was  pardoned  through  His  Majesty'^s 
clemency,  and  released  from  prison. 

One  day,  when  His  Majesty  was  taking  his  dinner,  it  occurred 
to  his  mind  that  probably  the  eyes  of  some  hungry  one  had 
fallen  upon  the  food ;  how,  therefore,  could  he  eat  it  while  the 
hungry  were  debarred  from  it?  He  therefore  gave  orders  that 
every  day  some  hungry  persons  should  be  fed  with  some  of  the 
food  prepared  for  himself,  and  that  afterwards  he  should  be 
served. 

Hakim  'Ali  was  now  sent  to  Bijagarh  along  with  the  envoys 
of  'Adil  Kh&n  Dakhini.  The  rulers  of  the  Dakhin,  every  one 
of  them  severally,  had  been  accustomed  to  send  their  envoys 
every  year  with  tribute  and  presents  to  the  Imperial  Court. 
When  Khw&ja  ^Abdu-lla  brought  presents  and  elephants  from 
^j^dil  Khan,  the  ambassador,  and  his  son  Shahi  Beg  were 
presented  with  robes,  one  hundred  Akbar-sh&hi  ashra/iSj  one 
thousand  five  hundred  and  one  rupees,  and  twenty-four  tankas. 

Mir  Niz&m,  husband  of  the  sister  of  Mink  Sh&h  Bukh,  the 
ruler  of  Badakhsh&n,  came  on  a  mission  to  the  Imperial  Court, 
bringing  Turki  horses  bred  in  Badakhsh&n,  fine  rubies,  several 
camels,  and  other  gifts. 


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412  NIZAMU-D  BfN  AHMAD. 

The  Emperor  used  to  keep  every  year  the  annirersaiy  of  the 
Prophet's  birth.  This  year  he  kept  it  on  the  12th  Babfa-l 
awwal,  and  he  gave  a  great  entertaininenty  at  which  the  saiyidk^ 
learned  men,  shaikhs^  and  amirs  attended.  Open  table  was  kept, 
and  no  one  in  the  city  was  debarred  from  partaking  of  the 
refreshments.  On  this  occasion  it  was  represented  to  him  that 
the  Prophet  and  the  four  lawful  Khalifas^  used  themselves  to 
preach.  The  'Abb&side  Khalifas  also  observed  this  tradition,  and 
themselves  used  to  speak.^  Sult&ns  such  as  S&hibKir&n  Amir 
Timdr  and  Mirz&  Ulugh  Beg  used  to  follow  the  examples  thus  set 
them.  His  Majesty  therefore  felt  it  to  be  his  duty  to  carry  into 
practice  on  some  Friday  the  custom  observed  by  the  Khalifas 
and  Im&ms.  On  Friday,  1st  Jum&da-l  awwal,  he  went  into  the 
Maefid'i  jdma*  of  Fathpur,  and  mounting  the  pulpit,  he  opened 
his  speech  with  these  lines : 

The  Lord  who  gave  me  empire, 
Gave  me  a  wise  heart  and  a  strong  arm, 
Guided  me  in  the  way  of  justice  and  equity, 
And  drove  all  but  justice  from  my  thoughts. 
His  praise  surpasses  understanding  t 
Great  is  His  power — Great  is  God  I  * 

To  these  eloquent  lines  he  briefly  added  some  verses  of  the 
Kurdn^  expressing  thanks  for  mercies  and  favours ;  then  he 
repeated  the  fd^iha^  and  came  down  from  the  pulpit  and  said 
his  prayers. 

Muzaffar  Kh&n,  since  his  appointment  to  the  government  of 
Bengal,  had  not  sent  a  single  article  of  the  productions  of  the 
country,  or  any  portion  of  its  revenue,  to  the  Imperial  treasury  ; 
but  he  now  sent  five  lac8  of  rupees  in  cash,  various  goods  and 
articles  of  the  country,  and  elephants  and  rarities  of  great  value, 

^  Ab6  Bakr,  'TJmar,  'TJsman,  and  'Ali. 

•  ^^Khwtba  mi  khwdndand,"  This,  howeyer)  is  not  the  tecbdcal  Kkutba^  but 
simply  a  speech. 

3  Bad&iini  (toI.  ii.  p.  268)  says  these  yerseS  were  the  produotion  of  Shaikh  Faizit 
and  that  the  Emperor,  *'  stammering,  trembling,  and  in  great  eonfnsion,  got  half 
through  them  "with  the  help  of  others.*' 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  413 

which  were  graciously  accepted.     Muhammad  Ma*sum  K&buli 
also  sent  thirty-nine  elephants  as  tribute. 

On  a  Friday  in  this  month  notice  was  given  for  all  the  poor  and 
needy  to  assemble  on  the  chaugdn  ground.  Sult&n  Ehw&ja  Ealij 
Eh&n  distributed  the  alms  to  them  one  by  one.  Nearly  a  lac  of 
persons  assembled^  and  there  was  such  a  crowd  and  crush  that 
eighty  weak  women  and  children  were  trampled  to  death.  When 
the  Emperor  was  informed  of  this,  he  ordered  that  for  the  future 
the  people  should  come  a  few  at  a  time,  and  not  make  a  crowd. 

Eutbu-d  din  Atka,  a  nobleman  of  high  rank,  was  now  ap- 
pointed tutor  to  Prince  Salim.  In  celebration  of  this  appoint- 
ment he  gave  a  grand  feast,  and  the  young  prince  honoured  him 
with  his  presence.  There  was  a  grand  assemblage,  and  Eutbu-d 
din  made  many  offerings  of  elephants  and  Arab  horses,  jewels 
and  cloths.  According  to  the  usual  custom,  Eutbu-d  din  Mu- 
hammad Atka  carried  the  prince  upon  his  back^  and  raised  his 
aspiring  head  to  the  pinnacle  of  grandeur.  He  made  presents 
of  money  and  jewels  to  the  prince,  and  the  clamour  of  congratu- 
lations reached  the  sky. 

^Abdu-lla  Eh&n  Uzbek,  ruler  of  M&war&u-n  nahr,  had  always 
kept  up  a  friendly  intercourse  and  community  of  feeling,  and 
used  to  send  his  envoys  to  the  Imperial  Court.  His  Majesty 
now  sent  Mirz&  Ful&d  with  Ehw&ja  Ehatib,  a  native  of  Bukh&r&, 
as  his  envoys  to  ' Abdu-lla  Eh&n,  bearing  a  letter  ^  fiiU  of  kind 
words,  and  a  great  variety  of  presents.  [-4  kgal  discmmn. 
The  usiml journey  to  AjmirJ]  On  the  21st  Shaww&l  he  returned 
to  Fathpur.  Mihtar  Sa'&dat,  whose  title  is  Peshrau  Eh&n, 
and  who  had  been  sent  on  an  embassy  to  Niz&mu-l  Mulk 
Dakhini,  now  returned  with  the  Dakhini  envoys,  who  brought 
with  them  elephants  and  other  tribute. 

Twenty-sixth  year  of  the  Reign. 
Corresponding  to  988  h.* 

An  Imperial  order  was  made  abolishing  the  tamghd  (tolls) 
»  See  Inthde  Abd-l  Fad^  Dafiar  IV.  »  See  Table,  p.  246. 


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414  NIZXMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

and  the  zakdt^  (customs)  throughout  the  empire.  Farmdns 
enforcing  this  abolition  were  issued.  These  taxes  amounted  to 
as  much  as  the  whole  revenue  of  fr&n,  and  it  is  clear  that  no 
king  would  have  remitted  them  without  divine  guidance.'  In 
this  year  Muhammad  Ma^sum  Kh&n,  son  of  Mu^inu-d  din 
Ahmad  Kh&n  Farankhddi,  who  held  the  government  of  Jaun- 
pur,  came  to  Court,  and  was  allowed  to  return  to  that  place. 
Mull&  Muhammad  Yazdi  was  appointed  chief  kdni  of  Jaunpur. 
The  government  of  Dehli  was  given  to  Muhibb  'All  Kh&n,  son 
of  Mir  Khalifa. 

Affairs  of  Bengal. 

Muzaffar  Kh&n,  on  arriving  in  Bengal/  set  about  arranging  the 
affairs  of  that  province.  But  his  prosperity  was  on  the  wane, 
and  his  day  was  gone  by.  He  was'  harsh  in  his  measures,  he 
offended  men  with  his  words,  he  deprived  many  amirs  of  their 
jdgirs^  he  demanded  the  ddgh  (brand-tax),  and  brought  old 
practices  up  again. 

B&b&  £h&n  £&ksh&l,  although  he  was  conciliatory,  and  begged 
that  his  yd^lr  might  be  left  undisturbed,  was  called  upon  for  the 
ddgh^  and  received  no  attention.  The  pargana  of  Jalesar,  which 
was  the  jdgir  of  Khiildi  Kh&n,  was  taken  away  A*om  him  at  the 
beginning  of  the  spring  harvest,  and  was  added  as  tankhwdh  to 
the  j'dgir  of  Sh&h  Jam&lu-d  din  Husain.  A  sum  of  money  due 
from  the  spring  harvest  had  been  received  by  Kh&ldi  Kh&n,  and 
to  recover  this  Muzaffar  Kh&n  put  him  in  prison^  and  ordered 
him  to  be  scourged  and  bastinadoed. 

At  this  time  a/ammn  arrived  from  the  Imperial  Court,  direct- 
ing Muzaffar  Kh&n  to  apprehend  and  put  to  death  a  servant  of 
Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  named  Roshan  Beg,  who  had  left 
K&bul  and  gone  into  Bengal,  and  to  send  his  head  to  Court. 
This  Boshan  Beg  was  among  the  K&ksh&ls,  and  Muzaffar  Beg 

1  Bad&dni  (vol.  ii.  p.  276)  substitates  '^Jkya'*  for  '*zakdt^"  and  says  that  the 
prodnoe  of  these  taxes  amounted  to  seTeral  krora  (of  ddmt  f),  Ab<i-1  Fazl  calli 
them  ''  bdj  (miBprinted  t€{f)  and  tamghd" — Akbar-ndmaf  yol.  iii.  p.  258. 

«  'Uaufik  na-ydfta:* 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAKf.  415 

issued  an  order  for  his  execution.  He  also  spake  some  harsh 
words  about  B&b&  Kh&n  E&ksh&l.  The  soldiers  who  were 
present,  and  especially  B&b&  Eh&n  and  the  E&ksh&Is,  trembled 
together,  and  resolved  upon  mutiny.  They  shaved  their  heads, 
put  on  their  high  caps,^  and  broke  out  into  revolt.  Crossing 
the  river,  they  went  to  the  city  of  Gaur,  celebrated  in  old  times 
under  the  name  of  Lakhnauti.  There  they  collected  men,  and 
having  found  property  of  Muza£Far  Eh&n  in  several  places,  they 
took  it  or  destroyed  it.  MuzaSar  Kh&n  collected  boats,  and 
sent  Hakim  Abti-1  Fath  and  Patar  D&s,^  with  an  army  against 
them  on  the  banks  of  the  river. 

When  the  disaffection  of  the  E&ksh&ls  was  reported  to  the 
Emperor,  he  sent  Vkfarmdn  to  Muzaffar  Kh&n,  in  which  he  said 
that  the  K&ksh&ls  had  long  been  servants  of  the  throne,  and 
that  it  was  not  right  to  hurt  them ;  they  were  therefore  to  be 
conciliated  and  encouraged  with  hopes  of  the  Emperor's  favour, 
and  the  matter  of  their  Jdgira  was  to  be  settled.  The  farmdn 
arrived  at  the  time  when  Muzaffar  Kh&n  was  in  face  of  the 
insurgents* 

Upon  the  arrival  of  the  farmdn^  B&b&  Kh&n  and  the  other 
rebels  made  a  show  of  submission,  and  sent  a  message  to 
Muzaffar  Kh&n,  asking  him  to  send  Rizwl  Kh&n  and  Patar  D&s 
to  arrange  terms  with  them,  and  to  set  their  minds  at  ease.  He 
accordingly  sent  Rizwi  Kh&n,  Mir  Abu  Ish&k,  son  of  Mir 
Rafi'u-d  din  and  B&i  Patar  D&s.  B&b&  Kh&n  put  all  three 
of  them  in  confinement,  and  so  stirred  the  fire  of  warfare. 

Coincident  with  this,  it  so  happened  that  Mull&  Taiyib,  Pur- 
khottam  Bakhshi^  and  the  revenue  officials  of  Bih&r,  also  entered 
upon  harsh  dealings.  They  took  away  ihejdgirB  of  Muhammad 
Ma'sum  K&buli,  ^Arab  Bah&dur,  and  all  the  amirs^  and  so  laid 
the  foundation  of  an  evil  system.  Ma'^stim  K&buli,  who  after 
this  insurrection  obtained  the  cognomen  of  ^^i,  having  leagued 

1  idkihde  Mughidl,  <*  Mugbal  caps."— Bad&(inl,  vol.  ii.  p.  280. 

'  Bad&<ini  (yol.  ii.  p.  281)  observes  that  Ab<l-1  Fath  was  fonder  of  feasts  tlian  of 
war,  and  Patar  l>iA  was  a  mere  Hindu  clerk,  so  that  no  vigorous  action  could  be 
expected. 

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416  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

with  'Arab  Bah&dur  and  Sufaid  Badakhshi,  resolved  to  rebel, 
and  kill  MuII&  Taiyib  and  B&i  Parkhottam.  Having  pat  them 
to  flight,  they  plundered  their  dwellings.  After  a  few  days, 
Parkhottam  rallied  some  loyal  sabjects,  and  crossed  the  river 
Jaasa  with  the  intention  of  attacking  the  rebels.  Bat  the 
rebel  'Arab  Bah&dur  anticipated  him,  took  him  unawares,  and 
killed  him. 

Upon  intelligence  of  ""Ajsi  Ma'^sum's  rebellion  reaching  B&bi 
Kh^n  K&ksh&l,  a  correspondence  was  opened  between  them,  and 
when  the  Eaksh&ls  confronted  Muza£Far  Eii&n,  '^i  marched  to 
assist  them,  and  arrived  at  GhirhL  Muzaffar  Kti&a  then  sent 
Khwaja  Shamsu-d  din  Muhammad  Ehw&fi  with  a  detachment 
and  some  guns  to  the  passes  of  Garhi,  to  arrest  the  progress  of 
""Asi  Ma'sum.  But  the  latter  had  a  strong  force ;  he-  broke 
through  Garhi,  and  attached  the  Khw&ja  and  defeated  him.  He 
then  formed  a  junction  with  the  K&kshals,  and  the  revolt 
gathered  strength. 

The  K&ksh&ls  then  crossed  the  river,  and  advanced  against 
Muzaffar  Kh&n.  Wazir  Jamil/  one  of  the  old  amirs  of  the 
State,  along  with  J&n  Muhammad  Bihbudi  and  some  others, 
deserted  Muzaffar  Khdn,  and  joined  the  insurgents.  Muzaffar 
Eh&n  then  too](  shelter  in  the  fort  of  T&nda,  which  was 
nothing  better  than  four  walls.  The  rebels  occupied  the  town  of 
Tanda.  They  took  Hakim  Abd-1  Fath,  Khw&ja  Shamsu-d  din 
and  others  prisoners,  and  began  to  pillage.  Hakim  Abu4  Fath 
with  the  Ehw&ja  and  B&i  Patar  Das  effected  their  escape  by 
artifice,  and  fled  on  foot.  By  the  help  of  the  sMtminMrs^  they 
managed  to  reach  H&jipur.  The  rebels  made  themselves  masters 
of  the  fort  of  Tdnda,  brought  Muzaffar  Kh&n  out  of  his  house 
upon  a  solemn  assurance  (of  safety),  and  put  him  to  death. 
They  took  possession  of  his  property  and  effects,  and  all  the 
country  of  Bengal  and  Bih&r  fell  into  their  hands.  Nearly 
30,000  horsemen  assembled  round  the  rebels.  The  Emperor 
some  time  before  this  had  taken  Mirzd  Sharafii-d  din  Husain 
1  «  Wazlr  Eh&n  Jamil  Beg."— Bad&Oni. 


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TABAKi:T.I  AKBABf.  417 

out  of  prison,  and  sent  him  to  Bengal  to  Muzaffar  Kh&n.^  The 
rebels  now  released  him  from  confinement,  and  placed  him  at 
their  head.     So  the  revolt  increased. 

Upon  the  facts  being  communicated  to  the  Emperor,  he  sent 
B&J&  Todar  Mai  *  *  and  other  amirs  to  repress  it.  Farmdna 
were  sent  to  Muhammad  Ma'stim  Farankhudi,  governor  of 
Jaunpur,  and  Sam&nji  Kh&n  and  the  jdgirddrs  of  that  country, 
directing  them  to  place  themselves  under  the  command  of  Todar 
Mai,  and  render  every  assistance  to  quash  the  rebellion. 

While  the  Imperial  army  was  on  the  march,  Sh&ham  Kh&n 
Jal&ir  fought  with  Saiyid  Badakhshi  and  killed  him.  When 
the  army  reached  Jaunpur,  Muhammad  Ma'sum  joined  Todar 
Mai  with  3000  horsemen  fully  armed,  and  marched  on  with 
him.  But  Muhammad  Ma'sum  was  a  weak-minded  man,  his 
dignity  and  the  strength  of  his  army  had  turned  his  brain,  and 
he  began  to  show  many  little  actions  savouring  of  disaffection, 
and  to  utter  expressions  indicative  of  disloyalty.  B&j£  Todar 
Mai,  like  a  prudent  and  experienced  man,  temporized  with  him, 
and  did  all  he  could  to  reassure  and  conciliate  him. 

When  the  Imperial  army  reached  Mongir,  'Aai  E&buli  and  the 
K&ksh&ls,  and  Mirzd  8harafu-d  din  Husain  with  30,000  horse, 
and  500  elephants,  and  with  war-boats  and  artillery,  in  battle 
order,  advanced  to  meet  the  Imperial  army.  IUj&  Todar  Mai 
had  no  confidence  in  the  (cohesion  of  the)  adventurers  composing 
the  enemy's  army,  and  deeming  it  inexpedient  to  fight,  he  oc- 
cupied the  fort  of  Mongir,  and  throwing  up  other  fortifications 
around  it,  he  kept  that  position.  Every  day  combats  occurred 
between  the  men  of  the  outposts.  When  these  proceedings  were 
reported  to  the  Emperor,  he  on  one  occasion  sent  Zainu-d  din 
Eambu  by  ddk^chauki  with  2k  lac  oi  rupees  for  the  expenditure 
of  the  army.  Some  days  after,  he  sent  the  same  amount  by  the 
hands  of  Daryd  Eh&n  dh-ddr^  and  so  on  by  different  persons. 
At  different  times  he  sent  a  great  deal  of  money. 

At  this  time  Hum&yun  Farmuli  and  Tarkh&n  Diwana  deserted 

^  To  be  kept  in  cnBtody.^^Ardar-MJma. 
TOL.  T.  27 

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418  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

the  Imperial  army  and  joined  the  insurgents.  For  four  months 
the  loyal  forces  and  the  insurgents  &eed  each  other,  but  at  length 
some  loyal  zaminddrs  of  the  vicinity  cnt  off  the  supplies  from 
the  insurgents,  and  great  scarcity  prevailed  among  them.  B&b& 
Khdn  Kdksh&l  fell  sick  at  Tanda  and  died.  Jabb&ri,  son  of 
Majndn  Kh&n  K&ksh&l,  who  was  the  main  prop  of  the  rabble, 
being  informed  of  the  sinking  condition  of  B&b4  Eh&n,  wanted 
to  go  to  T^da.  "^^i  [Ma'sum],  not  being  able  to  maintain  his 
ground,  withdrew  to  Bihdr.  'Arab  Bah&dnr  made  a  rapid  march 
to  Patna,  seized  upon  the  city,  and  appropriated  the  treasure. 
Bih&r  Eh&n  Eh&ssa-khaiP  went  into  the  fort  of  Patna,  and  held 
out.  Br&ja  Todar  Mai  and  his  supporters  sent  Muhammad 
Ma'sum  Farankhudi  with  a  detachment  to  the  relief  of  Patna. 
On  hearing  of  his  approach,  'Arab  Bah&dur  raised  the  siege,  and 
went  off  towards  Gajpati,  one  of  the  chief  zaminddrs  of  that 
country. 

The  R&J&  and  S4dik  Kh&n  and  *  *  ♦  and  the  other  amirs 
marched  to  Bih&r  after  'Ajsi  Ma'sum,  who  sought  an  opportunity 
to  make  a  night  attack  upon  S&dik  Eh&n''s  camp.  But  S&dik 
"Khkii  was  a  wary  commander,  and  on  that  night  he  and  his 
men  were  prepared.  J&n  Beg  and  Ulfigh  Kh&n  Habshi  were 
in  command  of  his  advanced  force,  and  the  enemy  attacking 
them  unawares,  J&n  Beg  was  killed  and  Ultigh  Kh4n  fell  back. 
S&dik  Kh&n  had  to  resist  a  sharp  attack,  but  the  Emperor^s 
good  fortune  aided  him,  and  he  defeated  Ma'sdm,  who  went  off 
to  Bengal  in  sorry  plight.  ITow,  Garhi  fell  into  the  hands  of 
the  royal  troops. 

Among  the  strange  occurrences  of  the  time  was  this :  A  letter 
was  sent  by  the  hands  of  Hasan  tatcdchi-bdshi  to  Shuj&'at  Kh&n, 
ruler  of  M&lwa,  summoning  him  to  Court.  Accordingly,  he  and 
his  son  Kiy&m  Kh&n  set  off  from  S&rangpur  to  attend  upon  His 
Majesty.  His  attendants  were  seized  with  the  desire  to  rebel, 
so  they  killed  both  him  and  his  son,  and  then  dispersed,  each 
one  taking  his  own  way.  When  the  Emperor  heard  this,  he 
*  "  Commonly  known  as  Saiyid  'Arif."— Bad&dnC,  vol.  ii.  p.  283. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAET.  419 

sent  Sharif  Kh&n  Atka  to  be  govemor  of  M&lwa,  aiid  called  the 
young  surviving  children  of  Shuj&'at  Kh&n  to  Court. 

In  consequence  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Bengal,  'Azam  Khan 
who  had  been  living  for  some  time  in  retirement  at  Agra,  was 
again  received  into  favour,  and  he  was  sent  with  5000  horse  to 
assume  the  government  of  Bih&r.^  For  greater  security,  Sh4h- 
b&z  Kh&n  Kambu,  who  was  engaged  against  R&n&  Kik&,  and 
had  nearly  driven  the  R&n&  from  the  country,  was  summoned 
and  sent  with  an  army  to  the  support  of  the  forces  in  Bengal. 
When  Sh&hb&z  Khfin  came  near  to  Hdjipur,  where  'Arab 
Bahadur  had  taken  refage  with  Il>&j&  Gajpati,  he  marched  to 
attack  him.  For  one  month  he  carried  on  operations  against 
him,  clearing  away  the  jungle,  until  at  length  he  drove  off  'Arab 
Bahfidar,  and  made  the  B.&J&  succumb. 

[TAe  Emperor  pays  a  visit  to  Sharif  Khdn  Atka,  Hakimu-l 
Mulk  Oildni  appointed  " Leader  of  the  Pilgrimage"'] 

A  despatch  now  arrived  from  B&j&  Todar  Mai,  stating  that 
he  had  kept  Muhammad  Ma'sum  Farankhudi  along  with  him 
by  conciliatory  treatment  and  all  kinds  of  expedients.  That 
Khwdja  Mansur  [the  diwdn]  had  written  sharp  letters  to  him, 
claiming  a  good  deal  of  money  due  from  him.  He  [the  diwdn'] 
had  also  written  letters  to  Tarsun  Muhammad  Kh&n,  one  of  the 
great  amirs  and  commander  of  an  army,  holding  out  threats  to 
him,  at  a  time  when  encouragement  was  necessary.  The  sharp 
practice  of  the  diwdn  having  been  repeatedly  mentioned  to  His 
Majesty,  he  removed  him  from  office,  and  placed  him  in  charge 
of  Sh&h  Kuli  Kh&n.  An  order  was  promulgated  appointing 
Wazir  Kh&n  to  be  ditvdn  in  chief  instead  of  him,  and  K&zi  'AH, 
son  of  Kutbu-d  din  Baghd&di,  was  to  assist  him  in  deciding 
important  questions. 

A  great  natural  curiosity  was  brought  to  the  notice  of  the 
Emperor  at  this  time.     It  was  a  man  bom  without  ears  or  any 

1  The  MSS.  agree  in  this,  but  Bad&fin£  (toI.  ii.  p.  285)  says  "Bengal."  Abtl-l 
Fazl  seems  more  accurate  in  saying  he  was  appointed  to  the  command  in  the  Eastern 
provinces. — Akbar'tidma,  vol.  iii.  p.  276. 


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420  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

orifice  of  the  ears,  who  yet  heard  all  that  was  spoken,  just  like 
people  with  ears.  His  Majesty  was  greatly  interested  in  the 
man,  and  settled  a  pension  npon  him. 

[^Prince  Bdniydl  makes  the  usual  pilgrimage  to  JJmfr  instead  of 
the  Emperor.'] 

"R&jii  Todar  Mai,  Tarsun  Muhammad  Kh&n,  and  the  other 
amirs  took  up  their  quarters  in  H&jip6r  during  the  rainy  season, 
and  Ma'sum  Farankhudi,  with  their  permission,  went  to  Jaun- 
pur,  which  was  his  j'dgir.  There  he  began  to  show  signs  of 
disaffection.  His  Majesty  therefore  sent  Peshrau  Kh&n,  ddrogha 
of  the  fardsh'khdna^  to  set  him  at  ease ;  he  also  gave  him  the 
country  of  Oudh  instead  of  Jaunpur,  and  bestowed  the' latter 
upon  Tarsun  Khdn.  Ma'sum  spoke  dutiful  words  to  Peshrau 
Kh^,  and  did  not  show  his  disafiPection ;  but  as  Oudh  was  near, 
he  went  there. 

Niyabat  Kh&n,  son  of  Hashim  Kh&n  Naishapdri,  who  had 
grown  up  in  the  nurture  of  the  Imperial  Court,  broke  out  in 
rebellion  in  his  jdgir  of  Jausa  and  Payig  (Allah&b&d),  and 
attacked  the  fort  of  Earra,  which  was  the  jdgir  of  Isma'il  Euli 
Eh&n.  Ily&s  Kh&n,  who  was  shikkddr  of  that  place  for  Isma'il 
Kuli,  fought  with  him  and  was  killed.  He  then  invested  the 
fort  of  Garha,  and  began  to  pillage.  This  being  reported  to 
His  Majesty,  he  sent  Ism&'il  Euli  Eh&n,  *  *  and  several  other 
amirs  to  repress  him.  He  also  sent  E&jd  Birbal  and  Sh&h 
Euli  Eh&n  Mahram  to  excite  the  hopes  of  Ma^sum  Eh&n 
Farankhudi,  and  bring  him  to  Court. 

When  Wazir  Eh&n  had  departed,  Ehw&ja  Mansur  was  released 
from  confinement,  and  again  appointed  to  the  office  of  diwdn. 

As  soon  as  Niyabat  heard  of  the  approach  of  the  royal  army, 
he  raised  the  siege  of  Earra,  and  went  towards  £[antal,  one  of 
the  dependencies  of  Patna.  The  amirs  followed  him,  crossed 
over  the  river,  and  came  up  with  him.  Niy&bat  Eh&n  attacked 
them,  and  a  hard  fight  ensued,  but  at  last  he  was  defeated  and 
went  off  to  Ma'sum  Ehan. 

At  this  time,  also,  'Arab  Bah&dur  fled  before  Sh&hb&z  Eh&n, 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  421 

and  took  refuge  with  Ma'sum.*  Sh&hbaz  Kh&n,  in  pursuit  of 
him,  went  to  Jaunpdr,  and  from  thence  to  Oudh  against  Ma^sum. 
But  Ma^sdm  advanced  to  meet  him,  defeated  him,  and  put  him 
to  flight.  In  one  day  Sh&hb&z  Kh&n  travelled  forty  kos  to 
Jaunpur.  Tarsun  Muhammad  Kh&n,  who  commanded  the  right 
wing  of  Sh&hb&z  Kfadn'^s  force,  had  been  hidden  by  the  jungle, 
and  when  Ma'stim'^s  army  was  disordered,  this  force  came  up 
and  defeated  it.  When  Sh&hbaz  Ehan  was  informed  of  this, 
he  returned  immediately,  joined  his  right  wing,  and  rallying  his 
forces,  pursued  the  enemy.  Ma'sum  fought  again  in  the  vicinity 
of  the  city  of  Oudh,  and  was  again  defeated.  His  mother  and 
sisters,  wives  and  children,  property  and  troops  were  taken.  He 
himself  fled  to  the  Siwalik  hills.  This  happened  in  the  month 
of  Zi-1  hijja,  in  the  year  988  •  H. 

Twentp'SeventA  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Sunday,  15th 
Safar,  989.» 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year  intelligence  arrived  that  Mirza 
Muhammad  Hakim,  allured  by  the  inducements  held  out  in 
letters  sent  to  him  by  ^Asi  Ma'sdm  E&buli  and  Ma'sum  Faran- 
khddi,  and  urged  on  by  his  maternal  uncle  Faridun,  had  set  out 
from  K&bul  with  the  object  of  conquering  Hindustan.  He  sent 
his  servant  Sh&dm&n  over  the  Indus  (in  advance),  but  Eunwar 
M&n  Singh^  son  of  Il>&j&  Bhagw&n  D&s,  attacked  him  and  killed 
him.*  On  hearing  of  this,  the  Mirz&  crossed  the  river,  and  en- 
camped in  the  pargana  of  Saiyidptir. 

The  Emperor  assembled  his  forces,  and  having  advanced  to  all 
the  soldiers  eight  months'  pay  out  of  the  treasury,  he  marched 
towards  the  Panj&b.     Prince  D&niyal  remained  at  Fathpur,  and 

^  Ma's6ixL  Kh&n  had  an  immense  stock  of  the  materials  of  war,  **  and  there  were 
thirtj  or  forty  banners,  tughs  and  kettle-drams  in  his  army." — Bad&6ni,  vol.  ii. 
p.  290. 

'  Should  be  989.  3  This  should  be  990  (1 1th  March,  1582). 

*  A  force  sent  in  advance  of  this  had  been  defeated  by  ^[irz&  Yiksuf  Kh&n, 
goTemor  of  the  Panj&b. — Akbar-ndma,  vol.  iii.  p.  310. 

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422  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

Sultan  Khwaja  and  Shaikh  Ibr&him  were  there  left  in  charge  of 
affairs.  Upon  the  Emperor's  reaching  the  sardi  of  B&d,  fifteen 
ko8  from  Fathpur,  he  received  intelligence  of  the  victory  of 
Sh&hbaz  Kh&n  over  Ma'sum  Farankhtidi.  Deeming  tliis  an 
auspicious  omen,  he  continued  his  march. 

When  Kunwar  M&n  Singh  defeated  Sh&dm4n,  he  obtained 
from  Shadman's  portfolio  three  letters  from  Mirz&  Muhammad 
Hakim :  one  to  Hakimu-1  Mulk,  one  to  Ehw&ja  Sh&h  M ansur, 
and  one  to  Muhammad  K&sim  Kh&n  Mlr-bahr;  all  in  answer  to 
letters  of  invitation  and  encouragement.  Kunwar  M4n  Singh 
sent  these  letters  to  the  Emperor,  who  ascertained  the  contents, 
but  kept  the  fact  concealed. 

After  the  Emperor  marched  from  Dehli,  MirK&  Muhammad 
Ilakim  advanced  to  Lahore,  and  encamped  in  the  garden  of 
Mahdi  K&sim  Kh&n.  Kunwar  M&n  Singh,  Sa'id  Kh&n,  and 
B4j&  Bhagw&n  D&s  had  gone  into  the  fortress.  On  the  Empe- 
ror'^s  reaching  P&nipat,  Malik  S&oi  K&bull,  ditcdn  of  Mirz& 
Muhammad  Hakim/ who  had  the  title  of  Wazir  Kh&n,  deserted 
the  Mirzd,  and  came  to  the  Imperial  camp.  He  alighted  at  the 
tent  of  Khw&ja  Sh4h  Mansur,  and  made  him  the  channel  for 
offering  his  services  to  the  Emperor.  When  Khwaja  Sh&h 
Mansur  announced  his  arrival,  the  Emperor's  suspicions  were 
aroused,  and  he  thought  that  the  diwdn'a  arriving  at  the  time 
when  his  master  was  invading  Hindust&n  must  have  some  policy 
in  it.  He  was  already  suspicious  of  Mansur,  and  his  doubts 
were  now  confirmed.  So  he  dismissed  Mansur,  and  showed  him 
the  Mirz&'s  letters.  Mansur  asseverated  (his  innocence),  but  it 
was  of  no  use. 

The  Emperor  proceeded  to  Sh&h&b&d,  and  Malik  'Ali  brought 
him  a  letter  to  the  following  effect :  "When  my  scouts  were  coming 
from  the  ford  of  Ludi&n&,  which  is  under  my  charge,  and  reached 
the  sardi  of  Sirhind,  they  found  a  footman  with  swollen  feet. 
This  footman  said  to  them,  ^  I  belong  to  Sharaf  Beg,  the  servant  of 
Khw&ja  Sb&h  Mansur.  He  is  the  Khwdja^s  ahikkddr  in  hhjdgir 
of  Firozpur,  thirty  kos  from  Lahore.     These  letters  are  to  be 

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TABAKAT-l  AKBABf.  423 

delivered  to  the  Khw&ja ;  as  my  feet  are  in  a  bad  state,  do  you 
convey  the  letters  quickly  to  him.'  These  letters  my  men  have 
brought  to  me/'  When  the  secretary  opened  them,  one  was  a 
letter  from  Sharaf  Be^  to  Khw&ja  Mansur,  about  the  affairs  of 
Firozpur,  and  the  other  was  a  letter  from  one  person  to  another 
person,  and  of  the  following  purport :  "  I  met  Faridun  Kh4n, 
and  he  carried  tne  to  wait  upon  Muhammad  Hakim  Badsh&h. 
Although  he  had  sent  his  revenue  collectors  into  all  the  parganaa 
of  this  quarter,  he  has  not  sent  any  to  ours,  but  has  held  us 
exempt."  On  hearing  and  considering  these  letters,  it  appeared 
to  His  Majesty  that  Sharaf  Beg  had  written  one  of  them  to 
Khw&ja  Mansur,  and  that  the  other  was  certainly  connected 
with  the  coming  of  Mirza  Muhammad  Hakim's  diwdny  Malik 
S&ni,  to  Khw4ja  Mansdr.  Many  of  the  amrs  and  officers  of 
State  were  on  bad  terms  with  the  Khw&ja,  and  these  exerted 
their  influence  to  secure  his  death.  So  the  Emperor  gave  the 
order  for  his  execution,  and  he  was  hanged  next  morning. 

Three  days  afterwards,  intelligence  came  in  that  Mirz&  Mu- 
hammad Hakim,  having  been  informed  of  the  Emperor's  march 
towards  the  Panj&b,  had  passed  the  river  of  Lahore,  and  gone  off 
to  Kabul.  The  Emperor  advanced  from  Sirhind  to  Kal&nor,^ 
and  from  thence  to  New  Rohtds.  There  he  received  good  news, 
and  hunting  as  he  went  along,  he  reached  the  Indus.  In  the 
month  of  Babi'u-s  s&ni,  he  ordered  a  fort  to  be  built  on  the  banks 
of  the  Indus,  which  is  called  Sind-s&gar,  and  he  called  it  Atak 
Banaras.'  Boats  were  scarce,  so  he  ordered  the  amirs  and 
soldiers  to  search  for  and  produce  some.  He  assigned  their  respec- 
tive posts  to  the  various  amirs.  Kunwar  Man  Singh,  with  Shaikh 
Jamdl  Bakhtiy&r  and  M4dhu  Singh  his  brother  *  *  and  others 
were  sent  over  the  river  towards  Parshor  (Peshdwar).  When 
they  took  possession  of  that  city,  the  Emperor  sent   Prince 

■  According  to  Abii-1  Fazl,  he  paid  a  visit  to  Nagarkot  before  reaching  Eal&nor.  -> 
AJcbar-ndma,  Tol.  iil  p.  326. 

*  Bad&6ni  (toI.  ii  p.  293}  says  this  was  "  in  contradistinctioa  to  Eatak  Bankras/' 
at  the  other  extremity  of  the  empire. 

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424  NIZAMU-D  DFN  AHMAD. 

Mar&d  along  with  Ealij  Kh&n,  B&I  Singh,  Mirz&  Yiisnf,  and 
other  amin^  to  effect  the  conquest  of  K&bul. 

At  this  time  Ehw&ja  Abd-1  Fazl  and  *  *  came  as  envoys 
from  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim,  to  beg  pardon  for  his  ofiencAs. 
The  Emperor  sent  H&ji  Habiba-lla  along  with  them  to  K&bul, 
promising  him  forgiveness,  on  condition  that  he  repented  of  the 
past,  would  bind  himself  bj  oath  (for  the  future),  and  would 
send  his  sister  to  the  Imperial  Court.  Prince  Mur&d  passed 
through  the  Khaibar  Pass,  and  on  the  15th  Jum&da-s  s&ni,  the 
Emperor  crossed  over  the  river  Sind-s&gar  (Indus),  and  there 
encamped. 

Here  he  sent  the  least  of  his  servants,  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad, 
the  author  of  this  work,  to  proceed  rapidly  in  advance  of 
Prince  Murdd,  and  open  communications  with  the  amkrs  who 
had  gone  on  first,  and  to  ascertain  whether  they  could  get  to 
Kdbul  without  the  Emperor,  or  if  they  needed  his  presence ;  by 
what  road  he  ought  to  proceed ;  and  whether  he  should  come 
with  all  his  army  or  travel  express  (jarida).  In  one  night  and 
day  I  reached  JaUl&b&d,  a  distance  of  seventy-five  koSj  and 
delivered  my  message  to  the  Prince.  He  was  determined  upon 
proceeding  to  E&bul,  and  thought  it  advisable  to  send  me  back 
speedily  to  the  Emperor.  He  also  sent  along  with  me  H&ji 
Habibu-Ua,  who  had  come  from  E&bul  to  Jal&l&b&d,  and  I  was 
to  report  that  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim  was  sincerely  repentant 
of  the  past,  that  he  had  taken  oaths,  and  that  he  was  willing  to 
send  his  sister,  but  that  Khw&ja  Husain,  her  husband,  had  carried 
her  off  to  Badakhsh&n.  When  I  and  H&ji  Habibu-lla  joined 
His  Majesty,  he  on  the  following  day  marched  to  Pershor 
(Peshdwar).  There  he  lefk  Prince  Salim  in  camp  with  B&ja 
Bhagwdn  D4s,  Sa'id  Khdn  [etc.],  and  went  on  with  speed, 
travelling  about  twenty  kos  a  day.  When  Prince  Mur&d  came 
to  within  seven  kos  of  K&bul,  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim  issued 
forth  to  the  village  of  Khurd-k&bul,  and  attacked  him;  but 
he  was  defeated  and  put  to  flight.  The  victorious  Prince  then 
entered  Kabul. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  425 

On  the  night  before  this  action  Faridun,  the  ancle  of  Mirzfi 
Hakim,  attacked  the  rear  of  the  Prince'^s  amiy,  killed  a  good 
many  men,  and  carried  off  considerable  spoil.  This  day  the 
Emperor  advanced  and  encamped  at  Surkh&b,  fifteen  kos  from 
the  army  of  the  Prince.  When  the  rear  of  the  Prince's  array 
was  attacked  and  plundered,  it  so  happened  that  H&ji  Muhammad 
Ahadi,  who  had  gone  on  in  advance  as  messenger  (ddk-chauki) 
to  the  Prince,  arrived  upon  the  spot,  and  beheld  the  rout.  He 
turned  back  and  reported  the  disaster,  which  annoyed  the 
Emperor.  But  notwithstanding  this  news,  next  day  the  Emperor 
went  on  a  stage,  and  then  received  accounts  of  the  victory  that 
had  been  gained,  and  for  which  he  offered  up  his  thanksgiving. 

On  Friday,  10th  Baj&b,  he  entered  E&bul,  and  remained  there 
for  twenty  days  visiting  the  gardens.  Here  he  was  informed 
that  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim  intended  to  abandon  his  country, 
and  take  refuge  with  the  Uzbeks.  Deeming  this  a  disgrace  and 
shame,  he  sent  Latif  Khw&ja  to  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim,  who 
was  at  Ghorband,  to  tell  him  that  his  offences  were  forgiven. 
The  Mirz&,  having  in  the  presence  of  Latif  Ehw&ja  made  a 
promise  and  a  vow  of  fidelity,  executed  an  engagement,  and  sent 
it  by  'All  Muhammad  Asp  along  with  Latif  Khw&ja  to  the 
Emperor. 

His  Majesty  then  turned  homewards  to  Hinddst&n,  after  con- 
ferring E&bul  upon  Mirzi  Muhammad  Hakim.  Leaving  the 
army,  he  went  on  quickly  to  Jal&l&b&d,  where  there  was  a  large 
encampment.  Prince  Salim,  and  the  nobles  who  were  with  him, 
hastened  forth  to  meet  His  Majesty,  and  to  congratulate  him 
on  his  victory.  Ehw&jagi  Muhammad  Husain,  the  brother  of 
E&sim  Kh&n  Mir-bahr^  who  was  one  of  Mirz&  Muhammad 
Hakim'^s  nobles,  came  to  proffer  his  services  to  the  Emperor, 
and  was  admitted  among  the  number  of  his  friends. 

From  Jal&l&b&d  he  sent  a  detachment  to  attack  the  hills  of 
the  Eator  infidels.  Travelling  by  regular  stages,  he  reached  the 
banks  of  the  Sind-s&gar  (Indus).^  Muhammad  E&sim  Eh&n, 
1  "  On  the  12th  Sha'b&n,"-Bad&<iiil,  toI.  ii.  p.  296. 

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426  KIZAMU-D  BIN  AHMAD. 

yfho  had  been  left  behind  to  make  a  bridge,  had  constracied  one 
of  boats.  The  journey  to  E&bul  had  been  performed  in  one 
month.  In  one  day  he  [and  hia  escort]  'crossed  the  river  and 
went  on  to  L&hore,  where  he  arrived  on  the  last  day  of  Bamaz&n. 
He  again  entrosted  the  government  of  the  Panj&b  to  Sa'id  Eh&n, 
B&J&  Bhagw&n  D&s,  and  Kunwar  M&n  Singh,  and  went  on  his 
way  hunting  to  Fathpur.  At  P&nipat  Sh&hb&z  Kh&n  came  to 
wait  upon  him.  On  the  25th  Shaww&l  he  arrived  at  Dehli. 
Prince  D&niy&l  and  the  amirs  who  had  remained  at  Fathpur,  and 
Her  Highness  Maryam  Mak&nl  came  forth  to  meet  him,  and  on 
the  5th  Zi-I  ka'da  he  arrived  there. 

While  the  Emperor  was  engaged  in  the  K&bul  campaign, 
Bahddur  'All,  son  of  Saiyid  Badakhshi  entered  the  country  of 
Tirhut,  and  gave  himself  the  title  of  Bah&dur  Sh4h;^  but  he 
was  taken  prisoner  and  killed  by  the  men  of  Xhan-i  '^azam. 
Ma'sum  Kh&n  Farankhudi,  being  in  great  distress  and  anxiety 
in  the  Siw&lik  hills,  begged  forgiveness  for  his  offences  through 
Kh&u-i  ^azam  ;  and  in  consequence  of  the  £h&n''s  intercession  he 
was  pardoned.  Then  he  waited  upon  Kh&n-i  'azam  in  humble 
guise,  and  was  afterwards  admitted  to  an  interview  with  the 
Emperor  at  Fathpur.* 

When  the  Emperor  was  waited  upon  at  X4bul  by  the  confi- 
dential servants  of  Mirz4  Muhammad  Hakim,  he  made  inquiry 
into  the  case  of  Khw&ja  Sh&h  Mansur,  and  it  appeared  that 
Karmu-Ua,  brother  of  Sh&hbaz,  had  colluded  with  others  to 
concoct  letters,  and  that  he  had  forged  the  last  letter  on  the 
evidence  of  which  Khwdja  Mansur  was  executed.  After  this 
was  discovered,  the  Emperor  often  regretted  the  execution  of 
the  Ehw&ja.     He  now  remained  for  some  time  at  Fathpur, 

1  According  to  Bad&6ai  (vol.  ii.  p.  298}|  he  cauBed  the  khmtba  to  be  read  and 
coins  to  be  struck  in  his  name. 

3  He  was  soon  afterwards  murdered,  as  he  was  returning  home  from  the  palace. 
Niy&bat  was  also  **  pardoned  for  the  sake  of  his  uncle  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n, 
ruler  of  M&lwa;  but  he  was  sent  to  the  fort  of  Bantambhor,  and  confined.  There 
he  was  guilty  of  things  which  cannot  be  mentioned,  and  stirred  up  a  great  mutiny 
among  the  prisoners :  so  iu  998  he  was  condemned  and  executed." — Bad&6nl,  toI.  ii. 
p.  299. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  427 

administering  jastice,  dispensing  charity,  and  arranging  pnblio 

business. 

On  the  19th  Muharram^  990  h.,  Kh&n-i  'azam,  governor  of 

H&jiptir  and  Patna,  came  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor,  and  to 

give  an  account  of  the  affairs  of  Bengal.     After  staying  several 

days,  he  was  sent  back  to  Bengal,  and  several  nobles  and  soldiers 

who  had  been  to  E&bul  were  sent  with  him. 

Twenty^eighth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Tuesday,  27th 
Safar,  991  (11th  March,  1583  a.d.). 

\A  festival  of  eighteen  daya^  duration  at  the  Nau-rozJ] 

Sh&ham  Ehin  Jalesar  from  Bengal,  and  B&j4  Bhagw&n  Das 
from  Lahore,  came  to  wait  upon  His  Majesty.  It  has  been 
mentioned  in  a  previous  page  how  Kh&n-i  'azam  came  with  a 
number  of  jdgirddrs  from  Bengal  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor, 
leaving  the  Buba  empty.  Evil-minded  men  took  advantage  of 
their  absence,  and  coming  out  of  every  corner  began  to  excite 
disturbances.  A  servant  of  Ma^sum  K&buli,  by  name  Khabita, 
in  concert  with  Tarkh&n  Diw&na  and  Surkh  Badakhshi,  raised 
commotions  in  Bih&r.  Muhammad  Sadik  Kh&n,  with  Muhibb 
'Ali  £h&D,  defeated  him  and  killed  him. 

[Return  of  Oulbadan  Begam  and  SaUma  SuUdn  Begam  from 
Mecca.  Prince  Salim  sent  to  Ajmir  to  meet  them^  and  to  visit  the 
shrine  ofMu'inu-d  tflw.] 

Muhammad  S&dik  Kh4n  came  from  Bihdr,  and  was  well 
received,  but  he  was  soon  sent  to  assist  Kh&n-i  'azam  in  suppress- 
ing the  revolt  of  'Ksi  Kdbuli.  Sh&h  Kuli  Khdn  and  other 
amirs  who  had  been  on  the  K&bul  campaign  were  sent  with  him. 
About  this  time  Mir  Abti  Tur&b  and  'Itim&d  Kh&n,  who  had 
visited  the  holy  temple  together,  came  to  Court,  and  had  an 
interview  with  His  Majesty.  Abu  Tur&b  had  brought  a  stone 
upon  which  there  was  said  to  be  an  impression  of  the  Prophet's 
foot.  His  Majesty  went  out  four  kos  to  receive  this  stone  with 
every  mark  of  honour.     An  order  was  issued  that  all  the  amirs 


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428  NIZAMXJ-D  DtN  AHMAD. 

in  turn  should  carrjr  it  on  their  backs  a  few  steps.  So  each  one 
carried  it  a  little  way,  and  brought  it  into  the  city.  [^Weighing 
of  Prince  Sali/n  against  gold  and  silver.']  The  traitor,  Nur 
Muhammad  by  name,  was  brought  a  prisoner  from  Tirhdt,  and 
suffered  punishment  in  the  market.^ 

Tmnty-^inth  year  of  the  Reign. 

Agreeing  with  991*  H. 

[Festival  of  the  new  year."] 

The  news  from  Bengal  was,  that  Eh&n-i  'azam  had  occupied 
T&nda,  that  Xh&ld(  Eh&n,  Jabb&r  Burdi,  and  Mirzd  Beg 
K&ksh&l  had  separated  from  'Asi  K&buH,  and  had  come  to 
Kh&n-i  'azam,  and  that  'Ais(  had  sought  refuge  with  certain 
zaminddrs.  All  the  parts  of  Bengal  that  were  in  the  possession 
of  the  rebels  now  came  again  under  the  authority  of  the  Im- 
perial officers. 

As  'Itim&d  Kh&n  had  held  the  government  of  Ghijar&t  for 
several  years,  he  was  better  acquainted  with  the  prosperous 
management  of  the  country  than  others  could  be,  and  if  the 
government  were  confirmed  to  him  it  might  be  the  means  of 
exciting  the  emulation  of  rulers  in  other  countries.  For  this 
reason  he  was  appointed  governor  of  Gujar&t.  Mir  Abu  Tur&b 
was  appointed  amin^  Khw&ja  Abd-1  Kasim,  brother  of  Mull& 
^Abdu-l  K&dir  was  appointed  diwdn,  and  the  humble  servant 
Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad,  the  author  of  this  work,  was  appointed 
baklkshi.  Muhammad  Husain  Shaikh  and  *  *  *  were  made/cf^lr- 
ddrs  of  Gujar&t. 

Amir  Fathu-lla,  one  of  the  saiyids  of  Shir&z,  a  very  wise  and 
learned  man,  had  gone  from  Shir&z  to  'Adil  Kh&n  in  the  Dakhin, 
and  had  there  held  high  office.  On  the  22nd  Babi'u-s  s&nl  he 
came  to  visit  the  Emperor  at   Fathpdr.     Ehin-kh&n&n  and 

^  He  was  a  Tarkh&n,  and  had  been  a  rebel  in  Bengal.  Haring  attacked  a  caravan 
of  salt-merchants,  they  made  a  breastwork  of  their  bags,  and  beat  him  off.  He  was 
afterwards  taken  near  Gaya. — Akbar-ndmay  Yol.  iii.  p.  388. 

>  Should  be  992  (1684  A.D.). 


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TABAEAT-I  AKBASr.  429 

Hakim  Abu-1  Fath  were  sent  forth  to  meet  him,  and  to  bring 
him  in  with  due  honour.  He  was  appointed  to  the  exalted 
office  of  Sadr. 

The  suppression  and  dispersion  of  the  rebels  in  Bengal  was 
reported  to  the  Emperor.  It  was  known  that  '^i  E&buli  was 
in  the  country  of  'Aisi,  and  Kh&n-i  'azam  was  desirous  of 
returning  home.  For  these  reasons  the  Emperor  ordered  Sb&h- 
b&z  Kh&n  to  proceed  to  Bengal,  to  allot  the  whole  of  that  sarkdr 
mjdgirs  to  the  soldiers,  and  to  do  his  best  to  exterminate  *KA 
K4buli.  On  the  17th  Jumada-s  s&ni,  he  started  to  assume  his 
duties. 

In  this  year,  an  order  was  given  for  the  translation  into 
Persian  of  the  Mahd-bhdrat,  which  is  the  chief  book  of  history 
of  the  Brahmans.  The  translation  was  completed,  and  received 
the  name  of  JRazm^ndma  (Book  of  War). 

Information  was  now  brought  that  Kh&n-i  ""azam  had  sent 
Shaikh  Farid  to  make  peace  with  Katld  Afgh&n  (in  Orissa). 
When  the  Shaikh  reached  his  dwelling,  and  had  an  interview 
with  him,  Katlti  was  very  humble.  Bah&dur  Gauriya,  one  of  the 
zamitiddrs  of  Bengal,  and  a  high  officer  in  the  army  of  Katlu, 
came  to  see  the  Shaikh,  who  then  travelled  on  under  the  eyes  of 
the  zaminddra  and  the  servants  of  Katld.  Bah&dur,  in  a  hostile 
manner,  blocked  up  the  road  by  which  the  Shaikh  was  returning, 
and  attacked  him.  Many  of  his  men  were  killed,  but  the  Shaikh 
escaped  without  injury. 

Burhanu-1  Mulk,  brother  of  Murtaza  Niz&mu-l  Mulk,  ruler  of 
the  Dakhin,  fled  from  his  brother  to  Kutbu-d  din  Kh&n,^  and  by 
command  he  came  from  thence  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor  in  the 
month  of  Bajab.  But  before  this,  a  persoil  calling  himself 
Burh&nu-l  Mulk  had  waited  upon  the  Emperor,  and  had  obtained 
^jdgir.  Now  that  the  real  man  had  come,  and  the  imposture 
was  displayed,  the  impostor  fled  and  hid  himself;  but  he  was 
discovered  after  the  lapse  of  a  week  among  someyo^i^,  and  was 
cast  into  prison. 

1  <<  In  M&lwa."— Bad&iinS,  vol.  ii.  p.  824. 


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430  NIZAMTT-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

An  order  was  given  to  'Itim&d  Kh&n  to  take  away  the  country 
of  Sirohi  from  Sarm&n  Deori,  and  to  give  it  to  Jagm&l  his 
brother,  who  was  an  adherent  of  the  Imperial  throne:  1000  mohurs 
{muhrfi)  was  sent  in  charge  of  the  writer  of  this  work  towards 
payment  of  the  expenses.  When  'Itim&d  Kh&n  arrived  at  Jalor, 
the  author,  Muhammad  Ma*sum  Bakhari,  Eambar  Beg  I'shang 
Xkk^  Zainu-d  din  Kambu,  and  Pahlaw&n  'Ali  Sistani,  who  was 
appointed  kotwal  of  Ahmad&b&d,  joined  ^Itimad  Kh&n.  Muham- 
mad Husain  Shaikh  and  ^^YevdXjdgirddra  of  Gujar&t  remained 
behind.  After  'Itim&d  Kh&n  arrived  at  J&Ior,  he  proceeded  to 
Sirohi,  and  having  removed  Sarm&n  Deori,  he  installed  Jagm&l, 
whom  he  left  there  with  Aghzan  Kh&n,  Mahrndd  J&lori,  Bij&d 
Deora,  B&i  Singh,  son  of  Chandar  Sen,  son  of  R&i  M&I  Deo. 
Then  he  proceeded  towards  Ahmadab&d,  and  on  approaching  the 
city,  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n  came  out  and  posted  himself 
in  'Usmanpur,  one  of  the  suburbs.  On  the  12th  Sha'b&n,  "Itim&d 
Kh&n  went  into  the  city.  Two  days  afterwards  it  was  discovered 
that  '^bid  Badakhshi  *  *  and  a  large  party  of  the  servants  of 
Shah&bu-d  din  Kh&n  had  left  him,  and  gone  off  to  K&thiw&r,  to 
invite  Muzaffar  Gujar&ti,^  who  was  there  living  in  the  retirement 
to  which  he  had  been  driven  by  the  Imperial  arms ;  their  object 
being  to  promote  a  revolt. 

'Itim&d  Kh&n  thought  it  desirable  to  have  a  conference  with 
Shah&bu-d  din  upon  the  subject ;  so  he  sent  me,  the  author  of 
this  work,  to  him.  When  I  saw  him,  he  told  me  that  this  band 
of  conspirators  had  a  design  against  his  life,  and  that  they  had 
for  a  long  time  been  preparing  this  plot.  Now  that  they  had 
torn  the  veil  from  their  designs,  they  would  receive  no  encourage- 
ment or  help  from  him.  When  I  reported  the  state  of  the  case 
to  'Itim&d  Kh&n,  he  thought  it  expedient  to  conciliate  the  con- 
spirators ;  so  he  sent  me  and  two  other  persons  to  appease  them. 
But  they  rejected  our  overtures,  and  continued  their  journey, 

1  <*  Who  had  fled  from  the  Imperial  Court,  and  had  sought  refuge  with  his  mother's 
relations." — Bad&dnl,  toI.  ii.  p.  327.  Ah(i-1  Fazl  says  he  was  really  an  ohscnre 
individual  named  Tannti,  who  took  the  name  of  Muzaffar,  and  called  himself  son 
of  Sult&n  MahmtSd  of  Gujar&t.-^^^^ar-nama,  toL  iii.  p.  404. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBATir.  431 

Shah4bu-d  din  removed  and  went  to  Kari,  twenty  kos  from 
Ahmaddb&d.  We  now  sent  several  letters  to  Shah&bu-d  din, 
urging  hibfi  to  delay  his  departure  for  a  few  days ;  but  making 
no  stay,  he  went  on  his  way.^ 

On  the  27th  Sha'^ban,  the  intelligence  arrived  that  the  rebels 
had  come  to  Dulaka,'  bringing  with  them  Muzaffar  and  some 
K&thiw&r  people. 

Kambar  Beg  fshang  Kk&  now  came  in  from  Shah&bu-d  din, 
reporting  that  he  had  promised  to  stay  at  Kari.  'Itimdd  Khdn, 
Mir  Abu  Turdb,  and  I,  therefore  went  forth  to  see  Shahdbu-d 
din,  to  moUiiy  him  and  bring  him  back  with  us.  Towards  the 
close  of  day,  'Itim&d  Kh&n  set  oiF  for  Kari.  It  had  been  urged 
upon  him  that  it  was  not  right  for  the  ruler  of  a  city  to  leave  it 
when  the  enemy  was  at  a  distance  of  only  twelve  ko8.  But  it  was 
of  no  avail.  He  left  his  own  son  with  Amir  Ma'sum  Bakhari  and 
*  *  *  and  my  son,  and  started.  When  he  and  I  reached  Kari, 
we  talked  with  Shah&bu-d  din,  and  we  reconciled  him,  upon  our 
promise  that  the  parganas  which  he  had  for  a  long  time  held 
in  jdgir  should  be  relinquished  to  him,  and  that  he  should  be 
paid  a  subsidy  of  two  lacs  of  rupees.  In  fact,  all  he  asked  was 
conceded.  Towards  close  of  day,  ^Itim&d  Kh&n  and  he  set  out 
from  Kari,  to  return  to  Ahmadab&d.  On  the  same  day  that 
'Itim&d  Kh&n  went  to  Kari,  MuzaiFar  Gujar&ti  came  to  Ahmad- 
&b&d«  The  men  of  the  city  gave  him  (access  to)  the  fort, 
and  as  part  of  the  wall  was  broken  down,  he  made>  his  way  in 
immediately. 

At  midnight,  when  ['Itim&d  Khdn  and]  Shah&bu-d  din  were 
ten  koB  from  Ahmad&b&d,  they  were  met  by  Mir  Ma'sum  Bakhari 
and  Zainu-d  din  Kambu,  who  had  come  out  of  the  city  and 
brought  the  news.  They  alighted,  and  after  consultation  de- 
cided that  as  the  enemy  had  gained  only  one  day,  he  had  had  no 
time  to  strengthen  himself,  and  that  we  must  get  into  the  city  as 

^  The  author's  words  are  explicit,  though  they  seem  to  be  inconsistent  with  what 
follows. 
»  "Twelve  kot  from  Ahmad&b&d."— Bad&dni,  toI.  ii.  p.  327. 


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432  NIZAMIT-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

he  had  done.  So  we  went  on  to  the  city,  and  in  the  morning 
arrived  at  'Usmdnpiir,  which  is  on  the  side  of  the  river  near  the 
City.  Muzaffar  G-ojar&ti  came  forth,  and  drew  ap  hia  forces  on 
the  sandy  bank  of  the  river.  Shah&bu-d  din  was  qaite  helpless, 
because  his  men  were  not  trustworthy,  and  many  of  them  ran  off. 
I  did  all  I  could  with  a  few  men,  but  without  effect.  My  son, 
who  had  been  left  in  the  city  in  charge  of  the  fort,  was  plundered 
of  everything.  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad  Kh&n  and  'Itim&d  Kh&n 
took  to  flight,  and  went  to  Nahrwdla,  better  known  as  Pattan, 
forty-five  ko8  from  Ahmad4b&d.  I,  the  author,  wrote  a  report 
of  the  occurrences  to  the  Emperor. 

Three  days  afterwards  Muhammad  Husain  Shaikh  *  *  and 
other  jdgirddrs  of  Gujar&t  came  to  Pattan,  and  having  set  the 
fort  in  order,  prepared  to  hold  out.  Muzaffar  Gujar&ti  gave 
away  jdgirs  and  titles  to  the  leading  rebels,  and  busied  himself 
in  collecting  forces.  Sher  Kh&n  Fuladi  had  been  governor  of 
Pattan  for  many  years,  but  had  (since)  lived  for  some  years  in 
adversity  in  the  country  of  Surath.  He  joined  Muzaffar  Gujar&ti, 
who  sent  him  with  four  thousand  horse  towards  Pattan.  When 
Sher  Kh&n  arrived  at  Kari,  he  sent  forward  his  men  to  the 
town  of  Jut&na,  twenty  kos  from  Pattan.^  I  attacked  them  and 
defeated  them,  and  left  Mir  Muhibbu-Ua  *  *  and  a  detachment 
of  soldiers  at  that  place.  Zainu-d  din  Kambu  was  sent  to 
Kutbu-d  din,  governor  of  Broach  and  Baroda,  desiring  him  to 
advance  froip  that  side  against  Ahmad&b&d,  so  that  the  enemy 
might  be  attacked  on  two  sides  and  overpowered.  Zainu-d  din 
went  to  Kutbu-d  din,  and  brought  him  to  Baroda.  When 
Muzaffar  was  informed  of  his  arrival  there,  he  led  a  large  force  to 
attack  him,  and  Kutbu-d  din,  having  fought  in  an  unsoldier-like 
way,  was  defeated,  and  had  to  take  refuge  in  the  fort  of  Baroda. 
Many  of  his  men  and  officers  joined  Muzaffar. 

Sher  Kh&n  Ful&di  now  advanced  as  far  as  the  town  of 
Mas&na,'  fifteen  kos  from  Pattan,  and  great  consternation  fell 

^  Soath  of  Pattan,  and  about  twelre  miles  north  of  Earl. 

'  <'  Mysana  "  in  the  maps.    About  twenty  miles  north  of  Kazf. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  433 

upon  the  garrison,  so  much  so  that  they  were  on  the  point  of 
abandoning  Pattan,  and  going  off  to  J41or.  I  resolved  at  all 
hazards  to  fight,  and  went  to  encounter  Sher  Eh&n.  Shah&bu-d 
din  Ahmad  Kh&n  and  'Itimdd  Ehan  stopped  in  Pattan,^  the 
other  amirs  joined  me.  When  we  reached  Mas&na,  we  found 
that  Sher  Eh&n  had  drawn  up  his  forces,  and  he  advanced  to 
attack  us  with  five  thousand  horse,  while  we  did  not  exceed 
two  thousand.  Sher  Khka  was  defeated,  and  went  off  to 
Ahmad&b&d.  Many  of  his  men  were  killed,  and  a  large  booty 
fell  into  our  hands.  I  strenuously  urged  that  we  should  advance 
against  Ahmad&b&d,^  but  the  amirs  who  were  with  me  would 
not  agree. 

When  we  reached  Kari,  we  remained  there,  awaiting  the  arrival 
of  the  soldiers  who  had  been  sent  to  Pattan  with  the  spoils  of  our 
victory.  We  waited  twelve  days,  and  during  that  time  several 
persons  were  sent  to  Pattan  to  collect  men.  We  now  heard  that 
Muzaffar  Gujar4ti  had  bombarded  the  fort  of  Baroda,  and  that 
Kutbu-d  din,  having  received  a  promise  (of  safe  conduct),  had  sent 
Zainu-d  din  Kambu  out  (to  treat).  Muzaffar,  regardless  of  his 
pledge,  put  Zainu-d  din  to  death.  Kutbu-d  din,  although  the 
perfidy  and  vow-breaking  of  Muzaffar  were  manifest,  was  so 
demented,  so  blinded  by  fate,  that  he  trusted  to  the  promise  of 
that  promise-breaker,  and  went  out  to  him.'  Then,  at  the  instiga- 
tion of  Tarw&ri,  zaminddr  of  Pipla,  he  was  put  to  death.  Upon 
hearing  of  this,  I,  and  the  men  who  were  with  me  at  Kari, 
returned  to  Pattan. 

From  Baroda  Muzaffar  went  to  Broach,  and  the  officers  of 
Kutbu-d  din  surrendered  the  fortress.  He  obtained  tliere  fourteen 
lacs  of  rupees  which  were  in  the  royal  treasury  at  Kambay,  and 
had  been  conveyed  to  Broach  by  Khwaja  'Imadu-d  din  Husain. 

^  These  two  nobles  "  had  determined  to  fly  towards  J&lor,  but  through  the  efforts 
of  Niz&mu-ddin  Ahmad  they  remained  in  Pattan." — Bad&^ni,  vol.  ii.  p.  339. 

*  "  This  was  the  proper  course  under  the  circumstances,  for  intelligence  of  Kutbu-d 
din  Muhammad's  affair  had  not  as  yet  been  received." — Bad&6nl,  toI.  ii.  p.  330. 

'  He  was  at  first  received  with  great  kindness  and  honour. — Bad&(ini,  vol.  ii. 
p.  331. 

VOL.  T.  28 

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434  NIZAHU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

And  he  also  got  possession  of  all  the  property  and  treasures  of 
Katba-d  din,  which  exceeded  ten  krors.  Collecting  the  soldiers 
and  B&jpdts  from  all  parts  near  him,  he  raised  his  force  to  nearly 
thirty  thousand  men. 

When  these  occurrences  were  brought  to  the  knowledge  of  the 
Emperor,  he  sent  Mirzd  Khan,  son  of  Bairam  Kh&n,  along  with 
the  jdgirddra  of  Ajmir,  such  as  P&yinda  Muhammad  Kh&n 
Mughal  *  *  and  others  too  numerous  to  mention,  by  way  of 
J&lor  and  Pattan ;  and  he  also  sent  Kalij  Kh&n,  who  was  the 
jdgirddr  of  Surat,  with  •  *  jdglrddrs  of  M4lwa,  by  the  way  of 
M&lwa.  This  latter  force  had  arrived  at  Sultdnpur  and  Nan- 
durb&r^  while  Muzaffar  was  engaged  at  Broach,  but  dread  of 
Muzafiar  prevented  them  from  advancing  a  step  further.  I,  the 
author,  every  day  wrote  letters  from  Pattan  to  Mirz&  Kh&n, 
urging  his  speedy  approach.  When  he  arrived  with  his  force  at 
Sirohi,  I  went  forth  to  meet  him,  and  brought  him  on  with  all 
speed.     He  remained  one  day  in  Pattan,  and  then  advanced. 

When  Mirz&  Kh4n''s  arrival  became  known  to  Muzafiar  Guja- 
r&ti,  he  left  Broach,  and  returned  to  Ahmad&b&d,  leaving  the  fort 
of  Broach  in  charge  of  Nasir,  his  brother's  son,  and  Charkas 
Bumi,  one  of  the  Imperial  servants  who  had  deserted  to  Muzaffar. 
Mink  Kh&n  and  his  army  encamped  at  Sarkaj,  three  kos  from 
Ahmaddb&d.  Muzafiar  pitched  his  camp  opposite  the  Imperial 
army,  two  kos  distant,  near  the  tomb  of  Sh&h  Bhikan  (God  rest 
his  soul !). 

On  the  day  the  two  amries  were  thus  brought  near  to  each 
other  and  afterwards  some  fighting  went  on,  to  the  advantage 
of  the  Imperial  arms,  until  Friday,  16th  Muharram,  991,  when 
Muzaffar  marshalled  his  forces  and  attacked  us.  Mirz&  Kb&n, 
on  his  side,  had  made  his  dispositions.  I,  the  author,  and  *  * 
were  directed  to  keep  the  town  of  Sarkaj  on  our  right,  and  to  fall 
upon  the  rear  of  the  enemy.  The  two  armies  met,  and  the  battle 
began.     Saiyid  Hashim  and  Kbizr  Akd,  vakil  of  Mirza  EJi&n, 

^  Sult&npdr  lies  about  twenty  miles  north  of  the  T&pti ;  Nandurb&r  nearly  the 
same  distance  south  of  it. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  435 

were  slain,  and  many  men  fell.  While  Muzaffar  was  engaged 
with  Mirza  Khdn,  I  brought  round  my  men,  and  fell  upon  his 
rear.  R&i  Durgd,  also,  of  the  left  wing,  under  the  orders  of 
Mirzd  Kh&n,  followed  to.  support  uib.  Muzafiar  was  put  to 
flight,  and  great  numbers  of  his  men  were  slaLn.^  Next  morning 
Mirzd  Kh&n  entered  the  city,  and  issued  a  proclamation  of 
amnesty,  so  that  every  one  felt  reassured.  Muzaffar  fled  to 
Ma'mur&b&d  and  the  banks  of  the  Mahindari  river.  From 
thence  he  went  to  Kambay.  Many  of  the  fugitives  rejoinedhim 
there,  so  that  his  force  again  rose  to  nearly  ten^  thousand  men.^ 

Three  days  after  the  victory,  Kalij  Kh&n  arrived  at  Ahmad- 
&b&d  with  the  army  of  M&lwa.  Mirzd  Kh&n  and  all  the  amira 
then  marched  towards  Kambay.  On  their  arriving  at  ten  kos 
from  the  place,  Muzaffar  went  off  towards  Baroda.  When  Mirzd 
Kh4n  reached  the  village  of  B&sad,  near  Patlad,  on  the  bank  of 
the  Mahindari,*  he  sent  Kalij  Kh&n  and  •  *  on  in  advance  to 
overtake  and  attack  the  enemy ;  but  this  force,  deterred  by  the 
difficulty  and  narrowness  of  the  road,  came  to  a  halt,  and 
Muzaffar  got  off  to  R&j-pipla  and  N&dot.^ 

Mirzi  Kh&n  and  his  army  entered  Baroda  on  the  16th,  and 
there  rested.  While  he  was  there,  intelligence  arrived  that 
Saiyid  Daulat,  one  of  the  officers  of  Muzaffar,  had  entered 
Kambay,  and  overpowered  the  royal  forces  in  the  place.  Naurang 
Kh&n^  was  sent  to  repress  this  diversion,  and  having  driven  out 
the  insurgent,  he  returned.  Saiyid  Daulat  then  came  back  and 
seized  the  town   again.      Khojam  Burdi,  an  officer  of  Mirz& 

*  AbtX-1  Fazl  Bays  the  Imperial  force  amounted  to  only  10,000  horse,  while  their 
opponents  numbered  40,000  horse  and  100,000  foot. — Akbar-ndmaf  Tol.  iiL  p.  465. 

>  Bad&ani  (toI.  iL  p.  333)  makes  the  number  to  be  *<  2000." 

'  Abtl-1  Fazl  blames  the  Imperialists  for  not  pursuing  the  enemy,  and  for  allowing 
him  time  to  levy  contributionB  on  Kambay  and  assemble  his  adherents. — Akbat' 
ndma,  yol.  iii.  p.  467. 

*  This  shows  that  "  Mahindari  '*  is  another  name  for  the  Mahl  or  Mhye ;  for  there 
is  no  other  river  near  Patlad,  and  the  maps  give  a  "  Wassud''  on  its  northern  bank, 

B  B&j-pipla  is  south  of  the  Nerbadda,  almost  on  a  line  with  Broach.    N&dot  is  no 
doubt  N&ndod,  between  the  Nerbadda  and  K&j-pipla. 
»  TolakEh&ninoneMS. 


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436  KIZAMXJ-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

£h&nX  marched  against  him  from  Patlad,  and  defeated  him. 
Mirzd  Kh&n  marched  with  his  army  to  N&dot,  and  Muzaffar 
went  off  into  the  mountains.  At&Hk  Bah&dur  now  deserted 
from  the  Imperial  army,  and  joined  Mozafiar.  So  the  insuigents 
were  again  set  in  motion. 

Mirz4  Kh4n  imprisoned  S&n  Bah&dur  Uzbek,  of  whom  he 
was  suspicions  on  account  of  his  relations  with  At&lik  Bah&dor, 
and  he  resolved  to  attack  the  rebels.  Sharif  Kh&n  and  Naurang 
Khan  were  appointed  to  the  right,  Kalij  Kh&n  and  Tolak  E[h&n 
to  the  left,  P&jinda  Kh4n  and  some  other  amirs  to  the  advance. 
I  was  sent  forward  to  reconnoitre,  and  find  out  the  best  way  of 
attacking  the  enemy.^ 

When  I  reached  the  foot  of  the  hills,  I  attacked  the  enemy's 
infantry,  and  drove  them  back  for  a  good  kos  to  where  their  main 
force  was  drawn  up  in  ari-ay.  A  sharp  action  ensued.  The 
discharge  of  arrows  and  bullets  was  quite  bewildering,  and  many 
men  and  horses  on  both  sides  were  wounded.  I  dismounted 
some  of  my  best  men,  and  rode  on  with  them  to  the  mountain, 
and  I  sent  some  to  call  up  Kalij  Khan.  I  also  sent  Khw&ja 
Muhammad  Bafia',  a  man  renowned  for  his  courage.  Kalij 
Kh&n  came  up  on  the  left,  and  becoming  engaged,  he  bore  back 
the  enemy  a  little.  But  reinforcements  were  brought  up  by  the 
enemy,  and  Kalij  Kh&n  and  Tolak  Kk&n  were  repulsed,  and  fell 
back  a  bow-shot  distance.  The  men  whom  I  had  dismounted, 
while  the  enemy  was  pushing  after  Kalij  Kh&n,  finding  the  way 
clear,  ascended  the  hill.  When  the  enemy  returned,  they  at- 
tacked us,  and  many  men  were  killed.  Kalij  Kh&n  had  found 
some  shelter  and  held  his  ground.  I  sent  to  Mirz&  Kh&n  for 
the  elephant  guns  {hath-ndl).  They  were  brought  up  upon 
the  elephants,  and  we  discharged  several  guns  against  the  spot 
where  Muzaffar  was  standing.  Naurang  Kh&n  now  came  up  the 
mountain  which  covered  the  enemy's  left,  and  got  the  command 
of  his  position.  '*When  the  balls  from  the  elephant  guns  fell  in 

1  Mir  Ma'sCim  fiakhari  (VoL  I.  p.  212}  was  associated  with  him. — Akbar-ndmA^ 
Tol.  iii.  p.  429. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  437 

the  midst  of  Muzaffar's  division,  he  fled,  and  great  numbers  of 
his  men  were  taken  prisoners  or  killed.  The  Imperial  arms 
obtained  a  complete  victory.^  Mirzd  Khdn  returned,  and  came 
to  Ahmad&bad,  where  he  busied  himself  in  arranging  the  affairs 
of  the  army  and  the  peasantry.  He  left  Kalij  Khdn  and  *  * 
the  other  M&lwa  amirs  to  proceed  against  Broach.  For  seven 
months  he  remained  in  Ahmad&b&d,  and  at  the  end  of  that  time 
the  fort  of  Broach  was  captured.  Charkas  Rurai,  who  had 
deserted  Kutbu-d  din  Muhammad  Khdn  to  join  Muzaffar,  and 
was  appointed  by  him  cpmmandant  of  the  fortress  of  Broach,  was 
taken  in  the  fort,  and  executed.  Nasir,  who  was  also  an  officer, 
escaped,  though  half-dead. 

At  the  time  when  Mirz4  Kh&n  was  sent  to  Gujardt,  His 
Majesty  commanded  a  city  and  fort  to  be  built  at  Pay&g,  at  the 
confluence  of  the  Ganges  and  Jumna,  to  which  the  name  of 
lUahab^  was  given.  His  Majesty  went  there  by  boat  from 
-d^gra,  and  spent  four  months  there  pleasantly.  *  *  When  in- 
telligence of  the  killing  of  Kutbu-d  din  and  the  spread  of  the 
revolt  in  Gujar&t  arrived.  His  Majesty  started  for  i^gra  and 
Fathpur,  so  that  he  might  set  out  from  the  latter  place  to 
Gujar&t.  On  reaching  Et&wa,  intelligence  of  the  victory  arrived, 
and  so  he  stayed  at  Fathpur.  He  sent  farmdns  to  the  amirs 
in  Gujar&t.  To  Mirz&  Kh&n  he  gave  the  title  of  Khdn- 
kh&n&n,  a  horse,  a  robe,  a  jewelled  dagger,  and  the  banner  of 
6000*  {tUtman  tiigh).  On  me,  the  author,  he  bestowed  a  horse,  a 
robe,  and  increased  emoluments.  All  the  oflicers  received  marks 
of  his  &vour. 

After  his  second  defeat,  Muzafiar  Gujar&ti  retreated  by  way  of 
Champ&nir,  Birpur,'  and  Jli&lawar,*  to  the  country  of  Surath,^ 

^  Ab6-1  Fazl  places  the  scene  of  this  action  near  N&ndod,  south  of  the  Nerhadda. 
and  estimates  the  loss  of  the  enemy  at  2000  killed  and  600  prisoners.— ^Ar3ar-;tama» 
ToL  iii.  p.  430, 

'  Bad&6n(  (toI.  ii.  p.  336)  makes  this  clear  by  using  the  words  paiy  hazdrt, 

»  "  Bfrpdr  "  or  "  Virpur/'  fifty  miles  north-east  of  Ahmad&b&d  ? 

^  Jh&l&war  is  one  of  the  ten  pi-dnts  or  districts  of  £&thiw&r.  It  is  on  the  northern 
side.  ^  See  note  p.  350  tuprd. 

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438  NI2AMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

and  rested  at  the  town  of  Gondal,  twelve  kos^  from  the  fort  of 
Junagarh.  His  scattered  forces  gathered  round  him  from  all 
sides,  so  that  ho  mastered  nearly  three  thousand  horse  and  foot. 
He  gave  Sk  lac  of  Mahmudis  and  a  jewelled  dagger  to  Amin 
Kh&n  Ghori,  raler  of  Sdrath,  and  so  won  his  sapport.  He  gave 
a  similar  sum  to  J&m  Marsal,^  B&j&  of  Jh&lawar,  who  was  at  the 
head  of  a  body  of  troops  and  clansmen.  He  once  more  formed 
designs  against  Ahmad&b&d.  Amin  Kh&n,  being  cautious,  Bsii  to 
Muzaffar,  ''  Go  te  the  J  km,  and  take  him  along  with  you.  I  will 
attend  to  the  provisions  for  the  army,. and  will  follow  you.*' 
When  Muzaffar  went  to  the  Jim,  he  drew  back  and  said,  "You 
march  and  advance  against  Ahmadab&d :  I  will  follow."  On  the 
arrival  of  Muzaffar  at  Morbi^'  sixty  ko8  from  Ahmad&b&d,  and 
the  intelligence  of  his  advance  being  brought  to  Sh&n-kh&n&n, 
the  Kh&n  set  off  with  all  diligence  to  encounter  him.  When 
Muzaffar  reached  Param-g&m,  forty  ko8  from  Morbi,  and  neither 
the  Jiiti  nor  Amin  Kh4n  arrived,  he  returned  disheartened  and 
distracted  towards  the  mountains  of  Barda.^  Then  he  proceeded 
to  Jagat,  which  is  the  extreme  town  of  Surath,  and  well  known 
under  the  name  of  Dwirka.* 

The  Jkm  sent  his  vakils  to  Sh&n-khdn&n,  to  represent  that 
lie  was  friendly  to  the  Imperial  Government ;  that  he  had  taken 
money  from  Muzaffar^  but  had  not  joined  him,  and  that  he  was 
then  ready  to  conduct  the  army  to  the  place  where  Muzafiar  was 
staying.  Amin  Kh&n,  also,  through  the  introduction  of  Mir 
Tur&b,  sent  his  son  to  wait  upon  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and  assure  him 
of  his  good  wishes.  The  J&m^s  men  guided  Kh&n-kh&n&n  on  a 
rapid  march  into  the  mountains  of  Barda,  which  were  plundered 
and  ravaged.  A  vast  quantity  of  booty  was  obtained,  and  many 
men  were  killed  or  made  prisoners. 

*  North-east. 

*  Bad&fini'B  reading  (toI.  ii.  p.  359)  is  **  Sattaisld/'  which  looks  more  oorrect 

*  The  <*  Morri "  or  **  Morbi "  of  the  maps,  in  the  north  of  K&thiw&r,  on  the  route 
which  crosses  the  Ran. 

^  Barda  or  Jaitwar  is  a  prdnt  or  district  of  E&thlw&r.  It  is  bounded  on  the  west 
by  the  sea,  and  the  river  Bhfiidar  is  for  some  distance  its  southern  bonndar}*. — ^Thorn- 
ton, 8,v,  "  Barda,"  *  On  the  coast. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  439 

Muzaffar,  with  five  hundred  Mughal  horsemen,  and  five 
hundred  E&thiw&r  horsemen,  went  off  towards  Gujar&t,  and 
proceeded  to  a  place  called  Othaniya,  which  is  situated  between 
the  S&barmati  river  and  the  mountain  defiles,  and  was  held  by 
a  rebellious  Eol  named  Bh&i.  When  Eh&n-kh&n&n  went  away 
(into  the  mountains),  he  left  Medini  R&i,  Khojam  Bardi,  *  •  * 
and  others  in  charge  of  the  army  at  Had&la,  near  to  Danduka,^ 
on  the  high  road  to  Kambay.  He  also  left  Bay&n  Bah&dur  and 
*  *  *  with  a  division  at  Par&nti,*  four  hos  from  Othaniya. 

When  Muza&r  proceeded  to  Othaniya,  Saiyid  K&sim  B&rha 
came  from  Pattan  to  Blj&pur,'  which  is  thirty  koa  from  Othaniya; 
and  tlie  force  which  was  at  Had&la  came  and  joined  the  one  at 
Par&nti.  Muzaffar^  supported  by  the  Kols  and  Gr&ssias,  and  all 
the  disaffected  zaminddrs  of  the  vicinity,  gave  battle  to  the  force 
which  was  at  Par&nt(;  but  he  was  signally  defeated,  and  his 
elephant's  and  canopy  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  victors.  Many 
of  his  men  were  killed,  and  he  himself  escaped  barefoot  and 
half-dead. 

While  Eh&n-khfin&n  was  thus  engaged  in  the  mountains  of 
Barda,  it  became  known  that  the  J&m  was  not  acting  honestly. 
His  vakils  were  dismissed,  and  sent  back  to  him.  The  J&m  pre- 
pared to  oppose  us,  and  collected  an  army  of  twenty  thousand 
horse*  and  innumerable  infantry.  When  Khdn-kh&n&n  came 
to  within  seven  kos  of  him,  he  sent  an  envoy  to  make  his 
apologies,  and  he  also  sent  his  son  with  three  large  elephants  and 
eighteen  Arab  horses'  to  Kh&n-kh4n&n,  expressing  his  earnest 
desire  to  enter  into  a  treaty,  and  to  act  in  a  friendly  way. 
Eh&n-kh&n&n  then  returned  to  Ahmadab&d^  and  five  months 
afterwards  he  was  summoned  to  the  Imperial  Court,  whither  he 
proceeded  in  all  haste. 

Muzaffar  was  then  in  K&thiw&r,  and  was  greatly  aggrieved 

^  About  twenty  miles  N.£.  of  DandCika.         *  Thirty  miles  north  of  Ahmad&b&d. 

•  About  twenty  miles  N.W.  of  Par&nti. 

*  Badli(iui  (toI.  ii.  p.  360)  makes  the  number  only  «  8000  horse." 

'  *< Hones  of  Kach,  which  are  like  Arabs."— Bad&tlni,  toI  ii.  p.  360. 


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440  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

with  Amin  Kh&n  for  having  taken  hia  money,  and  not  haying 
given  him  any  help.  Supported  by  the  people  of  K&thiw&r  and 
the  zaminddrSy  he  collected  an  army,  and  marched  against  Amin 
Khdn,  who  took  shelter  in  the  fort  of  Amartali.  Intelligence  of 
this  was  brought  to  Kalij  Kh&n  and  me,  who  were  at  Ahmad&b&d. 
Kalij  Kh&n  remained  in  the  city,  and  I  went  oat  with  Saiyid 
K&sim  Kh&n  B&rha,  Medini  B&i  and  *  *  *,  and  marched  forward 
with  all  speed  to  Sdrath. 

When  I  reached  Had&la,  Muzaffar,  feeling  unable  to  contend 
with  me,  raised  the  siege  of  Amin  Kh&n,  and  went  off  towards 
Kach.  I  then  sent  Mir  Kalij  and  *  *  to  Amin  Khdn,  pro- 
posing that  we  should  in  concert  pursue  Muzaffar  into  K&thiw&r. 
I  pushed  forward  and  went  to  Morbi.  Muzaffar  fled  and  crossed 
the  Ban,  which  is  an  inlet  of  the  sea,  and  took  the  road  to 
Jessalmir.  In  some  places  the  breadth  of  the  water  of  the  Ran 
is  ten  ko8  and  twenty  kos.  He  went  into  the  country  which  they 
call  Kach,  on  the  other  side  of  this  water.  When  I  reached 
Morbi,  the  J&m  and  Amin  Kh&n  sent  their  sons  to  me,  and 
having  entered  into  engagements  with  me,  I  returned  towards 
Biram-g4m.^ 

Intelligence  now  arrived  of  the  departure  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n 
from  Court,  and  of  his  having  gone  to  the  neighbourhood  of 
Sirohi,  with  the  intention  of  taking  Sirohi  and  J&lor.  I,  in 
agreement  with  Saiyid  Kdsim  Kh&n,  proceeded  with  my  men  to 
join  him.  The  Baj4  of  Sirohi  came  to  see  Kh&n-khfin&n,  and 
paid  a  sum  of  money  as  tribute.  Ghazin  Klian,  of  J&lor,  also 
came  forward.  But  when  Kh&n-kh&n&n  was  on  his  way  to 
Court,  Ghazin  had  shown  some  rudeness  and  signs  of  disaffec- 
tion; he  was  therefore  imprisoned,  and  possession  was  taken  of 
the  fort  of  J&lor.  Kh&n-kh&n&n  went  and  took  up  his  residence 
at  Ahmad&b&d. 

To  return  to  home  affairs.  Twenty  days  after  Kh&n-kh&n&u 
arrived  at  Court,  intelligence  was  brought  of  the  death  of  Mirz& 
Muhammad  Hakim,  the  Emperor's  brother.  Orders  were  given 
^  Or  **  Viram-giLm,"  twenty-fiye  miles  east  of  Ahmod&b&d. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  441 

to  B&J&  Bhagwin  D&a  and  Eanwar  M&n  Singh,  the  governor 
of  the  Panjab,  to  go  and  take  possession  of  K&bul.  His  Majesty 
himself  proceeded  to  the  Panj&b. 

At  this  time  Mir  Murtaza  and  Ehad&wand  Eh&n,  ruler  of 
the  country  of  Bir&r  in  the  Dakhin,  marched  to  attack  Ahmad- 
nagar.^  They  were  defeated  in  battle  by  Sal&bat  Eh&u,  the 
vakil  of  Niz&mu-l  Mulk,  and  then  came  complaining  to  the 
Imperial  Court.  A  farmdn  was  sent  to  'Azam  Xh&n,  ruler  of 
M&Iwa,  directing  him  to  march  against  the  Dakhin,  and  subdue 
Bir&r.  Farmdns  were  also  sent  to  Mir  Murtaza,  Khud&wand 
Kh&n,  Tfrand&z  Kh&n,  and  other  men  of  the  Dakhin.  Many  of 
the  great  nobles,  such  as  'Abdu-1  Matlab  Kh&n,  ♦  *  R&i  Durga,* 
B&J&  Askaran,'  *  *  and  many  others,  too  numerous  to  mention, 
were  sent  with  artillery,  three  hundred  elephants,  and  the  army 
of  M&Iwa  on  this  expedition.  Mir  Fathu-lla,  who  had  received 
the  title  of  'Azdu-d  daula,  was  sent  to  make  arrangements  in 
the  Dakhin.  Ehw&jagi  Fathu-lla  was  appointed  bakhshiy  and 
Mukht&r  Beg  diwdn  of  this  army. 

This  force  concentrated  at  Hindia,^  on  the  borders  of  the 
Dakhin.  *Azam  Kh&n  had  a  feud  with  Shah&bu-d  din  Ahmad 
Khan,  then  ruler  of  Ujjain,  because  he  suspected  Shah&bu-d  din 
of  having  instigated  the  murder  of  his  father.  ^Azdu-d  daula 
endeavoured  to  assuage  his  animosity ;  but  'Azam  Kh&n  was  a 
passionate  man,  and  insulted  both  Shah&bu-d  din  and  'Azdu-d 
dauia.  For  six  months  the  force  remained  inactive  at  Hindia, 
and  at  length  matters  reached  such  a  pitch  that  Shah&bu-d  din, 
being  offended  with  'Azam  Kh&n,  went  off  to  hia  j'dffir  of  R&isin. 
'Azam  Kh&n  marched  to  attack  him,  and  a  dire  calamity  was 
upon  the  point  of  &IIing  upon  the  royal  army;  but  'Azdu-d 
daula  managed  to  effect  a  reconciliation. 

When  B&J&  '^Ali  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  Asir  and  Burh&npur,  saw 
these  dissensions  in  the  Imperial  army,  he  gathered  his  forces 

1  *<  The  capital  of  Niz&ma4  Mulk."— Bad&6ni,  toI.  ii.  p.  343. 

*  See  Bloohmann's  Ain-i  Akbart,  toI.  i.  p.  417.  '  19.  p.  458. 

*  On  the  south  bank  of  the  Nerbadda,  Lat.  77. 

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442  NIZAMU-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

and  marched  against  'Azdu-d  daula.  On  his  approach,  'Azdu-d 
daula  went  to  him,  and  sought  to  win  him  over;  but  he  did 
not  succeed,  so  he  retreated  to  Gujarat  to  strengthen  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n. 

The  above-named  ('Azam  Kh&n)  went  towards  Birir,  and 
plundered  Elichpur ;  but  not  being  able  to  maintain  his  gronnd, 
proceeded  toward^  Nandurb&r.^  The  Dakhinis  followed  march 
by  march,  and  'Azam  £h&n,  notwithstanding  his  great  strength, 
fell  back  before  them,,  till  he  reached  Nandurb&r.  He  wrote 
letters  to  Kh&n-kh&n&n  at  Ahmad&b&d,  calling  for  assistance, 
and  Kh&n-kh&n&n  sent  me  and  a  number  of  amirs^  such  as  *  *, 
on  in  advance,  and  declared  his  own  intention  of  following. 
When  I  arrived  at  Mahmud&b&d,  'Azam  Kh&n  left  his  army 
at  Nandurb&r,  and  proceeded  with  a  few  attendants  to  Ahinad- 
&b&d.  Sh&n-kh&n&n  came  out  quickly  from  Ahmad4b&d  to 
receive  him,  and  they  met  at  the  place  where  I  was  resting,  and 
then  returned  to  Ahmad&b&d.  'Azam  Khin's  sister  was  wife  of 
Kh&n-kh&n&n,  so  he  went  to  see  her,  and  the  two  Kh&ns  re- 
solved to  proceed  afterwards  against  the  Dakhinis. 

I  and  my  associates  marched  against  the  rebels  to  Baroda, 
and  Kh&n-kh&n&n  and  'Azam  Kh&n  followed  me ;  but  the  latter 
went  on  quickly,  in  order  to  get  the  army  at  Kandurbar  ready. 
Eh&n-kh&n&n  wrote  to  me,  directing  me  to  wait  at  Baroda  till 
he  arrived.  When  the  Kh&n  arrived,  he  proceeded  with  the 
army  to  Broach,  and  on  reaching  that  place  he  received  letters 
from  'Azam  Kh&n,  in  which  he  said,  that  as  the  rainy  season  had 
begun,  operations  must  be  postponed  to  the  following  year,  and 
then  they  would  proceed  together  against  the  Dakhin.  'Azam 
Kh&n  returned  to  M&lwa,  B&j&  'Ali  Kh&n  went  with  the 
Dakhinis  to  their  homes,  and  Kh&n-kh&n&n  returned  to  Ahmad- 
&b&d,  where  he  occupied  himself  in  matters  of  administration  for 
five  months. 

Intelligence  arrived  that  the  Emperor  was  marching  towards 

^  £lichp(ir  iB  VD  Bir&r,  and  Nandurb&r  in  K&ndesb,  about  200  miles  due  west  of 
tUe  former. 


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TABAKAT-I  AOARf.  443 

E&bul,  and  had  arrived  at  Atak-Ban&ras,^  intent  upon  effecting 
the  conquest  of  Badakhsh&n.  Kh&n-kh&n&u  wrote  a  letter  solicit- 
ing  the  honour  of  being  allowed  to  serve  under  him,  and  the 
Emperor  sent  a  farmdn^  summoning  him  to  his  presence.  Kalij 
Khan,  Naurang  Khdn,  and  myself  were  confirmed  in  our  com- 
mands in  Gujar&t.  Kh&n-kh&n&n  and  'Azdu-d  daula,  who  had 
come  up  from  '  Azam  Eh&n,  went  off  to  join  the  Emperor.^ 

Just  as  Eh&n-kh&n&Q  started,  the  news  was  brought  in  that 
the  men  of  Xhang&r,'  as  allies  of  Muzaffar  Gujar&ti,  had  attacked 
and  killed  B&i  Singh,  the  zaminddr  of  Jh&I&war.  This  Hil 
Singh  was  son  of  B&i  Man,  E&ja  of  Jh&l&war;  and  when  he 
succeeded  his  father,  he  attacked  the  neighbouring  zaminddrs, 
sucli  as  the  J&m,  Ehang&r,  and  others,  and  subdued  them.  His 
name  is  celebrated  in  song  and  story,  in  the  towns  of  Gujar&t, 
for  the  courage  he  displayed,  and  he  had  a  great  renown. 

A  feud  arose  between  B&yat  and  S&yat,  the  nephews  of  the 
chief  of  Khangdr,  and  severe  fighting  occurred,  in  which  S4yat 
was  killed,  and  many  men  on  both  sides  perished.  B&i  Singh 
also  was  wounded,  and  was  lefl  upon  the  field.  Next  day  some 
jogia  found  him,  tended  him,  cured  him,  and  carried  him  with 
them  to  Bengal.  He  passed  two  years  with  them  in  the  guise  of 
2kjogi.  When  Kh&n-kh&n&n  marched  against  Muzaffar  Gujar&ti, 
he  came  to  the  Ehin,  and  told  him  his  story.  The  Kh&n  sent 
him  to  Jh41&war  to  be  recognized  by  his  people.  He  related 
the  facts  to  them,  and  adduced  his  proofs,  on  which  they 
acknowledged  him^  and  reinstated  him.  He  attacked  the  people 
of  K&thiw&r,  and  plundered  several  of  the  tribes,  and  he  also  began 
to  assail  the  country  of  the  J&m  and  of  Ehangar.    He  mastered 

1  « Which  u  also  caUed  Atak-katak."— Bad&dnr,  toI.  ii.  p.  362.  It  has  been 
shown  in  page  386  suprd^  that  Atak  and  Katak  are  alike  distinguished  by  the  addition 
of  "  Ban&ras.'* 

^  Bad&dni  here  closes  his  account  of  the  campaign  in  Gujar&t  with  these  words : 
'*  Daring  the  absence  of  Eh&n-kh&n&n,  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad  rendered  excellent  and 
acceptable  services  in  Gnjar&t,  which  he  himself  has  fully  described  in  his  Tdrikh-i  - 
JVtsdmf."— Badlitol,  yol.  ii.  p.  362. 

>  £hang&r,  E&o  of  Kach,  chief  of  the  Jh&reja  tribe. — ^Thornton,  toI.  ii.  p.  48. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


444  NIZAMU-D  DTN  AHMAD. 

and  took  possession  of  the  town  of  Halwad,^  one  of  the  de- 
pendencies of  Jh&l&war.  The  people  of  that  neighboarhood, 
who  had  long  been  at  enmity  with  him,  assembled  in  force  to 
attack  him.  The  intelligence  of  their  rising  was  brought  to  him 
while  he  was  in  the  chaugdn  ground.  He  immediately  started  to 
meet  them,  and  came  up  to  them  in  a  moonlight  night.  They 
sent  a  person  to  him  to  say  that  if  he  were  really  R&i  Singh  he 
would  not  attack  them  by  night.  He  magnanimously  assented 
to  their  wish,  and  rested  where  he  was,  and  went  to  sleep.  His 
opponents  here  found  their  opportunity,  and  encouraging  their 
followers  they  drew  near  to  him,  and  when  morning  broke  their 
whole  party  fell  upon  him.  He  and  eighty  men  that  were  with 
him  fought  on  foot,  and  he  was  killed. 

When  Muzaffar  Gujarfiti  heard  of  the  departure  of  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n  with  his  troops  and  family,  he  came  to  Amarun,'  where 
the  tomb  of  Malik  D&waru-l  Mulk  is,  and  laid  the  foundations 
of  an  army.  Kalij  Eh&n  remained  to  guard  Ahmad&b&d,  and  I 
with  Saiyid  Kasim  and  *  *  went  to  disperse  the  insurgents  who 
had  killed  B&i  Singh.  When  I  reached  Halwad,  I  sent  a  de- 
tachment to  ravage  the  villages  in  the  pargana  of  M&lia,'  which 
belongs  to  Khang&r;  and  I  sent  another  detachment,  under 
Medini  B&(,  to  Amarun,  against  Muzaffar.  Upon  their  ap- 
proaching that  place,  Muzaffar  went  off  to  E&thiw4r  and  hid 
himself.  The  J&m  sent  his  son  to  me  to  make  excuses  for  his 
cruel  treatment  of  Rai  Singh,  and  Ehang&r  also  sent  his  agents 
to  renew  his  promises  of  loyalty.  I  then  returned  to  Ahfnad&b&d. 
After  my  arrival  there  Ealij  Kh&n  started  for  Surat,  and  en- 
camped outside  the  city. 

It  then  occurred  to  Muzaffar  that  after  the  departure  of  the 
army  and  the  return  of  each  man  to  his  jdgir^  he  would  make  a 
dash  upon  Dulaka  and  Kambay,  as  he  might  thus  be  able  to 
raise  a  force  before  the  return  of  the  Imperial  army.  So  he 
advanced  rapidly  upon  Dulaka  at  the  head  of  two  thousand 

1  In  the  north  of  E&thiw&r,  near  the  Ran. 

>  Or  <<  AmbarQn.'*  >  Near  tiie  edge  of  the  Ran. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARr.  445 

horsemen,  K&this  and  Jh&rejas.  On  receiving  letters  from 
Medini  Eai,  who  was  at  Dulaka,  I  instantly  took  horse  and 
started  thither.  As  I  was  resting  till  evening  at  Sarkaj,^  Kalij 
'Khkn  came  in  and  joined  me  with  all  the  chief  nobles  and  men 
of  the  city.  Next  morning  we  arrived  at  Dulaka,  but  then 
Muzafiar  was  four  kos  away.  For  when  his  scouts  informed  him 
that  the  army  of  Ahmaddb&d  was  approaching,  he  fell  back  to 
Morbi. 

The  Imperial  army  occupied  Ddlaka,  and  at  night  Kalij  Eh&n 
returned  to  Ahmad&b&d.  I  and  my  companions  followed  Mu- 
zaffar.  One  night  and  the  next  day  we  travelled  forty-five  kos. 
On  reaching  Biram-g&m,  we  heard  that  Muzafiar  had  gone  to 
the  village  of  Akh&r,  which  was  four  kos  ofi*,  and  had  there  shut 
up  Saiyid  Mustafa,  son  of  Saiyid  Jal&I,  who  happened  to  be 
there  with  his  family.  Night  had  come  on,  and  we  were  unable 
to  proceed  farther.  So  I  sent  twenty  horsemen,  with  a  pair  of 
kettle-drums,  directing  them  to  go  about  a  koa  from  the  village, 
and  beat  them,  that  Muzafiar  might  suppose  our  army  to  be  near 
and  give  up  the  siege.  By  God's  help  my  stratagem  succeeded, 
the  beleaguered  people  were  released,  and  Muzafiar  went  ofi*  to  the 
Ban  and  Kach.  In  the  morning  I  mounted  and  hastened  off*  in 
pursuit.  I  went  as  far  as  the  Ban ;  then  leaving  an  outpost  in 
the  village  of  Jhajusa,'  near  the  water,  I  returned  to  Ahmad&b&d. 

Four  months  afterwards,  the  zaminddra  of  Kach  collected  a 
force  of  nearly  a  thousand  horse  and  ten  thousand  foot,  under 
the  command  of  Jas&  and  Baj&m,  nephews  of  Khang&r.  They 
proceeded  to  the  village  of  E&dhanpur,'  one  of  the  dependencies 
of  Pattan,  and  laid  siege  to  the  fort.  When  intelligence  of  this 
arrived  at  Ahmadab&d,  I  and  *  •  went  off"  to  relieve  the  place. 
On  hearing  of  our  approach,  the  enemy  took  flight,  passed  over 
the  Ban,  and  went  into  their  own  country. 

It  was  necessary  to  put  an  end  to  these  proceedings,  so  I 
crossed  over  the  Ban  into  Kach  at  a  place  where  the  water  was 

1  Opposite  Ahmad&b&d.  '  Doubtful. 

'  A  town  sixty  milea  west  of  Pattan. 


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446  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

not  more  than  three  kos  wide,  and  set  to  work  plundering  and 
destroying.  We  burnt  and  destroyed  the  towns  of  Kari  and 
Eat&ri&,  two  places  well  known  in  £ach.  We  realized  an 
enormous  booty,  and  after  plundering  and  destroying  nearly 
three  hundred  Tillages  in  the  course  of  three  days,  we  re-crossed 
the  Ban  opposite  M&lia  and  Morbi.  Here  the  Ban  was  twelve 
ko8  wide,  and  we  were  engaged  from  dawn  till  eve  in  the  passage. 
The  water  was  up  to  a  man's  navel.  After  crossing  we  ravaged 
and  destroyed  the  parganaa  of  M&Iia  and  Morbi,  which  belonged 
to  Khang&r. 

We  remained  at  Morbi  three  days.  Here  I  wrote  to  Ehangar, 
telling  him  how  I  had  been  informed  that  the  hostile  proceedings 
were  the  work  of  Jas&  and  Baj&in,  and  had  not  been  sanctioned 
by  him.  I  had  therefore  inflicted  a  little  punishment.  Had  it 
been  otherwise,  I  would  have  attacked  Bhuj,  his  residence.  If  he 
did  not  henceforth  act  loyally,  he  would  see  what  would  happen. 
Khang&r  sent  his  vak(h  to  me  with  his  apologies.  Aft^r  this  a 
barrier  was  raised  (against  inroads). 

In  the  year  995  the  younger  son  of  Amfn  Kh&n  rebelled 
against  him,  and  went  to  MuzaSar,  and  brought  him  against  his 
father.  When  I  heard  this,  I  went  with  *  *  against  Muzaffar, 
to  repress  this  outbreak.  On  arriving  at  B&jkot,^  80  koa  from 
Ahmad&bad,  and  thirty  from  Junagarh,  Muzatfar  made  off  to- 
wards the  Ban.  Sidi  Bihan,  vakil  of  Amin  Eh&n,  and  a  pro- 
moter of  the  strife,  with  Nokin  Gohil,  and  other  zaminddrs^  and 
Bir  Kh&n  Singh,  Malik  Bajan,  and  others  of  the  chief  men  of 
those  parts,  nearly  five  hundred  horsemen,  separated  from  the 
insurgents,  and  came  in  to  make  peace.  I  treated  them  hospit- 
ably, and  held  out  to  them  expectations  of  royal  &vour.  The 
J&m  and  Amin  Kh&n  also  sent  their  sons  to  me,  and  renewed 
their  professions  of  loyalty. 

After  returning  to  Ahmad&b&d,  I  turned  my  thoughts  to  the 
repression  of  the  Gr&ssias.  In  the  course  of  two  months  I  fitted 
out  an  army,  and  then  marched  towards  Othaniya  and  Ahmad- 
1  Near  the  centre  of  E&tMw&r. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  447 

nagar.  I  attacked  and  laid  waste  nearly  fifty  villages  of  the 
Kolis  and  Gr&ssias,  and  I  built  forts  in  seven  different  places  to 
keep  these  people  in  check.  Falling  back  with  mj  forces,  I  went 
to  W&k&nird  and  Sam&l,^  to  put  down  the  mutinous  proceedings 
of  the  Grassias.  Having  put  Ohait  B&wat  to  death,  I  removed 
Karmf  Koli,  Kishna  Koli,  and  Lakha  R&jput,  who  were  the 
principal  Gr&ssias  of  those  parts,  and  left  forts  and  garrisons  in 
their  places. 

In  the  year  996  the  Emperor  gave  Gujar4t  to  ""Azam  Khdn, 
and  recalled  me  to  Court.  By  rapid  stages  I  reached  the  Im- 
perial Court  at  Lahore  in  fourteen  days,  and  was  most  graciously 
received. 

The  intelligence  of  the  successes  in  Gujar&t  reached  the 
Emperor  as  he  was  travelling.  He  returned  thanks  to  God 
for  his  success,  and  continued  his  journey  in  great  joy.  At  this 
time  Zain  Ehan  Eoka,  B&j&  B&m  Chandar  B&j&  of  Bittiah,  a 
man  of  high  repute  among  the  B&j&s  of  Hindust&n,  who  had 
never  before  acknowledged  allegiance  to  the  Sult&ns  of  Hin^ 
dust&n,  now  expressed  his  desire  of  doing  so,  and  came  to  wait 
upon  the  Emperor  at  Fathpur.  He  was  graciously  received. 
He  presented  as  his  tribute  one  hundred  and  twenty  elephants, 
and  a  fine  ruby,  valued  at  fifty  thousand  rupees. 

Thirtieth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  thirtieth  year  of  the  reign  and  the  Nauroz-i  Sultdni^ 
or  New  Year's  Day  of  the  Il&hi  era,  now  arrived.  [^Rejoicings.'} 
Letters  arrived  from  Mirz&  Muhammad  Hakim,  relating  that 
'Abdu-IIa  Eh&n  Uzbek  had  obtained  possession  of  Badakhshan, 
and  that  Mirz&  Shah  Rukh  and  Mirz&  Sulaim&n  were  coming 
to  Hindiist&n.  [Mirzd  Shah  Rukh  crosses  the  Indus  and  meets 
with  a  gracious  reception  from  the  Emperor  in  993  h.  Marriage 
of  Prince  Salim  with  the  daughter  of  Rdjd  Bhagwdn  Dds.  Oreat 
ceremony  and  rejoicing,'] 

^  W&k&ofra  or  W&nkiLiilr  is  on  tho  Watrak  ri?er,  fifty  miles  N.E.  of  Ahmad&b&d. 


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448  KIZAMU-D  Dm  AHMAD. 

Thirty-first  year  of  the  JReign. 

The  NauroZ'i  Sulidni  of  the  thirty-first  year  of  the  reign  and 
the  first  year  of  the  second  karn  of  the  reign  fell  npon  Thnrsday, 
19th  Babi  u-I  awwal,  993  h.  (11th  March,  1585).  ITAe  tssual 
rejoicings.'] 

At  the  beginning  of  this  year  Mir  Murtaza  and  Khudawand 
£h&n,  amira  of  the  Dakhin,  came  to  the  Imperial  Court.  Their 
affairs  have  been  already  noticed  in  describing  the  occurrences  in 
Gujar&t.  When  they  were  defeated  by  Sal&bat  Kh&n,  and  came 
to  Burhdnpur,  BA]k  'AH  Kh&n,  the  governor  of  that  place,  took 
their  elephants  from  them,  and  he  sent  150  of  them  in  chaise  of 
his  son  to  the  Emperor.  The  Dakhini  amira  were  received^  and 
presented  their  tribute  on  New  Year's  Day. 

Mir  Fathu-lla  Shir&zi,  who  had  the  title  of  'Azdu-d  daula, 
was  now  created  chief  Sadr  of  Hindust&n,  and  received  at  the 
same  time  a  horse,  a  robe,  and  five  thousand  rupees. 

Letters  arrived  from  K&bul,  stating  that  *  *  Mirzd  Sulaim&n, 
with  the  assistance  of  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim,  had  returned  to 
Badakhsh&n,  and  obtained  a  victory  over  the  army  of  'Abda-Ua 
Kh&n  Uzbek.  *  *  *  Letters  now  arrived  from  Atak-Ban&ras, 
from  Kunwar  Man  Singh  and  Khw&ja  Shamsu-din  Muhammad, 
with  the  information  that  Mirzd  Muhammad  Hakim  was  very 
ill.  That  Faridun  had  started  with  a  caravan  from  Pesh&war  to 
K&bul,  but  had  been  defeated  by  Afgh&ns  in  the  Shaibar  Pass, 
and  compelled  to  retreat  to  Pesh&war.  That  a  fire  had  broken 
out  in  the  fort  of  Pesh&war,  and  that  a  thousand  camel-loads  of 
merchandize  had  been  consumed.  That  through  this  disaster 
Faridun  had  got  free,  and  had  gone  by  another  road  to  K&bul, 
and  that  seventy  men  .had  perished  ou  the  journey  from 
thirst. 

'Abdu-Ua  Kh&n  of  Badakhsh&n,  when  he  was  informed  of 
Mirz4  Sulaim&n's  success,  gathered  a  strong  force,  which  he  sent 
to  oppose  him.  Mirzd  Sulaiman,  unable  to  cope  with  this  army, 
retreated  to  K&bul,  and  all  Badakhsh&n  came  into  the  power  of 
the  Uzbeks. 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TABAKAT-I  AKBAEI.  449 

Intelligenoe  now  reached  the  Emperor  of  the  death  of  Mirz& 
Mahammad  Hakim.  The  Mirza  was  the  Emperor's  own  brother, 
but  the  Emperor  had  shown  him  kindness  and  affection  greater 
than  even  that  of  a  brother.  For  the  Mirz&  had  often  been 
presumptuous  and  aggressive,  and  the  Emperor  had  not  only 
pardoned  him  and  showed  him  favour,  but  had  sent  amirs  and 
armies  to  maintain  him  in  K&bul.  He  was  greatly  addicted  to 
wine,  and  excessive  drinking  was  the  cause  of  his  illness  and 
death.  He  died  on  the  12th  Sha'b&n,  993.  When  the  news 
of  his  death  reached  the  Emperor,  he  was  much  grieved ;  and 
after  the  period  of  mourning  was  over,  his  purpose  was  to  confirm 
the  country  of  K&bul  to  the  sons  of  the  Mirzd.  But  the  nobles 
urged  that  the  Mirz&'s  sons  were  of  tender  age,  and  incapable 
of  ruling ;  and  that  the  Uzbek  army  which  had  already  taken 
Badakhsh&n  was  on  the  look  out  for  K&bul  also.  These  con- 
siderations induced  the  Emperor  to  march  to  the  Panj&b,  and 
he  began  his  march  on  the  10th  Bamaz&n.  *  *  * 

The  Emperor  travelled  on  by  successive  stages  without  making 
any  halt  to  Dehli.  There. he  visited  the  tomb  of  his  father  and 
the  shrines  of  the  saints,  and  dispensed  his  charity  upon  the 
poor,  and  celebrated  the  'Td,  On  the  19th  Shaww&l  he  reached 
the  banks  of  the  Sutlej  and  encamped.  There  he  was  informed 
that  Eunwar  M&n  Singh  had  sent  a  body  of  men  across  the  Indus 
to  Pesh&war,  and  that  Sh&h  Beg^  the  officer  of  Mirzd  Mu- 
hammad Hakim,  had  fled  to  Kabul. 

S&dik  Eh&n  was  sent  from  Lahore  to  take  charge  of  the 
Government  of  Bhakar.  On  the  17th  ZI-1  ka'da  the  Emperor  en- 
camped by  the  side  of  the  Chin&b ;  *  *  *  and  on  the  28th  he 
reached  and  crossed  the  Behut  (Beyah).  Here  he  received  a 
despatch  from  Kunwar  M&n  Singh,  reporting  that  the  people  of 
K&bul  had  willingly  submitted  to  the  Imperial  rule.  Muhammad 
'AH  Ehaz&nchi,  who  had  been  sent  to  E&bul,  returned  and  re- 
ported that  when  Muhammad  Hakim  Mirzd  died,  his  sons  ^  were 

1  Their  names  were  "  Kaikdb&d  and  Afr&siyCib."— Bad&6ni,  toL  ii.  p.  348.  The 
former  was  fourteen,  and  the  latter  nine  years  of  age.—Akbar-ndma. 

VOL,  T.  29 


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450  NIZAMTT-D  DrN  AHMAD. 

SO  young  and  incapable,  that  the  direction  of  affairs  at  K&bul  was 
in  the  hands  of  the  nobles,  who  were  &yoarabIe  to  the  claims  of 
the  Emperor.  Moreover,  Farid6n  Kh&n,  the  uncle  of  the  late 
Mirz&,  when  Eunwar  M&n  Singh  entered  K&bul  in  hot  haste, 
finding  that  he  was  helpless,  brought  the  young  princes  to  wait 
upon  the  Kunwar.  They  were  received  with  great  kindness  and 
assurances  of  protection.  Kunwar  M&n  Singh  left  his  own  sons 
in  E&bul  in  the  charge  of  Shamsu-d  din  Khafi,  and  set  off  with 
the  young  princes  and  the  nobles  of  K&bul  to  meet  the  Emperor. 
On  the  25th  Zi*l  hijja  the  Eunwar  brought  the  princes  and  the 
E&bul  nobles  into  the  presence  of  the  Emperor  at  the  town  of 
Bdwal-pindi,  which  is  situated  between  Boht&s  and  Atak.  They 
were  received  with  princely  generosity.  Each  of  the  chief  at- 
tendants received  five  thousand  or  six  thousand  rupees  as  a  gift. 
Suitable  allowances  dkui  jdgirs  were  also  granted. 

When  the  Emperor  reached  Atak,  he  sent  Bhagw&n  D&s,  Shfih 
Kuli  Mahram,  and  other  well-known  amirSy  with  about  5000 
horse,  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Kashmir.  On  the  same  day 
Isma'il  Kuli  Kh&n  and  Rai  Singh  were  sent  against  the 
Biluchis.  Next  day  Zain  Kh&u  Koka  was  sent  with  a  force 
against  the  Afgh&ns  of  Sw&d  (Sw&t)  and  Bajaur,  to  reduce  that 
turbulent  people  to  order.  The  Emperor  encamped  at  Atak  on 
the  15th  Muharram,  994. 

In  former  times  ^  a  Hinddstani  soldier  had  come  among  the 
Afgh&ns,  and  set  up  an  heretical  sect.'  He  induced  many  foolish 
people  to  become  his  disciples,  and  he  gave  himself  the  title 
of  Pir  Roshandi.^  He  was  dead,  but  his  son  Jal&la,  a  youth  of 
about  fourteen,  came,  in  the  year  989  h.,  to  wait  upon  the  Em- 
peror, as  he  was  returning  from  K&bul.  He  was  kindly  received ; 
but  after  a  few  days  his  evil  disposition  induced  him  to  take 
flight,  and  go  off  to  the  Afgh&ns.  There  he  raised  disturbances ; 
and  gathering  a  good  number  of  men  around  him,  he  shut  up  the 

*  "  Twenty-fivo  years  before  this  time." — Bad&(iiii,  yoI.  ii.  p.  349. 
a  "Mazhab-i  zandaka  wa  ilhdd:* 

3  He  wrote  a  book  called  Khairu-l  haydn^  in  whicli  he  expounded  his  heretkftl 
tenets. — Bad^iinf,  vol.  ii.  p.  349. 


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TABAKAT.I  AKBARr.  451 

roads  between  Hindust&n  and  E&bul.  In  order  to  repress  this 
base  sect  of  Ita8?iandi8,  whose  baseness  will  be  hereafter  described, 
His  Majesty  placed  Knnwar  M&n  Singh  in  command,  and  gave 
him  E&bul  mjdgir. 

When  intelligence  arrived  of  Zain  Eh&n  Eoka  having  entered 
the  country  of  Sw&t,  and  of  his  having  encountered  this  sect  of 
Afgh&ns,  who  were  as  numerous  as  ants  and  locusts,  on  the  2nd 
Safar,  994  h.,  Saiyid  Kh&n  Gakhar,  E&j&  Birbal,  and  ♦  *  ♦ 
were  sent  with  forces  to  support  him.  A  few  days  later  Hakim 
Abu-1  Fath  wa&  sent  after  them  with  additional  forces.  After 
these  reinforcements  had  joined,  Zain  Kh&n  began  ta  plunder 
and  ravage  the  Afgh&ns,  and  great  spoil  fell  into  his  hands. 
When  they  reached  the  pass  of  Kar&gar,  a  person  observed  to 
Rkj&  Birbal  that  the  Afgh&ns  meditated  a  night  attack  on  that 
night,  that  the  extent  of  the  mountain  and  of  the  pass  was  only 
three  or  four  ko8y  and  that  if  they  got  through  the  pass,  they 
would  be  safe  from  the  attack  designed.  It4j&  Birbal,^  without 
making  any  communication  to  Zain  Ehan,  pushed  on  to  get 
through  the  pass,  and  all  his  army  followed.  At  close  of  day, 
when  the  sun  was  about  to  set,  they  reached  a  defile,  the  heights 
of  which  on  every  side  were  covered  with  Afghdns.  Arrows  and 
stones  were  showered  down  upon  the  troops  in  the  narrow  pass, 
and  in  the  darkness  and  in  the  narrow  defile  men  lost  their  path, 
and  perished  in  recesses  of  the  mountain.  A  terrible  defeat  and 
slaughter  followed.  Nearly  eight  thousand  men  were  killed,  and 
K&J&  Birbal,  who  fled  for  his  life,  was  slaiu.'  R&j&  Dharm 
Singh,  Khw&ja  ^Arab,  hakhshi  of  the  army,  and  *  ♦  *  were  all 
killed.  On  the  5th  Rabi'u-1  awwal  Zain  Khdn  Koka  and  Hakim 
Abu-1  Fath  were  defeated,  and  reached  the  fort  of  Atak  with 
difiiculty. 

This  defeat  greatly  troubled  the  Emperor.  He  dismissed 
these  commanders,  and  sent  Bdja  Todar  Mai  with  a  large  army 

^  **Iii  his  reckless  headstrong  conceit,"  says  Bad&(inl  (vol.  ii.  p.  350),  who  seldom 
misses  an  opportunity  of  venting  his  spleen  upon  a  Hindu. 

'  Many  reports  of  his  having  escaped  were  afterwards  current,  but  they  all  proved 
to  be  false. — Bad&CinC,  vol.  ii.  p.  357. 


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452  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

to  repair  the  disaster.  The  B&j&  entered  the  mountain  region 
with  great  caution.  Here  and  there  he  built  forts,  and  harried 
and  plundered  continually,  so  that  he  reduced  the  Afgh&ns  to 
great  straits.  B&j&  M&n  Singh,  who  had  marched  against  these 
sectaries,  fought  a  hard  battle  with  them  in  the  Khaibar  Pass,  in 
which  many  of  them  were  slain  and  made  prisoners.  The  R&j& 
obtained  a  great  victory. 

News  now  arrived  that  Mir  Euraish  was  coming  to  Court  ais 
an  ambassador  from  'Abdu-Ua  Kh&n  Uzbek,  King  of  M&war&u-n 
nahr,  bringing  presents.  Nazar  Be,^  who  was  one  of  the  great 
nobles  of  'Abdu-lla  Kh&n,  being  offended  with  the  Eh&n,  was 
also  coming  with  his  three  sons,  Kabz  Be,  Shddi  Be,  and  B&ki 
Be,  all  of  whom  had  attained  the  rank  of  nobles.  The  Emperor 
sent  Shaikh  Farid  Bakhshi  and  Ahmad  Beg  K&buli,  with  a  party 
of  ahadisy  to  meet  the  caravan  and  bring  it  through  the  Ehaibar 
Pass.  This  armed  party,  with  the  help  of  Kunwar  M&n  Singh, 
brought  the  caravan  through  the  pass,  having  beaten  the  black 
sectaries  who  attempted  to  block  the  road,  and  killed  many  of 
them. 

Thirty-second  year  of  the  Reign. 

On  the  11th  Eabi'u-1  4khir,  995  (11th  March,  1587  a,d.), 
when  the  sun  passed  from  Pisces  to  Aries,  the  Nauroz-%  Sultdni 
was  celebrated  at  the  fort  of  Atak,  and  Kunwar  M&n  Singh 
came  to  the  feast. 

When  Mirzd  Sh&h  Bukh,  B&j&  Bhagw&n  D&s,  and  Sh&h  Kuli 
Kh&n  Mahram  reached  the  pass  of  Bhuliy&s,'  on  the  confines  of 
Kashmir,  Yusuf  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  that  country,  came  up  and 
blockaded  the  pass.  The  Imperial  forces  remained  for  some  days 
inactive,  snow  and  rain  came  on,  and  the  supplies  of  com  were 
cut  off.  Moreover,  the  news  of  the  defeat  of  Zain  Kh&n  arrived, 
and  the  army  was  in  great  difficulty.  The  amirs  resolved  to 
make  peace.    They  settled  a  tribute  to  be  paid  by  saffron,  shawls, 

»  "  An  Uzbek,  and  ruler  of  Balkh."— Bad&dnS,  vol.  il  p.  351. 
»  «Phtflb&8."— Bad&iini,  vol.  ii.  p.  352. 

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TABAEAT-I  AKBABT.  463 

and  by  the  mint  to  the  royal  treasury,  and  they  appointed  col- 
lectors.^ Yusuf  was  delighted  with  these  terms,  and  came  to 
visit  the  amirs^  and  they  brought  him  along  with  them  to  see  the 
Emperor.  When  they  came  to  Court,  the  Emperor  disapproved 
of  the  peace,  and  the  amirs  were  forbidden  his  presence ;  but  after 
some  days  they  were  allowed  to  make  their  obeisances. 

About  this  time  the  ambassador  of '  Abdu-lla  Khiin  with  Nazar 
Be  and  his  sons  arrived,  and  had  an  interview.  Isma'il  Euli 
Kh&n  and  E&i  Singh  also  arrived,  bringing  with  them  the  chief 
men  and  leaders  of  the  Biluchis.  A  sum  of  four  lacs  of  tankas, 
equal  to  five  hundred  tdrndna  of  'Ir&k,  was  presented  as  a  gift  to 
Nazar  Be  and  his  sons.  After  the  feast  of  the  Nauroz  was  over, 
Eunwar  M&n  Singh  was  ordered  to  go  to  the  support  of  Il&j& 
Todar  Mai,  who  had  been  sent  against  the  Yusufz&i  Afgh&ns 
and  others.  When  the  Emperor  had  settled  the  course  to  be 
pursued  with  the  Afgh&ns,  and  the  affairs  of  Atak  and  E&bul, 
he  resolved  to  return  to  Lahore,  and  started  on  the  24th  Babi'u-s 
sani.  Hunting  and  amusing  himself  as  he  went,  he  arrived  at 
Lahore  on  the  18th  Jum&da-s  s&n(.' 

When  Kunwar  M&n  Singh  was  appointed  to  the  government  of 
E&bul,  Isma'il  Eull  Eh&n  was  sent  from  the  river  Behut  (Beyah) 
in  command  of  a  strong  force  against  the  Yusufz&i  and  other 
Afghans.  An  Imperial  order  was  issued  to  Kunwar  M&n  Singh, 
that  when  Isma'il  Euli  arrived,  the  Eunwar  was  to  go  on  to 
E&bul.  Saiyid  Bukh&ri  also  was  appointed  to  support  Isma'il 
Eull,  and  was  directed  to  occupy  Pesh&war. 

Mir  ''Arab  Bah&dur,  who  had  fled  for  refuge  into  the  hills  of 
Eam&un,  and  had  troubled  the  inhabitants  of  the  country  at  the 
foot  of  the  hills,  was  killed  by  the  servants  of  Mir  Abu-1  Fath 
in  the  pargana  of  Sherkot. 

On  the  I3th  Bajab  the  ceremony  of  weighing  the  Emperor 
was  performed,  and  a  splendid  festival  was  held ;  and  on  the  19tli 

1  «« They  gare  the  ooimtry  entirely  oyer  to  Ydsuf."— Bad&iSiii,  toI.  ii.  p.  352. 

^  The  author's  arrangement  has  been  slightly  changed  here.  In  his  diary  style  of 
writing,  soTeral  lines  are  interposed  between  the  Emperor's  departure  for  aud  arrival 
at  Lahore. 

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454  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

Prince  Salim  was  married  to  the  daughter  of  E&i  Singh,  one  of 
the  great  nobles.  The  B&j&  sent  fine  presents  with  his  daughter, 
and  felt  highly  honoured  by  the  alliance. 

Muhammad  E&sim  Ehdn  Mkr-hahr  and  *  *  was  sent  with  a 
large  force  to  effect  the  conquest  of  Kashmir.  After  seven 
marches  they  entered  the  defiles  of  the  mountains.  When  they 
reached  the  pass  of  Kartal,  Ya'ktib,  the  son  of  Yusuf  Eh&n,^ 
considering  himself  ruler  of  Kashmir,  came  with  a  considerable 
force  to  oppose  them.  He  closed  the  pass,  and  there  took  his 
post.  But  fortune  fought  for  the  Imperial  army,  and  the  stoue 
of  dissension  was  cast  among  the  Kashmiris.  Tlie  chiefe  of 
Kashmir  were  distressed  with  the  rule  of  Ya'^kub,  and  several 
deserted  from  him  and  joined  K4sim  Kh&n.  Another  party 
raised  the  standard  of  rebellion  in  Srinagar,  which  is  the  capital 
of  the  country,  Ya'kub,  deeming  it  of  primary  importance  to 
crash  the  internal  rebellion,  returned  to  Kashmir.  The  Imperial 
army  then  entered  Kashmir  without  oppoisition,  and  Ya'kub, 
unable  to  make  any  resistance,  fled  to  the  mountains.  Srinagar 
was  occupied,  and  revenue  collectors  were  appointed  to  all  the 
parganas. 

The  Emperor,  on  being  informed  of  the  conquest,  sent  letters 
of  thanks  to  K&sim  Kh&n  and  the  other  amirs^  and  bestowed 
hoDour^and  promotions  upon  all  of  them.  Ya'kub  raised  a  force, 
and  fought  with  Kasim  Kh&u,  but  was  defeated.  Another  time 
he  tried  a  night  surprise,  but  was  unsuccessful.  The  royal  forces 
pursued  him  into  hills  full  of  trees  and  defiles,  beating  him  and 
driving  him  before  them.  He  was  very  nearly  captured.  At 
last,  in  wretched  plight  and  in  humble  mood,  he  waited  upon 
Kdsim  Kh&n,  and  enrolled  himself  among  the  subjects  of  the 
Imperial  throne.*     The  country  of  Kashmir  was  thus  cleared. 

^  Tdsuf  Kh&n  had  been  thrown  into  prison,  and  Ta'kdb  *'  treated  his  father  as 
dead." — BadfrtiDi,  vol.  ii.  p.  363. 

'  He  wiis  eventnally  sent  into  Bih&r  toE&j&  M&n  Singh,  to  join  his  father;  and 

both  Tdsuf  and  Ta'ktlb  there  died  in  confinement,  worn  out  with  trouble  and  chagrin. 

,  — Bad&ilnf,  vol.  ii.  p.  3d3.    AbCi-1  Fazl,  however,  says  that '' Ydnif  was  released  from 

prison,  and  received  ajdgir^  so  that  he  might  learn  better  manners,  and  appreciate  the 

kind  treatment  he  had  received." — Akbar-ndma^  vol.  iii.  p.  6i9. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  455 

On  the  19th  Bamaz&n  the  ambassador  of  'Abdu-Ua  Eh&n 
received  leave  to  return.  Hakim  Humam  *  was  sent  as  envoy 
to  ''Abda-Ua  Khan,  and  Mir  Sadr  Jah&n  *  as  a  complimentary 
visitor  to  Iskandar  Kh&n,  the  &ther  of  ^Abdu-Ua  Kh&n. 
Nearly  a  lac  and  a  half  of  rupees,  equal  to  three  thousand 
seven  hundred  tUmdns  of  'Ir&k,  goods  of  Hindust&n,  and 
curiosities  were  entrusted  to  Muhammad  ''Alt  Khaz&nchi  for 
presentation  to  'Abdu-lla  Kh&n, 

Saiyid  H&mid  Bukh&ri,  formerly  one  of  the  nobles  of  the 
Sult&ns  of  Gujar&t,  had  been  received  into  the  Imperial  service, 
and  was  sent  to  Pesh&war  for  the  repression  of  the  Boshan&i 
sectaries.  They  had  assembled  about  20,000  foot  and  5000 
horse  to  attack  him.  He,  and  a  few  men  who  were  with  him  at 
the  time,  fought  and  perished.  The  Emperor  sent  Zain  Eh&n 
Eoka  and.*  *  with  a  large  force  to  subdue  these  heretics,  who 
occupied  the  Khaibar  Pass,  and  closed  the  road  between  Kdbul 
and  Hindustan.  Eunwar  Mkn  Singh  marched  from  E&bul,^  and 
attacked  and  defeated  them  in  the  Khaibar,  and  put  a  great 
many  of  them  to  the  sword.  He  then  occupied  Jamrdd,  and 
left  a  det^kchment  in  the  Khaibar. 

Mirz&  Sulaim&n,  having  returned  from  his  pilgrimage  to  Mecca, 
once  more  tried  his  fortune  in  Badakhsh&n ;  but  he  was  unable 
to  contend  against  'Abdu-lla  Kb&n  Uzbek,  and  fled  to  Kabul. 
From  thence  he  went  to  Hindust&n,  and  was  received  by  the 
Emperor  in  the  month  of  Babi'u-1  awwal,  995  h. 

Thirty'third  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Monday,  23rd 
Rabi'u-l  &khir,  996  h.  (11th  March,  1688).  [Featival  of  New 
Tear* 8  DayJ] 

Kunwar  M&n  Singh  completely  subdued  Jal^a  the  sectary, 

^  **  Next  day  the  heretics  assembled  in  great  force,  and  howling  all  night  and  day 
like  jackals,  they  kept  up  a  fight  in  all  directions.  At  this  crisis  M&n  Singh's  brother, 
M&dh(i  Singh,  who  was  stationed  at  Ohind  with  Isma'il  Kuli  Kh&n,  arrired  with  a 
strong  force  to  the  assistance  of  his  brother.  The  Afgh&ns  then  fled,  and  nearly 
2000  were  killed."— Bad&6ni,  vol.  ii.  p.  365. 


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466  mzjcmj'j>  din  ahmad. 

so  that  he  could  no  longer  make  any  resistance,  and  was  com- 
pelled to  take  flight  towards  Bangash.  'Abdu-1  Matlab  Kh&n, 
and  *  *  were  sent  after  him  with  a  detachment  to  Bangash. 
Jal&la  deceived  the  royal  commanders,  and  gathering  a  nnmeronB 
force  around  him,  he  satacked  them,  and  a  fierce  battle  ensued. 
But  the  rabble  were  defeated  and  put  to  flight,  and  many  of 
them  were  killed. 

In  this  year  a  son  was  bom  to  Prince  Salim  by  the  daughter 
of  B&J&  Bhagw&n  D4s.    \_Ee;oicing8.^ 

Campaign  against  Sihwdn, 

In  this  year  S&dik  Kh&n,  the  governor  of  Bhakar,  under  orders, 
proceeded  to  attack  the  country  of  Tatta.  He  besieged  the  fort 
of  Sihwdn,  and  J&ni  Beg,  ruler  of  Tatta,  grandson  of  Muham- 
mad B&ki  Tarkh&n,  following  the  humble  practice  of  his  an- 
cestors, sent  envoys  with  suitable  gifts  to  the  Imperial  CJourt. 
The  Emperor  took  compassion  on  him,  and  sent  a  farmdn  to 
Sidik  Kh&n,  saying,  "  I  bestow  the  country  upon  J4ni  Beg. 
Withdraw  from  its  occupation."  On  the  25th  Zi-1  ka'da  the 
envoys  of  J&ni  Beg  received  leave  to  depart ;  and  to  show  them 
greater  honour,  Hakim  'Afnu-1  Mulk  was  sent  with  them,  and 
they  received  many  princely  gifts. 

At  the  beginning  of  Babi'u-s  s&ni  the  government  of  E&bul 
was  given  to  Zain  Kh&n  Koka,  and  Eaj&  M&n  Singh  was  re- 
called to  Court.  At  the  end  of  the  same  month  Eh&n-kh&n&n 
Mirzd  Kh&n  made  a  rapid  journey  from  Gujar&t  with  'Azdu-d 
daula,  and  was  most  graciously  received.  On  the  28th  Kajab 
Sadik  Eh&n  came  from  Bhakar.  M&n  Singh  arrived  in  Sha^b&n, 
and  at  the  end  of  the  year  he  was  appointed  governor  of  Bih&r, 
Hdjipur,  and  Patna.  About  the  same  time  the  government  of 
Kashmir  was  given  to  Mirzi  Yusuf  Kh&n  Bizwi,  and  E&sim 
Kh&n  Mtr-bahr  was  recalled.  S&dik  Kh&n  was  sent  to  Sw&t 
and  Bajaur  against  the  Yusufz&is,  and  the  jdgkrH  of  M&n  Singh 
at  Si&lkot  and  elsewhere  were  granted  to  him.  IsniaMI  Euli 
Kh&n  was  recalled  from  Sw&t  and  Bajaur,  and  sent  to  Gujar&t« 

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TABAKXT-I  AKBAEr,  457 

to  replace  Ealij  Kh&n,  who  was  sammoned  to  Court.  The 
government  of  Bih&r  and  Bengal  was  conferred  on  Kunwar  M&n 
Singh. 

Thirtf/'/ourih  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Saturday,  4tli 
Jum&da-l  awwal,  997  (11th  March,  1589).  ^The  usual  festival 
of  eighteen  daysJ]  ^ 

Kalij  Kh&n  arrived  from  Gojardt,  and  was  appointed  to  assist 
R&J&  Todar  Mal^  in  Revenue  and  Civil  administration.  Hakim 
^Ainu-1  Mulk  returned  from  his  embassy  to  Tatta  with  the 
envoys  of  Jdni  Beg  Tarkhan,  who  brought  the  offerings  of  the 
Beg  along  with  a  letter. 

On  the  22nd  Jum&da-s  s&ni,  997,  the  Emperor  started  to  pay 
a  visit  to  Kashmir  and  K&bul.  On  reaching  Bhimbhar,^  at  the 
beginning  of  the  mountains  of  Kashmir,  he  there  left  the  ladies 
of  the  harem  with  the  Prince  Mur&d,  and  went  on  express.  On 
the  1st  Sha'bdn  he  reached  Srinagar,  where  he  remained  some 
days,  visiting  the  city  and  neighbourhood.  When  the  rainy 
season  came  on,  letters  were  sent  for  the  ladies  of  the  harem  and 
Prince  Mur&d  to  go  to  Eohtds,  and  there  await  his  return.  Amir 
Fathu-lla  ShirazI  ['Azdu-d  daula]  died  in  Kashmir,  to  the  great 
sorrow  of  the  Emperor.  Shaikh  Faizi  wrote  an  elegy  upon 
him.  •  * 

On  the  27th  Bamazdn  the  Emperor  started  for  Kabul  by  way 
of  Pakhali  and  the  fort  of  Atak.  Abu-1  Fath,  one  of  Hia 
Majesty's  friends  and  companions,  died  at  Dhamtaur,  and  was 
buried  at  Hasan  Abddl.  Prince  Mur&d  and  the  ladies,  by  com- 
mand of  the  Emperor,  came  up  to  Atak  from  Rohtas.  Here 
Sh&hbaz  Khdn  Kambu  was  sent  against  the  remaining  Afghdns. 
His  Majesty  then  crossed  the  Indus,  and  proceeded  on  to  Kdbul, 

1  Bad&tini  (rol.  ii.  p.  365)  places  some  of  the  following  eTonts  in  the  thirty-third 
year. 

s  «  Wlio  had  grown  old  and  stupid,  and  had  lately  received  a  wound  from  a  sabre 
at  the  hands  of  an  enemy  who  lay  in  ambush  for  him.'*— Bad&iinf,  vol.  ii.  p.  365. 

3  "  Which  the  people  of  Kashmir  call  Kfiji-dfcr/*— -4 A^ar-wdwo,  vol.  iii.  p.  563. 


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468  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

where  he  arrived  on  the  22Dd  Zi-1  ka'^^a.  Hakim  Hum£in  and 
Mir  Sadr  Jah&n,  ivho  h&d  been  sent  on  an  embassy  to  M&war&u-n 
nahr,  now  returned,  bringing  with  them  an  ambassador  from 
'Abdu-Ila  Kh&n,  who  was  the  bearer  of  a  letter  and  presents. 
His  Majesty  spent  two  months  at  K&bul,  often  visiting  the 
gardens  and  places  of  interest.  All  the  people  of  K&bal,  noble 
and  simple,  profited  by  his  presence. 

Here  intelligence  reached  him  that  R&j&  Todar  Mai  wdkUu-s 
saltanat^  and  mushrif-i  diicdiif  and  K&j&  Bhagw&n  D&s  amiru^l 
umard,  had  died  at  Lahore.^  On  the  8th  Muharram,  998,  the 
Emperor  started  on  his  return  *  to  Hindust&n.  leaving  the  govern- 
ment of  K&bul  in  the  hands  of  Muhammad  K&sim  Mir-bahr, 
with  Tokhta  Beg  K&buli,  and  ♦  ♦  ♦  ♦  several  amirs^  aa  co- 
adjutors. He  gave  the  government  of  Gujar&t  to  Mirzd  ''Aziz 
Muhammad  Kokalt&sh  Hzam  Khdn^  who  held  the  government 
of  M&lwa.^  He  recalled  me,  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad,  the  author 
of  this  work,  to  Court.  To  Kh&n-kh&u&n  he  gave  Jaunpur 
instead  of  the  jdgir  which  he  had  held  in  Gujar&t.^ 

Thiriy-fifth  year  of  the  Reign, 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Thursday,  14th 
Jum&da-l  awwal,  998.     \^The  usual  celebration  at  LahoreJ] 

The   author  of  this  work,  with  his  escort  of  camel-riders, 

^  Bad&<iai  cannot  repress  his  bitter  religious  hatred,  eTen  in  recording  the  deaths 
of  these  faithful  serrants  of  the  throne.  His  words  are  (toI.  ii.  p.  371),  **  They  went 
to  their  everlasting  abode  in  hell."  He  has  some  Terses  also,  conceived  in  the  same 
spirit.  AbtS-1  Fazl  is  more  generous.  Of  Todar  Mai  he  says,  that  "  for  honesty, 
rectitude,  manliness,  knowledge  of  business,  and  administrati?e  ability,  he  was 
without  a  rival  in  HindQst&n.*' — Akhar-ndma^  vol.  iii.  p.  595. 

'  He  met  with  two  serious  falls  on  his  journey  homewards.  One  at  a  hyaena  hunt ; 
the  other  from  a  female  elephant  which  was  attacked  by  a  furious  male. — Akbar» 
fidnutt  voL  iii.  p.  597. 

'  M&lwa  was  given  to  Shah&b  Kh&n,  but  'Azam  Kh&n,  in  spite  against  his  suc- 
cessor, wasted  the  province  and  laid  it  desolate  [khdk-tiydh)  before  leaying  it.— 
Bad&6ni,  rol.  ii.  p.  372. 

^  It  was  at  this  time  that  Kh&n-kh&n&n  was  elevated  to  the  wakdlat  or  premier- 
ship. (This  fact  should  appear  in  page  597  of  toI.  iii.  of  the  Lucknow  edition  of  the 
Akbar'ttdmOf  but  there  is  an  omission  there  of  seTeral  lines.) 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  459 

arrived  at  Court,  having  performed  the  journey^  in  twelve 
days.  He  was  very  kindly  received.  R&j4  Bhagw&n  Das  being 
dead,  his  son  M&n  Singh,  one  of  the  great  nobles  and  governor 
of  fiih&r  and  Bengal,  succeeded  to  the  title  of  B&j&,  and  the 
Emperor  sent  him  a  letter  by  one  of  his  attendants  with  a  robe 
and  horse. 

*Azam  Khdn*8  Campaign  in  Gujarat 

When  'Azam  Khan  arrived  in  Gujar&t,  he  essayed  to  conquer 
the  territory  of  the  Skoi?  one  of  th«  zaniknddrs  of  that  quarter, 
who  maintained  a  numerous  body  of  men.  The  J4m,  in  concert 
with  Daulat  Khdn,  son  of  Amm  Kh&n,  ruler  of  Junagarh,  and 
locum  tenem  of  his  father,  and  several  other  zaminddrs,  assembled 
nearly  twenty  thousand  horse.  "^Azam  Kh&n  divided  his  army 
into  seven  divisions,  and  some  severe  fighting  followed.  Saiyid 
K&sim  B&rha,  in  command  of  the  advanced  force,  fought  bravely. 
Xhw&ja  Muhammad  Baf[a\  commander  of  the  left,  was  killed 
with  some  other  amirs,  old  servants  of  the  State.  Mir  Sharafu-d 
din,  nephew  of  Mir  Abu  Tur&b,  was  killed  with  the  van.  Four 
thousand  B&jputs  fell  in  the  battle.  The  eldest  son  and  repre- 
sentative of  the  Jdm,  with  his  tcazir^  were  among  the  slain. 
Victory  declared  itself  in  favour  of  'Azam  Khdn.  The  date  of 
the  battle  was  6th  Shaww&l,  998  h.' 

The  city  of  Lahore  had  been  for  some  years  (chand  sal)  the 

royal  residence,  and  many  chiefs  of  that  quarter  had  come  to 

wait  upon  the  Emperor.     But  J&ni  Beg,  of  Tatta,  although  he 

had  sent  letters  and  tribute,  had  never  come  in  person  to  enrol 

himself  among  the  supporters  of  the  Imperial  throne.      Kh&n- 

kh&ndn  was  now  appointed  governor  of  Mult&n  and  Bhakar,  and 

he  was   commanded  to   effect   the   conquest   of  Sind  and   the 

Biluchis.     In  the  month  of  Babfu^s  s&ni  he  was  sent  on  his 

enterprise  along  with  *  ♦  •  and  a  number  of  nobles,   whose 

1  «  Six  hundred  ibw.'*— Bad&&ni,  toI.  ii.  p.  872. 
«  "  Sattantr'  by  name.— Bad&dnl,  vol.  ii.  p.  373. 

B  BriggB  justly  obseires,  that  as  no  results  followed  this  ^-rictory,"  it  was  most 
likely  a  defeat. — Briggs,  Firishta,  vol.  ii.  p.  264. 

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460  NIZAHU.B  DrK  AHMAD. 

names  are  too  namerous  to  record.  He  had  a  handred  elephants 
and  a  train  of  artillery.  Ehw&ja  Muhammad  Mukim,  an  old 
servant  of  the  State,  was  appointed  bakhshi.  The  King  of  Poets 
(Faizi)  found  the  date  of  this  enterprise  in  the  words  ^^Kawd-i 
Tattar 

Thirff/'Sixth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Thursday,  24th 
Jum4da-1  awwal,  999  h.  (11th  March,  1591).    \U%ual  rejoicings.'] 

In  Shaww&l  of  this  year  four  servants  of  the  State  were 
selected  to  go  on  missions  to  the  four  rulers  of  the  Dakhin.  The 
King  of  Poets,  Shaikh  Faizi,  was  sent  to  B&j&  'Ali  Khin,  the 
ruler  of  A!sir  and  Burh&npdr.  Khw&ja  Aminu-d  din  was  sent 
to  Burh&nutl  Mulk,  who,  supported  by  the  arms  of  the  Imperial 
Government,  held  Ahmadnagar,  the  seat  of  his  ancestors.  Mir 
Muhammad  Amin  was  sent  to  'Adil  Kh&n,  the  ruler  of  Bij4pur ; 
and  Mir  Mirzd  to  Kutbu-1  Mulk,  the  ruler  of  Grolconda.  Shaikh 
Faizi  received  directions  to  proceed  to  Burh&nu-l  Mulk  after 
having  terminated  his  own  mission. 

On  the  28th  Zi-1  hijja  Prince  Sh&h  Mur&d,  better  known  by 
his  cognomen,  ^'Pah&ri  Jiu,"  was  appointed  to  the  Government 
of  M&lwa,  receiving  the  standard,  kettle-drums,  the  iaman,  the 
tugh  banner,  and  all  the  insignia  pertaining  to  a  prince  royal. 
Isma'il  Kuli  Kh&n  was  appointed  to  be  his  vakii  (general 
manager),  and  *  ♦  were  also  sent  to  serve  under  him.  When 
the  Prince  reached  Gw&lior,  he  found  that  Madhukar,  zaminddr 
of  Undachah,  who  held  a  prominent  position  among  the  B&j&s  of 
these  parts,  on  account  of  his  numerous  adherents,  had  seized 
upon  ^eparganas  of  Gw&lior.  So  the  Prince  resolved  to  chas- 
tise him.  Madhukar  assembled  his  numerous  forces  to  resist, 
but  he  was  defeated  in  battle,^  and  obliged  to  fly  into  the  jungles 
and  hills.'  All  his  territory  was  ravaged,  and  then  his  son. 
Ram  Ghandar,  who  was  his  eldest  son  and  representative,  came 

*  In  the  Ticinity  of  Narwar.— Bad&6ui,  vol.  ii.  p.  378. 

*  Where  he  died  a  natural  deaih. 

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TABAKAT-I  AKBARf.  461 

humbly  to  beg  for  mercy,  and  to  be  admitted  a  subject  of  the 
Imperial  throne.  He  waited  on  the  Prince,  and  presented  a 
large  tribute,  and  the  Prince  sent  him  to  the  Emperor,  who, 
when  he  arrived,  granted  him  pardon  for  his  offences.  The 
Prince  took  up  his  residence  at  TJjjain. 

'Azam  Kh&n,  after  his  victory  over  the  J&m,  remained  for  a 
time  at  Ahmad&b&d,  and  then  resolved  upon  the  conquest  of 
Surath  and  the  fort  of  Junagarh.  Daulat  Ehan,  son  of  A  min 
Kh&n,  who  had  succeeded  his  father  as  chief,  had  been  wounded 
in  a  battle  with  the  J&m,  and  was  dead.  Having  determined  upon 
this  campaign,  'Azam  Khkn  proceeded  to  the  country.  The  son 
of  Daulat  Eh&n,  with  his  father's  ministers,  took  refuge  in  the 
fortress  (of  Junagarh)  and  temporized.  But  when  they  found 
matters  going  ill  with  them,  the  ministers  begged  for  mercy,  and 
brought  the  youth  to  ^Azam  Kh&n,  presenting  the  keys  of  the 
fortress,  and  professing  their  allegiance.  This  conquest  was 
effected  on  the  5th  Zi-l  kaMa. 

^  Kh&n-kh&ndn,  who  marched  to  conquer  Tatta,  laid  siege  to 
the  fortress  of  Sihw&n.  J&ni  Beg,  with  all  the  zaminddra  of 
that  country,  came  with  ghrdbs  and  boats  armed  with  artillery, 
to  give  battle.  Kh&n-kh&ndn  raised  the  siege,  and  marched 
forwards.  When  he  arrived  at  Nasrpur,  there  was  a  distance  of 
seven  kas  between  the  rival  forces.  J&ni  Beg  advanced  to  battle 
with  more  than  a  hundred  ghrdbs  and  two  hundred  boats  {khhtf) 
foil  of  archers,  gunners,  and  large  guns.  Kh4n-kh&ndn,  although 
he  had  only  twenty-five  ghrdbs^  went  to  meet  him,  and  the  fight 
began.  The  battle  went  on  for  a  night  and  a  day,  but  victory  at 
length  declared  in  favour  of  the  Imperial  arms.  J&ni  Beg  had 
two  hundred  men  killed  in  his  ghrdbs,  seven  ghrdbs  were  taken, 
and  the  rest  made  off.  This  battle  was  fought  on  the  26th 
Muharram,  1000  H.  After  his  defeat,  J&ni  Beg  withdrew  to  a 
spot*  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  which  was  flanked  by  water 

1  See  Vol.  I.  p.  248. 

'  Firishta  traniicribes  this  account,  bat  here  he  uses  the  more  specific  word  bhti,  a 
naze  or  promontory.  Briggs  renders  the  passage  by  a  paraphrase,  '^  on  a  spot  of 
ground  surrounded  by  a  swamp,  which  was  flooded  at  high  water." 


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462  NIZiCMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

and  morasses  {chihla)}  Here  he  entrenched  his  force.  Eh&n- 
kh&n&n  raised  batteries  before  it,  and  besieged  it  for  two  months. 
During  this  time  the  Emperor  sent  150,000  rupees,  then  100,000 
rupees,  then  100,000  inans  of  grain,  with  several*  large  guns 
and  many  gunners,  to  reinforce  Khan-kh&n&n.  He  also  sent 
II&J&  K&I  Singh,  a  noble  of  four  thousand,  by  the  route  of 
Jesalmir. 

Thirty-BBventh  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  Saturday,  6th 
Jum&da-l  dkhir,  1000  h.     \U8tMl  rejoicings  at  LahareJ] 

Jal&Ia  the  sectary,  who  had  fled  to  'Abdu-Ua  Khan  [in 
Badaklish^],  now  returned,  and  again  engaged  in  revolt  and 
robbery.  On  New  Year's  Day  Ja'far  Beg  A^saf  Kh4n,  the  bakhshij 
was  named  to  lead  an  army  against  him  in  communication  with' 
Muhammad  Kasim  Kh&n,  governor  of  K&bul.  I,  the  author, 
was  appointed  to  the  post  of  bakhshi.  At  the  end  of  Sha'ban, 
Zain  Kh&n  Eoka,  who  had  been  sent  to  settle  the  country  of 
Sw&t  and  Bajaur,  and  to  root  out  those  Afgh&ns  who  had  escaped 
the  sword,  was  ordered  to  march  and  exterminate  Jal&la. 

On  the  24th  Shawwal,  agreeing  with  12th  Amurd&d  of  the 
37th  year  of  the  reign,  the  Emperor  set  off  hunting  to  the  banks 
of  the  Ghin&hf  on  the  way  to  Kashmir.  He  passed  the  R4vi, 
and  stayed  for  five  days,  enjoying  himself  in  the  garden  of  R&m 
D&s.  From  thence  he  made  a  march  of  three  kos.  Then  he  ap- 
pointed Kalij  Kh&n  and  Mota  R&j&  to  take  charge  of  affairs  at 
Lahore.  As  it  was  now  the  rainy  season,  and  the  waters  were 
out,  he  left  Prince  Salim  to  march  on  slowly  with  the  camp, 
while  he  hastened  on  with  his  hunting  attendants  to  the  Chin&b. 
Here  he  received  intelligence  that  Y&dg&r,  nephew  of  Mirz& 
Yusuf  Kh&n  Bizwi,  governor  of  Kashmir,  had  conspired  with 
some  disaffected  Kashmiris,  and  having  raised  the  standard  of 
revolt,  had  assumed  the  title  of  Sult&n.     Kazi  'Ali,  the  diwdn 

1  See  Vol.  I.  p.  249. 

'  Bad&6ni  (?ol.  iL  p.  379)  specifies  the  number  as  *  one  hundred.* 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  463 

of  Kashmir,  and  Husain  Beg  Shaikh  Umari,  the  collector 
{tahsilddr-i  akhrdj)^  attacked  him  with  their  men,  but  K&zi  'AH 
was  killed,  and  Husain  Beg  was  glad  to  escape  half  dead  ^  to 
R&jauri.  His  Majesty  sent  Farid  Bakhsh  with  a  party  of  amirs^ 
such  as  ♦  ♦  ♦,  and  a  thousand  Badakhshdni  Aimak  horsemen, 
into  Kashmir.  He  himself  crossed  the  Ghin&b,  and  waited  there 
for  a  while  hunting,  until  Prince  Salim  came  up  with  the  camp. 

Kh&n-kh&n&n  had  besieged  J&ni  Beg  for  two  months.  Every 
day  there  was  fighting,  and  loss  on  both  sides.  The  Sindians 
had  got  possession  of  the  roads,  and  prevented  the  passage  of 
provisions.  Grain  had  consequently  become  very  scarce,  and 
bread  exceedingly  dear.  Kh&n-kh&n&n  had  no  resource  but  to 
move  away,  so  he  set  off  towards  the  pargana  of  Jun,  near  Tatta. 
But  he  sent  a  portion  of  his  force,  under  Saiyid  Bah&u-d  din 
Bukh&^i  ♦  *,  Mir  Muhammad  Ma'sum  Bhakari,  and  other  of 
his  officers,  to  invest  Sihw&n.  J&ni  Beg,  assuming  Sihwan  force 
to  be  weak  in  numbers,  marched  against,  it.  When  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n  heard  of  this  movement,  he  sent  off  with  all  possible 
speed  Daujat  Kh&n  Lodi,  Khw&ja  Muhammad  Hakim  BakhsM^ 
Dhard  son  of  B&j&  Todar  Mai,  Dal  Bait  the  son  of  Eai  Singh, 
and  *  ♦  to  reinforce  the  Sihw&n  division.  This  detachment 
marched  eighty  kos  in  two  days,  and  effected  a  junction. 

Next  day  J&ni  Beg  came  up  and  arrayed  his  army.  Danlat 
Khdn  also  made  his  dispositions.  His  force  amounted  to  only 
two  thousand,  while 'J&ni  Beg  had  more  than  five  thousand. 
But  confident  in  the  Imperial  good  fortune,  they  went  into  battle. 
B&J&  Todar  Mai's  son  Dh&ru  fought  most  bravely,  and  was 
killed.  The  wind  of  victory  blew  upon  the  royal  standards,  and 
J&ni  Beg  flew  towards  the  banks  of  the  river.  He  stopped  at 
the  village  of  Unarpur,*  on  the  banks  of  the  river,  and  again 
entrenched  himself.  Kh&n-khdndn  upon  his  side,  and  the  Sihwan 
force  upon  the  other,  bore  down  upon  him  and  besieged  him. 
There  was  fighting  every  day.  At  length  Jdni  Beg's  men  were 
reduced  to  eat  their  horses  and  camels,  and  many  were  killed 
1  Through  the  passes  of  Kashmir.  «  Var.  "Ambarptlr." 


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464  NIZAMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

every  day  by  the  fire  of  the  guns  and  muskets.  J4ni  Beg  was 
compelled  to  make  an  offer  of  capitulation,  and  to  promise  to  go 
and  wait  upon  the  Emperor.  He  begged  for  the  period  of  three 
months  to  make  preparations  for  his  journey,  and  this  was  con- 
ceded. It  being  the  rainy  season,  Kh&n-kh&n&n  remained  in  the 
village  of  Sann,  in  the  vicinity  of  Sihw&n,  for  that  time.  The 
fort  of  Sihw&n  was  surrendered,  and  J&ni  Beg  gave  his  daughter 
in  marriage  to  Mirz&.fraj,  son  of  Kh&n-khdn&n.  He  also  sur- 
rendered twenty  ghrdba. 

The  intelligence  of  this  victory  gave  the  Emperor  great  joy, 
as  he  deemed  it  a  good  augury  of  his  success  in  Kashmir.  He 
then  continued  his  journey  to  Kashmir,  and  when  he  arrived 
near  Bhimbhar,  which  is  at  the  beginning  of  the  mountain 
passes,  he  received  intelligence  that  his  army,  having  made  five 
or  six  marches  in  the  mountains,  had  been  attacked  by  a  force  of 
Kashmiris  and  men  belonging  to  Y&dgdr,  who  had  blockaded 
the  pass  of  Kartal.^  But  these  men  were  unable  to  hold  their 
ground  against  the  brave  soldiers  of  the  army,  and  took  to  flight. 
Y&dg&r  came  up  as  &r  as  Hamirpur  with  a  large  force  to  oppose 
the  progress  of  the  royal  army ;  but  in  the  course  of  the  night 
a  party  of  Afgh&ns  and  Turkom&ns  belonging  to  Mirz&  Yusuf 
Kh&n  fell  upon  him  and  put  him  to  death.  Three  days  after- 
wards his  head  was  brought  to  the  Emperor,  and  was  exposed  as 
a  warning.  The  Emperor^s  good  fortune  thus  secured  an  easy 
victory  for  him.  It  was  a  curious  coincidence,  that  the  day  on 
which  the  Emperor  crossed  the  river  of  Lahore  to  proceed  to 
Kashmir,  was  the  day  on  which  Y&dg&r  broke  out  in  rebellion 
and  caused  the  khutba  to  be  read  in  his  name. 

On  the  23rd  Zi-1  hijja,  the  Emperor  left  Prince  D&niy&I  behind 
in  charge  of  the  ladies  of  the  harem^  because  he  was  not  well,  and 
he  was  directed  to  proceed  with  them  to  the  fort  of  Boht&s.  The 
Emperor  himself  went  on  rapidly  to  Kashmir,  taking  me  with 
him  in  attendance.      On  the  8th  Muharram,  1001,  he  reached 

1  Thia  is  a  very  doubtfiil  name,  see  tuprd^  p.  454.    It  is  written  Ai-Sy  AjS 
Jjj^,  and  Jj^. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBABf.  465 

Kashmir,  and  stayed  there  eight  days,  riding  about  and  hunting 
water-fowl.  He  conferred  the  government  of  Kashmir  on  Mirza 
Yusuf  Kh&n  Kizwi,  and  left  a  number  of  officers  with  him,  such 
as  *  *.  On  the  6th  Safar  he  started  on  his  return  journey,  and, 
embarking  in  a  boat,  he  proceeded  towards  B&ra-mtila,  on  the 
confines  of  Kashmir,  on  the  way  to  Pakhali.  On  the  road  he 
saw  a  reservoir  called  Zain-lankd.  This  reservoir  is  inclosed  on 
the  west,  north,  and  south,  by  mountains,  and  it  is  thirty  ko8  in 
circumference.  The  river  Behut  (Jilam)  passes  through  this 
lake.  Its  water  is  very  pure  and  deep.  Sultdn  Zainu-1  ^dbidin 
carried  out  a  pier  of  stone  to  the  distance  of  one  jarih  into  the 
lake,  and  upon  it  erected  a  high  building.  Nothing  like  this  lake 
and  building  is  to  be  found  in  India.  After  visiting  this  edifice, 
he  went  to  B&ra-mula,  where  he  disembarked,,  and  proceeded  by 
land  to  Pakhali.  When  he  reached  that  place,  there  was  a  heavy 
fall  of  snow  and  rain.  From  thence  he  went  on  rapidly  to 
Boht&s.  I,  the  author  of  this  history,  and  ♦  *  were  ordered  to 
follow  slowly  with  the  ladies  of  the  harem.  It  is  a  curious  fact, 
that  when  the  Emperor  started  on  his  return  from  Kashmir,  he 
observed,  "It  is  forty  years  since  I  saw  snow,  and  there  are 
many  men  with  me,  born  and  bred  in  Hind,  who  have  never  seen 
it.  If  a  snow-storm  should  come  upon  us  in  the  neighbourhood 
of  Pakhali,  it  would  be  a  kind  dispensation  of  Providence."  It 
occurred  just  as  His  Majesty  expressed  his  wish.  On  the  1st 
Babi'u-1  awwal  he  reached  the  fort  of  Boht&s,  and  there  rested. 
On  the  I3th  he  started  for  Lahore,  the  capital,  and  on  the  6th 
Babi'u-s  sani  he  arrived  there. 

Intelligence  here  reached  him  that  B&ja  Man  Singh  had  fought 
a  great  battle  with  the  sous  of  Katlu  Afgh&n,  who,  since  his  death, 
had  held  the  country  of  Orissa,  and,  having  defeated  them,  he  had 
annexed  that  extensive  country  which  lies  beyond  Bengal  to  the 
Imperial  dominions. 

Thirty-eighth  year  of  the  Reign. 

The  beginning  of  this  year  corresponded  with  the  17th 
Jum&da-s  s&ni,  1001  (11th  March,  1593).    [^Rejoi^iirya.'] 

VOL.  T.  30 


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466  NIZAMU-D  BfN  AHMAD. 

In  the  midst  of  the  rejoicings,  on  the  24th  Jumada-s  s&ni, 
Eh&n-kh&n&n  arrived  with  J&ni  Beg,  the  ruler  of  Tatta,  and 
was  graciously  received,  Sh4h  Beg  Kh&n,  and  *  *  other  amirs 
who  had  taken  part  in  this  campaign,  also  presented  themselves 
at  Court,  and  were  suitably  rewarded,  with  jdffirs,  increase  of 
allowances,  and  promotion. 

At  the  time  when  the  fort  of  Junagarh  and  the  country  of 
Surath  were  subdued  and  annexed  to  the  Imperial  dominions, 
Sult&n  Muzaffar  Gujar&ti,  who  was  in  that  part  of  the  country, 
fled  and  betook  himself  to  Khang&r,  the  zaminddr  of  the  country 
of  Kach.  'Azam  Kh&n  attacked  Khang&r  and  ravaged  some  of 
his  territories.  This  induced  him  to  proffer  his  own  allegiance, 
and  to  make  Muzaffar  a  prisoner.  Under  this  arrangement  the 
son  of  'Azam  Kh&n  made  a  sudden  unexpected  attack  upon  the 
place  where  Muzaffar  was  staying,  and  took  him  prisoner.  As 
they  were  going  along,  Muzaffar  made  an  excuse  for  retiring  into 
privacy,  and  then  cut  his  throat  with  a  razor  so  that  he  died. 
His  head  was  then  cut  off  and  sent  to  'Azam  Eh&n,  who  sent  it 
on  to  the  Emperor. 

One  hundred  and  twenty  elephants,  taken  by  R4j&  M4n 
Singh  in  Orissa,  now  arrived  at  Court,  and  were  presented  to 
the  Emperor.  'Azam  Kh&n  Mirza  'Aziz  Koka  had  now  been 
absent  from  Court  ten  years,  so  9,  farmdn  was  written  calling 
him  to  Court,  to  receive  the  marks  of  royal  approbation.  Mean- 
while some  mischief-makers  had  reported  to  the  Kh&n  some 
unkind  words  which  the  Emperor  was  said  to  have  used  regard- 
ing him.^  So  on  the  1st  Rajab  he  embarked  in  a  ship  with  his 
sons  and  family,  and  sailed  for  Hijj&z.  When  the  Emperor  was 
informed  of  this,  he  gave  the  country  of  Gujar&t  to  Prince  Sh4h 
Mur&d,  and  a  farmdn  was  issued  directing  him  to  proceed  from 
Malvva  to  Gujarat.  Muhammad  S&dik  Kh&n,  one  of  the  great 
nobles,  was  appointed  his  vak'il^  and  the  sarkdrs  of  Surat,  Broach 
and  Baroda,  were  assigned  to  him  in  jdgir. 

On  the  21st  Amurd&d  of  the  38th  year  of  the  reign,  agreeing 
^  He  had  long  entertained  the  desire  of  going  to  Mecca. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAHf.  467 

with  14th  Zi-1  ka'da,  1001  h.,  Zain  Eh&n  Koka  and  Asaf  Eh&n, 
who  had  been  sent  to  chastise  the  Afgh&ns  of  Sw&t  and  Bajaur, 
and  to  repress  Jal&la  the  sectary,  killed  a  great  many  of  them, 
and  sent  the  wives  and  family  of  Jal&Ia  and  of  Wahdat  'Ali,  his 
brother,  with  all  their  friends,  nearly  four  hundred^  in  number,  to 
Court. 

On  the  29th  Zi-1  ka'da  the  government  of  M&Iwa  was  given  to 
Mirz&  Sh&h  Bukh ;  and  Sh&hbdz  Khan  E^mbd,  who  had  been 
three  years  in  prison,  was  released,  and  appointed  to  be  the  vakii 
and  general  manager  of  the  affairs  of  M&Iwa,  under  Sh&h  Bukh. 

On  the  12th  Muharram,  1002,  Mirz&  Eustam,»son  of  Sult&n 
Husain  Mirz4,  son  of  Sahram^  son  of  Sh&h  Isma'il  Safawi 
(Sh&h  of  Persia),  who  held  the  government  of  Zamin-d&war, 
came  to  bring  a  complaint  to  the  Emperor,  accompanied  by  his 
sons  and  family.  \_Grand  reception.']  The  Emperor  presented 
him  with  a  krar  of  tankas,  made  him  a  panj-hazdriy^  and  gave  him 
Mult&n  in  jdgir. 

At  this. time  the  Prince  of  Poets,  Shaikh  Faizi,  returned  from 
his  mission  to  B&j&  'Ali  Kh&n  and  Burh&nu-l  Mulk  Dakhini. 
Mir  Muhammad  Amin,  Mir  Munir,  and  Aminu-d  din  also 
returned  from  their  missions  to  the  different  rulers  of  the 
Dakhin.  Burhdnu-l  Mulk  had  received  favours  and  assistance 
from  His  Majesty,  but  now  he  did  not  send  suitable  tribute,  nor 
did  he  act  in  a  grateful  and  becoming  way.  His  tribute  did  not 
exceed  fifteen  elephants,  some  fabrics  of  the  Dakhin,  and  a  few 
jewels.  So  the  Emperor  determined  to  effect  the  conquest  of  the 
Dakhin,  and  on  the  21st  Muharram  he  appointed  Prince  D&niy&l 
to  command  the  invading  army.  Khdn-khdnan,  Rdi  Singh,*  Rai 
Bil,  Hakim  'Ainu-1  Mulk,  and  other  amirs  of  Malwa,  And  Jdgir* 
ddrs  of  the  subda  of  Ajrair  and  Dehli,  were  appointed  to  attend 
him.     Seventy  thousand  horse  were  ordered  on  this  campaign. 

*  Badktini  (vol.  ii.  p.  888)  gives  the  incredible  number  of  **  14,000." 

*  He  was  unable  to  maintain  himself  in  Zamin-d&war  against  the  enmity  of  his 
brother  and  the  increasing  power  of  the  Uzbeks. 

'  A  commander  of  6000. 

^  Whom  one  might  call  R&i  Sag,  says  Bad&Qni  (vol.  ii.  p.  389),  sag  meaning  dog. 


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468  NIZAMU-D  DfN  AHMAD. 

The  Emperor  himself  went  out  with  them,  hunting  as  he  went,  as 
far  as  the  river  of  Sultdnpur,  thirty-five  ko9  from  Lahore.  Kh&n- 
kh&n&n,  in  attendance  upon  Prince  D&niyal,^  had  come  as  £Ekr  as 
Sirhind,  and  was  summoned  to  hold  a  Council  with  the  Emperor. 
He  joined  the  royal  party  at  Shaikhupur,  and  the  campaign  in 
the  Dakhin  was  re-considered.  Eh&n-kh&n&n  was  now  ordered 
to  proceed  on  the  service  alone,  without  troubling  Prince 
D&niyal.  An  order  was  published  that  the  army  of  the  Dakhin 
was  to  serve  under  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  and  Prince  D&niy&l  was  re- 
called. With  high  marks  of  favour  Kh&n-kh&nILn  commenced 
the  march.  He  took  leave  of  the  Emperor  at  ^ra,  and  His 
Majesty  returned,  hunting  as  he  went,  to  the  capital  Lahore. 

I  have  thus  written  a  history  of  the  occurrences  of  the  reigu 
of  the  Emperor  Akb&r,  as  perfect  as  my  poor  pen  can  accomplish^ 
up  to  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  his  reign.  If  life  is  spared,  and 
grace  is  given  to  me,  I  will,  please  God,  also  record  the  events  of 
days  to  come,  so  that  my  volume  may  be  completed. 

Husain  Khan  Tukriya,^ 

He  was  called  Tukriya^  from  the  fact  of  his  having  issued  an 
order,  when  he  was  Governor  of  Lahore,  to  the  effect  that 
Hindus  should  bear  on  their  shoulders  a  discriminating  mark, 
which  being  called  in  Hindi,  Tukri^  obtained  for  him  the  nick- 
name of  Tukriya,  He  was  nephew  and  son-in-law  of  Im&m 
Mahdi  E&sim  Kh&n,  and  was  a  mamabddr  of  2000.  He  died 
A.H.  983.3 

^  The  Prince  at  this  time  married  a  daughter  of  Eh&n-kh&n&n. — Bad&t&Df,  toL  ii. 
p.  389. 

'  These  two  Extracts  are  from  the  biographical  portion  of  the  work,  which  comet 
in  at  the  end  of  the  reign  of  Akbar.    They  appeared  in  the  old  Vol.  of  1849. 

>  Some  of  the  proceedings  of  this  enthusiast  will  be  found  in  the  following  Extracts 
from  Badliiini  itifrd,  p.  496.  The  Ma-dsiru'l  Umard  tells  ns  that  this  order'  was 
issued  in  consequence  of  his  having  one  day  saluted  a  Hindti,  who  passed  by  with 
a  long  beard,  the  distinctive  mark  of  a  Musulm&n.  We  do  not  learn  whether  this 
edict  was  approved  or  annulled.  In  the  decline  of  the  republic,  when  a  similar 
measure  was  proposed  at  Rome  with  respect  to  the  slaves,  a  wise  man  exclaimed, 
**  quantum  periculum  immiueret,  si  servi  nostri  numerare  nos  coepissent  I"  Seneca, 
J)e  Clementiaf  i.  p.  24. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAKr.  469 

Mir  Fathu-lla  Shirdxi. 
In  the  year  990  h.,  corresponding  with  the  26th  of  the  lldhi, 
the  Amir  arrived  at  Court  from  the  Dakhin,  and  was  received  with 
royal  favour.  He  was  directed,  in  conjunction  with  the  ministers, 
to  revise  the  system  of  administration,  and  to  inquire  into  the 
management  of  the  civil  and  revenue  administration.^  On  this 
duty  he  was  engaged  for  many  years,  and,  in  token  of  the  King's 
satisfaction,  was  honoured  with  the  title  of  'Azdu-d  daulah.  He 
was  a  very  learned  man,  and  was  better  versed  in  every  kind  of 
knowledge,  theoretical  and  practical,  than  any  man  in  Ehur&s&n, 
'Ir&k,  or  Hmdust&n.  In  short,  in  the  whole  world  he  was  with- 
out a  rival.  He  was  also  an  adept  in  the  secret  arts  of  magic 
and  enchantment.  For  instance,  he  made  a  windmill  which  pro- 
duced flour  by  a  self;generated  movement.  ♦  ♦  ♦  In  Kashmir, 
he  departed  for  the  land  of  eternity  in  the  year  997  H. 

Sulfdn  MahmM  Khan  of  Multdn.^ 
A  few  days  after,  Sult&n  Mahmud  assembled  an  army,  and 
marched  on  Shor,^  when  J&m  B&yazid,  leading  out  'Alam  Kh&n, 
with  the  general  consent  of  his  followers,  advanced  to  the 
distance  of  twenty  miles  from  Sher  to  meet  him.  When  he 
reached  the  B&vi,  he  halted,  and  sent  a  letter  to  Daulat  Kh&n 
Lodi,  acquainting  him  with  the  particulars  of  the  movement. 
Upon  receipt  of  this  intelligence,  Daulat  Kh&n  LodI,  at  the  head 
of  the  Panj&b  forces,  came  to  the  assistance  of  J&m  B&yazid 
before  the  conflict  was  at  an  end,  and  despatched  a  confidential 
person  to  Sult&n  Mahmud,  to  enter  into  a  negociation  for  peace. 
At  last,  through  his  mediation,  a  peace  was  arranged,  under  the 

^  These  Extracts  are  from  the  separate  history  of  MuUkn.  They  were  printed  ia 
the  old  Vol.  of  1849. 

*  Shor,  or  Shorkote,  is  twenty-iix  miles  north  of  Tolamba,  and  on  the  road  from 
that  place  to  Jhang.  Among  the  extensive  mins  of  this  place,  the  most  remarkable 
is  a  monnd  of  earth,  surronnded  by  a  brick  wall,  and  high  enough  to  be  seen  from, 
a  circuit  of  nx  or  eight  miles.  Native  tradition  represents  it  to  be  the  capital  of  a 
E&J&  of  the  name  of  Shor,  who  was  conquered  by  a  king  from  the  west.— Burne«, 
Bokhara,  yol.  iii.  p.  131. 

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470  NIZiTMU-D  DIN  AHMAD. 

terms  of  which  the  B&vi  was  to  be  the  bonndary.  Daulat  Kb&u 
then  sent  Sult£n  Mahmud  back  to  Malt&n,  and  J&m  B&yazid  to 
Shor ;  after  which,  he  himself  proceeded  to  Lahore. 

Notwithstanding  that  the  terms  of  peace  had  been  adjusted  by 
so  wise  a  man  as  Daulat  Kh&n,  yet  it  did  not  endure  long.  In 
the  interim,  Mir  J&kir  Zaud,^  with  his  two  sons,  named  Mir 
Ilahd&d  and  Mir  Shahdad,  came  to  Multan  fiom  Mavi.  It  was 
Mir  Shahdad  that  introduced  the  principles  of  the  Shi'a  creed 
into  Mult&n. 

As  the  Lang&h  family  had  great  respect  for  Malik  Suhr&b 
Dud&ri,  Mir  J&kir  Zand  could  not  remain  in  Mult&n.  He  there- 
fore sought  the  protection  of  J&m  B&yazid,  who  treated  him 
with  respect,  and  was  pleased  to  grant  a  portion  of  his  private 
domain  for  the  support  of  the  Mire's  &mily. 

J&m  B&yazid  was  a  man  of  beneficent  character  and  of  generous 
spirit,  and  was  particularly  anxious  to  promote  the  interests  of 
the  learned  and  virtuous.  He  is  said  to  have  sent  their  pensions 
to  Mult&n  from  Shor,  even  during  the  period  of  actual  hostilities. 
His  generosity  towards  men  of  talent  was  so  notorious,  that 
many  persons  of  distinction  quitted  their  homes  and  took  up 
their  abode  at  Shor.  He  earnestly  invited  many  others  to  resort 
to  that  place,  and  among  them  Maul&n&  'Azizu-Ua,  pupil  of 
Maul&n&  Fathu-lla,  whom  he  urgently  pressed  to  come.  On 
his  approach  to  Shor,  J&m  B&yazid  received  him  with  mucli 
honour,  conducted  him  to  his  private  apartments,  and  ordered 
his  servants  to  pour  water  over  the  Maul&n&'s  hands,  and  then, 
by  way  of  a  blessing,  to  sprinkle  the  same  water  on  the  four 
corners  of  his  house. 

There  is  a  curious  anecdote  concerning;  the  Maul&n&  and  Shaikh 
Jal&Iu*d  din  Kuraishi,  mkil  of  J&m  B&yazid,  which,  though 
not  much  to  the  purpose  of  this  history,  is  yet  here  recorded  for 
an  example,  and  as  an  awakening  from  the  sleep  of  neglect. 

^  This  agrees  with  the  name  as  given  by  Briggs,  but  in  the  original  of  Firithta  it 
is  Mir  'Im&d  Gnrdezf.  In  many  other  respects  there  is  a  great  difference  betwen  the 
original  and  translation ,  and  it  is  evident  that  the  translator  must  hare  used  a  different 
manuscript  in  this  portion  of  his  work. 


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TABAKAT-I  AKBAEf.  471 

It  is  this: — When  the  J4in  received  the  Mauldn&  with  such 
anusual  distinction,  and  took  him  into  his  private  apartments, 
the  Shaikh  sent  to  the  Maul&n&,  and  told  him  that  J&m 
B&yazid  had  given  him  his  compliments,  and  desired  that  the 
Maul&n&  should  select  for  himself  one  of  the  slave-girls  who  had 
been  ordered  to  attend  him.  The  Maul&n&  sent  one  of  his  own 
servants  to  J&m  B&yazid,  and  said  in  reply,  **  God  forbid  that  a 
man  should  ever  look  upon  the  women  of  his  friend ;  moreover, 
such  sentiments  are  unworthy  of  my  advanced  age.***  Jdm 
B&yazid  replied  that  he  had  no  knowledge  of  the  imputed 
message.  The  Maulana  being  much  embarrassed  at  this,  cursed 
the  person  that  sent  the  message  to  him,  saying,  ''  May  his  neck 
be  broken !  ^^  and  returned  to  his  home  without  even  seeing  J&m 
Bayazid,  who  was  not  informed  of  his  departure  until  he  had 
actually  left  his  dominions.  It  so  happened  that  the  curse  of  the 
Mauldnd  took  effect ;  for  after  Shaikh  Jal&lu-d  din  c^ame  to  Shor, 
having  deserted  the  service  of  Sult&u  Sikandar,  he  chanced  one 
night  to  miss  his  footing,  when  he  fell  from  an  upper  storey  with 
his  head  downwards,  and  literally  broke  his  neck. 

After  the  conquest  of  the  Panj&b  in  930  H.  by  the  late 
Zahiru-d  din  Muhammad  B&bar  B&dsh&h  Gh&zi,  that  monarch, 
at  the  time  of  his  return  to  Dehli,  sent  a  commission  to  Mirz& 
Sh&h  Husain  Arghun,  governor  of  Tatta,  ordering  him  to  take 
charge  of  Mult&n  and  its  neighbouring  districts.  He  accord- 
ingly crossed  the  river  near  the  fort  of  Bhakkar,  and  marched 
towards  MuIt&n  with  a  large  army.  The  wind  of  the  divine 
wrath  began  to  blow,  and  a  great  flood  arose.  When  information 
of  this  reached  Sult&n  Mahmud,  he  trembled.  Then  he  collected 
all  his  forces,  and  advanced  to  the  distance  of  two  days'*  journey 
from  the  city  of  Mult&n.  He  sent  Shaikh  Bah&u-d  din  Kuraishi, 
successor  to  the  celebrated  Shaikh  Bah&du-d  din  Zakariy&  (may 
God  sanctify  his  sepulchre !),  as  an  ambassador  to  Mirz&  Sh&h 
Husain,  and  appointed  Maul&n&  Bablol,  who  was  noted  for  the 
grace  of  his  eloquence,  as  well  as  the  elegance  of  his  ideas,  to 
accompany  the  Shaikh.     The  Mirz&  received  them  with  much 


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472  NIZAMXT.D  DIN  AHMAD. 

honour,  and  said  that  he  had  come  with  the  view  of  chastising 
Sult&n  Mahmud,  and  of  visiting  Shaikh  Bah&a-d  din  Zakariy&'s 
tomb.  The  Maiil&n&  stated  that  it  would  suffice  if  the  chastise- 
ment of  Sult&n  Mahmud  were  effected  at  a  distance,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Prophet  had  mentally  admonished  Awais  Earn, 
and  that  Shaikh  Sah&u-d  din  was  already  come  to  his  presence,  in- 
asmuch as  he  himself  was  the  representative  of  Zakariyi,  and  that 
there  was  therefore  no  need  of  his  troubling  himself  to  proceed 
any  further.  They  were,  however,  unsuccessful  in  accomplishing 
the  objects  of  their  interview,  and  returned  to  the  Sult&n,  who 
died  suddenly  in  the  same  night,  poisoned,  it  is  said,  by  Langar 
Khdn,  one  of  his  slaves.  He  died  a.h.  933,  after  a  reign  of 
twenty-seven  years. 

Respecting  Suttdn  Sttsain,  son  of  Sultan  Mahmud  o/MuUdn. 

After  the  death  of  Sult&n  Mahmud,  Eaw&m  Kh&n  Lang&h 
and  Langar  Kh&n,  who  were  the  commanders  of  Sult&n  Mah- 
mud's  army,  deserted  their  king,  and  joined  Mirz&  Sh&h  Husain 
Arghun,  and  having  met  with  a  kind  reception  from  him,  they 
subsequently  took  possession  of  the  different  towns  of  Mult&n  in 
the  name  of  the  Mirzd,  while  the  remaining  Lang&h  chiefs, 
confounded  at  this  intelligence,  hastened  to  Mult&n,  and  pro- 
claimed the  son  of  Sult&n  Mahmud  as  king,  under  the  title  of 
Sult&n  Sh&h  Husain,  and  read  the  khutha  in  his  name — though 
he  was  but  a  child.  But  he  was  king  only  in  name,  for  Shaikh 
Shuj&''u-1  Mulk  Bukh&ri,  son-in-law  of  Sult&n  Mahmtid,  as- 
suming the  office  of  wazir^  secured  to  himself  all  the  regal  power. 

By  the  advice  of  this  inexperienced  man,  they  took  refuge  in 
the  fort,  which  had  scarcely  one  month's  provisions  in  it  \  while 
Mirz&  Sh&h  Husain,  deeming  the  death  of  Sult&n  Mahmud  a 
most  convenient  opportunity  for  the  conquest  of  the  country, 
immediately  laid  siege  to  the  fort. 

After  a  few  days,  the  garrison  finding  the  provisions  of  the 
fort  were  consumed,  and  that  they  were  about  to  perish,  came  to 
Shaikh  Shuj&'u-l  Mulk,  who  was  the  cause  of  his  country's 

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TABAKAT.I  AKBARf.  473 

disasters,  and  solicited  his  permission  to  divide  their  forces  and 
give  the  enemy  battle,  representing  at  the  same  time  that  they 
had  still  some  yigoar  left,  that  their  horses  were  fresh,  and  that 
•it  was  not  improbable  that  the  gale  of  victory  might  incline  to 
their,  side  ;  and  that  to  remain  inactive  and  beleagaered  as  they 
were  was  expedient  only  when  there  was  some  hope  of  receiving 
succoar  from  without, —which  was  not  at  all  a  probable  con- 
tingency in  their  case. 

The  Shaikh  did  not  make  any  reply,  but  retiring  to  a  private 
apartment,  he  invited  the  attendance  of  some  of  the  chiefe,  and 
said,  that  as  the  sovereignty  of  Sh&h  Hosain  Lang&h  had  not  as 
yet  been  well  established,  he  was  afraid,  lest  most  of  their  men, 
on  making  a  sally  from  the  fort,  should  take  the  opportunity  to 
desert,  and  join  Mirz&  Sh&h  Husain,  in  hope  of  receiving  a 
favourable  reception,  and  that  the  small  remnant  who  had  regard 
for  their  reputation,  and  who  would  make  a  stand,  would  be 
slain.  Maul&n&  Sa'du-lla  of  Lahore,  a  learned  man  of  that 
time,  who  was  in  the  fort  of  Mult&n  on  this  occasion,  relates 
that  a  few  months  after  the  siege  had  commenced,  when  all  the 
avenues  of  the  fort  were  closed  by  the  enemy,  and  no  one  was 
able  to  enter  for  the  purpose  of  rendering  assistance,  or  go  out 
for  the  purpose  of  escaping  his  doom  (for  the  attempt  was  at- 
tended with  certain  destruction),  the  garrison  were  at  last  reduced 
to  such  extremities,  as  to  be  compelled  to  consume  dogs  and  cats, 
which  were  partaken  of  with  as  much  avidity  as  if  they  had 
been  the  choicest  goats  and  lambs.  The  protection  of  the  fort 
was  committed  by  Shaikh  Shuj4'u-1  Mulk  to  the  charge  of  a 
vagabond,  named  J&du,  who  had  three  thousand  militia  of  the 
country  under  him.  That  wretch  entered  all  the  houses  wherever 
he  had  the  least  expectation  of  finding  grain,  and  plundered 
them  so  unscrupulously,  that  the  people  earnestly  prayed  for 
Shaikh  Shuj&'^u-l  Mulk's  destruction. 

At  last,  the  besieged  were  reduced  to  so  desperate  a  condition, 
that  they  preferred  being  killed  to  a  slow  death  by  famine,  and 
they  accordingly  threw  themselves  down  from  the  walls  of  the 

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474  KIZAMU-D  DfK  AHMAD. 

fort  into  the  ditch.  Mirz&  Sh&h  Hasain«  being  aware  of  their 
distress,  refrained  from  killing  them.  After  a  siege  of  one  year 
and  several  months,  his  men,  one  night  towards  the  dawn, 
entered  the  fort,  and  made  great  slaughter.  All  the  inhabitants 
between  the  age  of  seven  and  seventy  were  taken  prisoners. 
They  treated  most  oppressively  all  the  citizens  on  whom  there 
was  the  least  suspicion  of  possessing  wealth,  and  treated  them 
with  various  kinds  of  indignity.  This  took  place  at  the  close  of 
A.H.  934. 

Maul&n&  SaMu-lla  gives  an  account  of  what  happened  to 
himself  in  the  following  words. 

'^When  the  fort  was  captured  by  the  Arghuns,  a  party  of 
them  entered  my  house,  seized  on  my  father,  Maul&nd  Ibr&him 
J&ma',  (who,  in  studying  and  teaching  various  sciences  for  sixty* 
five  years,  had,  in  the  evening  of  his  life,  lost  the  use  of  his 
sight,)  and  made  him  prisoner.  Seeing  the  neatness  and  comfort 
of  our  house,  they  suspected  that  gold  was  somewhere  concealed, 
and  consequently  treated  us  with  great  indignity.  Another 
person  came  and  bound  me,  and  sent  me  as  a  present  to  the 
fvazir  of  the  Mirzd.  The  tcazir  was  sitting  on  a  wooden  platform 
in  the  open  area  when  I  reached  his  house,  and  he  ordered  me  to 
be  bound  with  a  chain,  of  which  one  end  was  tied  to  one  of  the 
feet  of  the  platform.  I  did  not,  however,  grieve  for  myself,  but 
I  could  not  help  shedding  tears,  when  I  recollected  my  father's 
sad  condition. 

'^After  a  while,  he  called  for  his  escritoire,  mended  his  pen,  and 
then  rose  up  and  went  into  the  house,  with  the  intention  of 
washing  his  hands  and  feet,  and  praying,  before  he  sat  down  to 
write.  There  was  no  one  left  in  the  place  but  myself,  so  I  ap- 
proached the  platform,  and  wrote,  on  the  very  paper  on  which 
the  ti?azir  had  intended  to  write,  the  following  verse  from  an  ode 
{Bardah) — *  Do  not  your  eyes  see  how  I  am  weeping,  and  do  you 
never  say, "  Weep  no  more,"  and  does  your  heart  never  suggest  to 
you  that  you  should  have  pity  upon  meP^  After  which,  I 
immediately  resumed  my  place,  and  began  to  weep.    After  his 

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TABAKiCT-I  AKBARf.  475 

return,  when  he  was  jost  beginning  to  write,  he  saw  the  lines^ 
and  began  to  look  round  to  see  who  might  have  written  them ; 
but  finding  that  there  was  nobody  except  myself,  he  wished  me 
to  declare  if  I  had  written  it,  and  on  my  confessing  to  haye  done 
so,  he  inquired  more  about  my  affairs,  and  on  hearing  my  fatber'^s 
name,  he  immediately  got  up,  released  me  from  my  fetters,  and 
having  clothed  me  with  a  garment  of  his  own,  mounted  his  horse 
and  proceeded  immediately  to  the  diwdn-khdna  of  the  Mirzd, 
and  introduced  me  to  him.  The  Mirz&  sent  some  one  to  search 
after  my  &ther,  and  to  bring  him  to  the  presence. 

*'  The  people  around  the  Mirz&  were  talking  upon  religious  sub- 
jects, when  my  father  was  respectfully  brought  to  that  assembly, 
and  the  Mirz&,  after  bestowing  khila'ts,  the  one  on  my  father, 
the  other  on  myself,  encouraged  my  father  to  relate  to  him  the 
circumstances  of  his  life,  and  he  accordingly  related  them,  not- 
withstanding the  agitation  of  his  mind.  He  recounted  them 
with  so  much  pathos  and  eloquence,  that  the  auditors  were 
charmed  with  him,  and  the  Mirz4  requested  the  pleasure  of  his 
company,  on  his  return  to  his  own  country. 

"  The  Mirz&  ordered  all  of  my  father's  plundered  property  to  be 
restored,  and  that  a  compensation  in  money  should  be  given  for 
that  which  could  not  be  recovered  ;  but  my  father  begged  to  be 
excused  from  accompanying  him,  saying  that  he  was  too  old  to 
undertake  such  a  journey,  when  the  time  of  his  preparing  for  his 
last  pilgrimage  was  so  near ;  and  according  to  his  words  he  did 
die  only  two  months  after  this  occurrence.*"' 

When  the  fort  was  captured,  the  Mirz&  committed  Sult&n 
Husain  to  the  custody  of  an  oflBcer,  and  treated  Shaikh  Shuj4'u-1 
Mnlk  Bukh&rl  with  various  indignities,  and  a  large  sum  of 
money  was  daily  exacted  from  him.  The  country  of  Mult&n 
had  by  this  time  been  much  devastated,  so  that  there  was  no 
hope  of  its  attaining  its  former  prosperity ;  but  the  Mirzd,  never- 
theless, not  thinking  its  restoration  so  very  difficult,  left  the 
country  in  charge  of  Khwdja  Shamsu-d  din,  with  Langar  £h&n 
to  assist  him^  and  he  himself  returned  to  Tatta.    Under  the 

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476  KIZAMU-D  DTN  AHMAD. 

jadicious  management  of  Langar  Kh&n,  the  country  was  again 
populated,  and  he  subsequently  turned  out  the  Kbw&ja,  with 
the  assistance  of  the  people,  and  made  himself  master  of  the 
country. 

After  the  death  of  B&bar,  Hum&yun  succeeded  to  the  throne 
of  Hindustan,  and  bestowed  the  Panj&b  in  jdffir  upon  Mirz& 
E&mr&n,  who  sent  a  message  to  Langar  Kh&n  requesting  his 
attendance,  and  on  the  Kh&n's  waiting  upon  him  at  Lahore,  he 
was  pleased  to  confer  on  him  the  country  of  P&bal  in  exchange 
for  Mult&n.  In  the  end,  the  King  assigned  as  his  residence  a 
place  at  Lahore,  now  known  by  the  name  of  D&ira  Langar  Kh&n, 
which  is  one  of  the  most  celebrated  quarters  of  Lahore.  From 
this  time  forward  Mult&n  again  came  under  the  dominion  of  the 
Kings  of  Dehli.  After  the  death  of  Mirz&  K&mr&n,  it  passed  to 
Sher  Kh&n  (Sher  Sh&h),  from  Sher  Eh&n  to  Salim  Eh&n  (Isl&m 
Sh&h),  and  from  him  to  the  officers  of  His  Majesty  Akbar,  all 
which  changes  have  been  mentioned  in  their  respective  places. 


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477 


XLI. 
MUNTAKHABU-T   TAWABrKH; 

OB, 

TARfKH-I    BADXlTfir 

OP 

MULLi!^   'ABDU-L    KADIB    BADXl/Nf. 

This  history,  by  Mull4  'Abdu-1  Kddir  Muluk  Sh&h  of  Badddn, 
is  called  by  the  author  Muntakhabu-t  Tawdrikh;  but  many 
others  have  compiled  works  under  that  title,  and  the  name  most 
frequently  given  to  it  in  Hindust&n  is  Tdrikh-i  Baddiini, 

Is  is  a  general  history  of  India  from  the  time  of  the  Ghazni- 
vides  to  the  fortieth  year  of  Akbar ;  and,  in  the  reign  of  the 
latter,  it  is  especially  useful,  as  correcting,  by  its  prevalent  tone  of 
censure  and  disparagement,  the  fulsome  eulogium  of  the  Akbar- 
ndma.  Despite  this  systematic  depreciation,  it  has  been  observed^ 
that  'Abdu-1  K&dir's  narrative  conveys  a  more  favourable  im- 
pression of  the  character  of  Akbar  than  the  rhetorical  flourishes 
of  the  Court  journalist.  It  concludes  with  lives  of  the  saints, 
philosophers,  physicians,  and  poets  of  Akbar's  reign. 

['Abdu-1  K&dir,  poetically  styled  K&diri,  was  bom  at  Bad&tin 
in  947  or  949  h.  His  father,  whom  he  lost  in  969,  was  called 
Shaikh  Muluk  Sh&h,  and  was  a  pupil  of  the  saint  Bechd  of 
Sambhal.  'Abdu-1  K&dir,  or  Badduni  as  he  is  familiarly  called, 
studied  various  sciences  under  the  most  renowned  and  pious  men 
of  his  age,  most  of  whom  he  enumerates  in  the  third  volume  of 
this  work.     He  excelled  in  music,  history,  and  astronomy ;  and 

^  Elphinstone,  History  of  India,  toI.  ii.  p.  209.  Biographical  Dictionary,  X.  IT.  JT., 
Tol.  L  p.  683.  Ma-dsiru-l  Kirdm,  p.  52 ;  Tabakdt-i  Shdh-Jahdni,  pp.  224,  284 ; 
Beale,  p.  291 ;  Mir-dt^i  Jahdn-numd,  Inthd-i  Nigdr^ndmaf  Tabakdt'i  Akbari,  end  of 
Dehli  soyereigDs. 


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478  'ABDU-L  KADTE  BADAl/Nf. 

on  account  of  his  beaatifal  Yoice  he  was  appointed  Coart  Imdni 
for  Wednesdays.  Early  in  life  he  was  introduced  to  Akbar  by 
Jal&l  Kh&n  Kurchi,  and  for  forty  years  he  lived  in  company 
with  Shaikh  Mub&rak,  and  Faizi  and  Abu-1  Fazl,  the  Shaikh's 
sons.  But  there  was  no  real  friendship  between  them,  as  Bad&uni 
looked  upon  them  as  heretics,  and  his  notices  of  them  are  coached 
in  bitter  sarcastic  terms.]  ^  Bad&uni  died  at  the  beginning  of  the 
seventeenth  century.  The  TabakdUi  Shdh-Jahdni  gives  a.h. 
1024  (1615  A.D.)  as  the  year  of  his  death. 

Bad&uni  was  a  very  learned  man,  and  was  frequently  employed 
by  the  Emperor  to  make  translations  into  Persian  from  the 
Arabic  and  Sanskrit,  as  in  the  case  of  the  Mu^jamu-l  BulddUy 
Jdmi'u-r  JRashidi,  and  the  Rdmdyana ;  yet,  notwithstanding  this 
employment,  for  which  he  acknowledges  he  received,  in  one 
present  only,  150  gold  mohurs  and  10^000  rupees,  besides  a  grant 
of  rent-free  land,  his  distinguished  patron  receives  no  favonr  at 
his  hands.  He  wrote  a  work  on  the  Badis  called  Bahm-l  asmdry 
and  he  composed  a  moral  and  religious  work,  entitled  Najdtu^ 
Rashid^  which  he  wrote  at  the  suggestion  of  his  friend  Nizama-d 
din  Ahmad,  the  historian,  and  which  he  must  have  completed 
very  late  in  life,  because  the  Muntakhabu-t  Tawdrikh  is  men- 
tioned in  it.  He  also  informs  us  that  he  translated  two  out  of 
the  eighteen  sections  of  the  MahdhJidrata^  and  abridged  a  history 
of  Kashmir,  which,  under  the  annals  of  a.h.  99S,  is  said  to  have 
been  translated  from  the  original  Hindi  by  Mulla  Sh&h  Maham- 
mad  Sh&hdb&di,* — but  apparently  not  the  Rqjd'tarangini^  for 
the  translation  of  that  work  is  usually  attributed  to  Maul&n& 
'Im&du-d  din.  According  to  Professor  H.  H.  Wilson,'  there 
were  frequent  remodellings  or  translations  of  the  same  work,  bat 
amongst  those  which  he  notices  he  does  not  mention  one  by 
Mulld  Shdh  Muhammad  Shdhdb&di.* 

Many  of  the  translations  from  the  Sanskrit  which  were  made 

^  The  Editor's  additions  are  almost  wholly  deriyed  from  Hr.  Blochmann's  notioet 
in  the  Xin-i  Akbari,  vol.  i  pp.  104,  168. 
'  lUiuzat'i  Tdhirin,  '  Asiatic  ReseareheB,  YoL  XT.  p,  2. 

*  See  Ain-i  Akbari  (Blochmann's),  vol.  i.  p.  103. 


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TAHfKH-I  BADAITNr.  479 

about  this  period,  and  those  of  ^Abda-1  K&dir,  probably,  among 
the  rest,  appear  to  have  been  executed  under  the  superintendence 
of  Faizf,  the  brother  of  the  minister  Abu-I  Fazl,  and  he  is 
usually  supposed  to  have  been  the  first  Musulm&n  who  applied 
himself  to  the  language  and  literature  of  the  Brahmins;  but 
this  seems  to  be  a  mistake.^ 

The  aversion  with  which  ^Abdu-1  Kadir  Bad&uni  regarded 
the  Emperor  and  his  able  ministers  arose,  as  he  himself  frankly 
confesses,  from  his  own  bigoted  attachment  to  the  most  bigoted 
of  religions,  in  which  it  was  apprehended  that  Akbar,  with  their 
aid  and  countenance,  was  about  to  introduce  some  dangerous 
innovations.^  He  acknowledges,  however,  that  he  temporized, 
and  never  hesitated  to  make  his  own  religious  yiews  subordinate 
to  the  primary  consideration  of  self-interest  [and  it  is  evident 
that  envy  of  his  fellow-courtiers,  and  discontent  with  the  amount 
of  favour  bestowed  upon  his  own  unappreciated  merits,  were  eyer 
present  in  his  mind,  and  embittered  his  feelings]. 

Though  the  author  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Badduni  professes  to  derive 
his  information  chiefly  from  the  Tdrikh-i  Mubarak- Shdhi  and  the 
Tabakdt'i  AkbaH^'-indeei^  in  a  passage  in  the  Najdtu-r  RaMd^^ 
he  calls  his  work  a  mere  abridgment  of  the  Tabakdt^ — ^yet,  con- 
trary to  the  usual  Indian  practice,  there  is  much  more  original 
matter  in  it  than  such  a  declaration  would  lead  us  to  suppose, 
and  the  whole  narrative,  even  when  avowedly  taken  from  his 
predecessors,  is  tinged  with  his  peculiar  prejudices,  of  which 
many  traits  will  be  found  in  the  extracts  which  are  subjoined. 

The  history  ends  with  the  beginning  of  the  year  1004  a.h. 
1595-6  A.D.  ["  The  book  was  kept  secret,  and  according  to  a  state- 
ment in  the  Mir-dtu-l  ''dlam^  it  was  made  public  during  the  reign 
of  Jah&ngir,  who  showed  his  displeasure  by  disbelieving  the 
statement  of  Bad&uni's  children,  that  they  had  been  unaware 
of  the  existence   of  the   book.      The   Tiizak-i   Jahdngiri  un- 

^  See  note  D.  in  Appendix. 

'  [See  H.  H.  Wilflon*B  works,  vol.  ii.  p.  379 ;  Blochmann'e  Ain-i  Akbari^  vol.  i. 
pp.  104,  167;  Joum.  A«.  Soc.  Bengal,  1869.]  '  MS.  (Fol.  26,  t.) 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


480  'ABDU-L  KADIE  BADAUNT. 

fortunately  says  nothing  about  this  circumstance ;  but  Bad&dnrs 
work  was  certainly  not  known  in  a.h.  1025,  the  tenth  year  of 
Jah&ngir*s  reign,  in  which  year  the  Md-dsir-i  RaUmi  was 
written,  whose  author  complains  of  the  want  of  a  history  beside 
the  Tabakdt  and  the  Akbar'ndmay'\  ^ 

The  author  gives  the  following  account  of  his  own  work  : 
''  The  writer,  'Abdu-l-E&dir  Muluk  Sh&h  Bad&uni,  in  obedience 
to  the  orders  of  His  Majesty  King  Akbar,  finished  the  abstract 
of  the  history  of  Kashmir  in  the  year  a.h.  999,  which,  at  the 
request  of  the  same  monarch,  was  translated  from  Hindi  into 
Persian  by  one  of  the  learned  men  of  his  time ;  but  as  I 
cherished  a  great  love  for  history  from  my  very  childhood,  and 
as  it  was  seldom  that  my  hours  were  not  employed  either  in  the 
reading  or  writing  some  history,  I  often  thought  of  compiling  a 
brief  account  of  the  kings  of  Dehli,  beginning  from  the  com- 
mencement of  the  Muhammadan  rule  in  India  to  the  present 
time,  ♦  ♦  ♦  But  circumstances  gave  me  little  opportunity  of 
executing  my  design,  and  day  after  day  I  encountered  numerous 
obstacles.  Moreover,  the  scantiness  of  the  means  of  subsistence 
obliged  me  to  leave  my  country  and  friends,  and  thus  the  per- 
formance of  the  work  was  for  a  time  suspended,  until  my  excel- 
lent and  beloved  friend  ^  Nizfimu-d  din  Ahmad  Bakhshi  went  to 
Paradise.  Excellent  as  is  the  history  composed  by  this  in- 
dividual, yet  I  reflected  that  some  additions  could  possibly  be 
made  to  it;  and  I  accordingly  commenced  to  abstract  briefly 
the  accounts  of  some  of  the  great  kings  of  India,  from  the 
historical  works  called  Mubarak- Shdhi  and  Nizdmu-t  Tawdrikh 
Ntzdmi,  sometimes  adding  my  own  observations.  Great  brevity 
has  been  observed  in  the  style,  and  the  use  of  figurative  and 
flowery  language  throughout  avoided.  I  have  named  this  work 
Muntakhabu't  Tawdrikh.   It  is  hoped  that  this  history,  the  object 

^  Blochmaniif  Ain-i  Akbari,  toI.  i.  p.  104. 

^  Hia  wonn  friendship  for  Niz&mu-d  din  has  already  been  shown  at  p.  1 81  mpri^ 
and  it  appears  to  have  been  reciprocated  by  Niz&mu-d  din  ;  for  in  a  paasage  in  the 
Muntakhabu't  Tawdrikh,  see  infrdf  we  find  that  the  Bakhshi  had  no  scruple  about 
j^Ting  in  false  returns,  concealing  the  real  cause  of  the  absence  of  'Abdul  Kfidir. 


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TARIKH-I  BADAlTNr.  481 

of  which  has  been  to  place  upon  record  the  deeds  of  the  great 
Muhammadan  kings,  and  to  furnish  the  means  of  transmitting 
my  own  reputation  to  posterity,  will  rather  prove  a  source  of  my 
lasting  happiness,  than  tend  to  aggravate  my  misfortunes. 

"As  it  is  my  intention  to  write  only  what  is  true,  I  hope  that 
God  will  forgive  me,  if  I  should  ever  allow  myself  to  descend  to 
the  relation  of  minute  and  trivial  particulars/' 

At  the  conclusion,  he  says  that  it  was  at  one  time  his  inten- 
tion to  have  added  a  history  of  Kashmir,  Gujar&t,  Bengal,  and 
Sind,  and  an  account  of  the  wonders  of  India ;  but  as  they  had 
no  necessary  connexion  with  the  history  of  the  Delili  Emperors, 
he  changed  his  determination,  and  concluded  his  labours,  in  the 
year  of  the  Hijra  1004,  and  as  Niz&mu-d  din  died  in  1003,  it 
would  appear  that  he  was  only  one  year  employed  upon  this 
history.  But  the  preface  is  not  very  explicit  upon  this  point, 
and  the  meaning  must  be  conjectured. 

This  is  one  of  the  few  works  which  would  well  repay  the 
labour  of  translation ;  but  it  would  require  a  person  to  bring  to 
the  task  a  greater  degree  of  knowledge  of  the  Persian  language 
than  most  Indian  histories  demand,  as  well  as  a  thorough  ac- 
quaintance with  contemporary  historians;  for' the  author  not 
only  uses  some  uncommon  words,  but  indulges  in  religious  con- 
troversies, invectives,  eulogiums,  dreams,  biographies,  and  details 
of  personal  and  family  history,  which  interrupt  the  unity  of  the 
narrative,  and  often  render  it  a  difficult  matter  to  restore  the 
broken  links  of  connexion.  Nevertheless,  it  must  be  confessed, 
that  these  digressions  are  the  most  interesting  portion  of  his 
work ;  for  rarely  do  the  other  obsequious  annalists  dare  to  utter 
their  own  sentiments,  especially  such  as  would  be  ungrateful  to  a 
royal  ear,  or  to  confess  iheir  own  errors  and  foibles,  as  ^Abdu-1 
E&dir  does  with  so  much  complacency  and  indiflFerence.  His 
own  extensive  knowledge  of  contemporary  history  also  induces 
him  very  often  to  presume  that  his  reader  cannot  be  ignorant  of 
that  with  which  he  himself  is  so  intimately  acquainted.  He  con- 
sequently slurs  over  many  facts,  or  indicates  them  so  obscurely, 

VOL.  V.  81 

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482  'ABDU-L  KADIB  BADAUNr. 

as  frequently  to  compel  a  translator  to  sapply  the  omissions 
from  his  own  resources  and  conjectures. 

The  abstract  of  Indian  history,  from  the  Ghaznivide  Emperors 
to  Akbar — Akbar's  history — and  the  Biographies  of  holy  and 
wise  men,  physicians,  and  poets— each  occupy  about  one-third 
of  the  volume,  as  will  be  seen  from  the  subjoined  abstract.^ 
Almost  all  the  headings  have  been  added  on  the  margin  by  a 
copyist,  the  author  giving  very  few,  except  the  names  of  kings 
and  others  whose  lives  he  records ;  yet  these  must  be  of  some 
antiquity,  as  many  copies  concur  in  giving  them  in  the  same 
language  and  form. 

CONTENTS. 

Beigns  of  the  Ghaznivide  Monarchs,  pp.  4-21. 

Reigns  of  the  Dehli  Monarchs,  pp.  21-133. 

From  Zahiru-d  din  Muhammad  B&bar  to  Akbar,  pp.  134-199. 

Jal&lu-d  din  Muhammad  Akbar,  pp.  200-403. 

Details  of  Akbar* 8  reign. 

Mirzd  Sulaim&n  K&zi  Niz&m  Badakhshi,  alias  E&zi  Kh&n, 
deputed  to  negociate  peace. — Death  of  Himun,  the  grocer,  by 
the  hand  of  the  Emperor. — Kh&n-zam&n's  action  with  Hasan 
Kh&n  Bachgoti. — Displeasure  of  Bairam  Khan  with  Pir  Mu- 
hammad. —  Conquest  of  Gw&lior.  —  An  account  of  Shaikh 
Muhammad  Ghaus  of  Gw&Iior.  —  Serious  complaints  to  the 
Emperor  against  Khin-kh&nan. — An  account  of  R&m  Dfis,  the 
second  T&nsen,  and  his  receiving  a  present  of  9,  lac  of  rupees 
from  Kh&n-kh&n&n. — ^Birth-place  of  Amir  Khusru. — Pir  Mu- 
hammad Kh&n  drowned. — Arrival  of  an  ambassador  from  Sh4h 
Tahm&sp  Safwi.— Death  of  Muluk  Shdh,  father  of  the  author.— 
Maul&nd  'Al&u-d  din  L&ri. — Mirzi  Mjihammad  Hakim,  son  of 
Humdyun  B&dsh&h. — Murder  of  the  mother  of  Mirz&  Muham- 
mad Hakira. ^Marriage  of  the  Emperor  with  the  widow  of 
'Abdu-l  W48&'.— Death  of  Shdh  Ab6-1  Ma'dli.— Death  of  Shaikh 
Muhammad  Ghaus. — Capital  punishment  of  K4zi  L41. — ^Fort 
^  See  Sprenger*8  Biblwg,^  p.  65. 

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TAEfKH-I  BADAUNr.  483 

of  Agra  built.— The  bard  Mah4p4iar.— The  fort  of  Roht&s.— 
Mu'izzu-1  Mulk  and  E&j&  Todar  Mai  pat  to  flight  bj  Khdn- 
zam&n  and  Bah&dur  Kh&n. — Khdn-zamiu  and  Bah&dar  Kh&n 
slain  by  the  hands  of  the  Emperor  Akbar. — Capture  of  the  fort 
of  Chitor. — Mir  'A14u-d  daula  Kazwinf,  author  of  *'  Biographies 
of  the  Poets."— Death  of  Shaikh  Abdu-l  'Aziz  of  Dehli.— 
Reduction  of  the  fort  of  Bantambhor. — Fathpur.— Saiyid  Musd 
falls  in  love  with  Mohani,  a  jeweller's  daughter.  —  Death  of 
Shaikh  Gad&i.  —  Birth  of  the  Emperor  Jah&ngir.  —  Capital 
punishment  of  Mirz&  Mukim  Isfah&ni.  —  Death  of  Shaikh 
Salim  Chishti. — Conquest  of  Gujar&t.^ — Bkth  of  Prince  D&niy&l. 
— Death  of  Sult&n  MuzafFar  Gujar&ti. — Erection  of  the  fort  of 
Surat,  in  defiance  of  the  infidels  of  Faringist&n.  —  Ibr&him 
Husain  Mirz&  killed. — Capture  of  the  fort  of  Nagarkot. — Birham 
D&s,  alias  Birbal.  —  Forced  march  of  the  Emperor  towards 
Gujar&t. — Muhammad  Husain  Mirzd  killed. — Abu-1  Fazl's  first 
introduction  to  the  Emperor  Akbar. — Building  of  the  fort  of 
Pay&g,  and  the  name  of  lUah&bds  given  to  it. — Capture  of  the 
forts  of  Hdjipur  and  Patna. — Singhdsan  Battiai, — The  Emperor 
goes  on  foot  to  visit  the  sacred  sepulchre  at  Ajmir. — Jal&l  Kh&n 
killed.  — Death  of  Khw&ja  Amind.  — Fight  of  Kh&n-kh&n&n 
with  D&ud  Afghdn,  ruler  of  the  territories  of  Orissa. — Abu-1 
Fazl's  second  introduction  to  the  Emperor  Akbar. — Opinions 
promulgated  by  Shaikh  Abu-1  Fazl. — Performance  of  the  pilgrim- 
age to  Mecca  discountenanced.  —  Translation  of  the  Hayatu-l 
Haiwdn. — Respecting  the  legality  of  temporary  marriages. -« 
Mul1&  Muhammad  Yezdi  arrives  in  India. — Translation  of  the 
Atharva  Veda. — Fight  with  Rdnd  Sangd. — Kh&n  Jah&n  fights 
D&ud  Khdn,  who  is  seized  and  killed. — Death  of  Shdh  Tahm&sp, 
King  of  Persia. — Death  of  Sh&h  Isma'il  the  second,  and  accession 
of  Sult&n  Muhammad,  son  of  Sh&h  Tahm&sp.  —  Fight  of  Asaf 
Kh&n  with  the  R4j&  of  iTdar. — The  EmperoFs  indifference  to  the 
Muhamraadan  faith. — The  ceremony  of  kissing  the  ground 
established  as  a  mode  of  obeisanceu — Abu-1  Fazl  translates  the 
Gospel. — Birbal. — Worship  of  the  Sun. — Abu-1  Fazl  appointed 

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484  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAimr. 

as  superintendent  of  the  temples  of  fire-worshippers. — Alterca- 
tion between  Abu-1  Fazl  and  the  compiler  of  this  work. — Mi&n 
T&nsen. — ^Arrival  of  an  ambassador  from  'Abda-lla  Kh&n  Uzbek. 
— The  presentment  made  by  the  learned.— -Muzaffar  Kh&n  killed 
in  Bengal. — Death  of  Hakim  Nura-d  din. — Arrival  of  Shaikh 
Muthi  Afgh&n.  —  Khwaja  Maal&u&  Shir&zi,  the  heretic,  who 
knew  the  art  of  making  amulets. — The  author  of  this  book, 
which  is  full  of  malignity,  abuses  K&ii  ^Ali,  of  Baghd&d.— 
Account  of  an  organ. — Murder  of  Sh&h  Mansur. — Controversy 
between  Muhammadans  and  Christians. — A  tavern  built  at  the 
gate  of  the  palace,  and  orders  issued  respecting  the  purchase  of 
wine,  and  unlawful  acts  not  prohibited.  —  Bicgarding  certain 
jocular  sayings. — Orders  issued  prohibiting  the  teaching  of  the 
commentaries  and  traditions. — Death  of  Makhdumu-1  Mulk  and 
Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi.  — Death  of  Ghiy&u-d  din  'Ali,  Aa»£ 
Kh&n,  and  Shaikh  Jal&l  Th&nesari.— Arrival  of  Mir  Fatha-Ua 
Shir&zi  from  the  Dakhin. — Orders  issued  for  the  compilation  of 
the  Tdrikh'i  -4^i.  —  Translation  of  the  MahdbhdraL  —  Mikn 
Tdnsen. — A  brief  account  of  B&m  and  his  wife  Sit&. — Marriage 
of  a  daughter  of  B&ja  Bhagw&n  with  Prince  Salim.  —  Com- 
mencement of  the  second  karan. — Death  of  Mirz&  Muhammad 
Hakim,  son  of  the  Emperor  Hum&yun. — Birbal  killed. — Fight 
with  the  Boshan&i  Afgh&ns. — Death  of  Abu-1  Ghais  Bukh&ri. — 
Assassination  of  the  blessed  Mull&  Ahmad  Thattavi  by  the 
merciless  sword  of  an  accursed  pigling.  —  Translation  of  the 
Mdmdt/ana.  —  Death  of  Sh&h  Fathu-lla  Shir&zi.  —  Death  of 
Hakim  Abu-l  Fath.— Death  of  Todar  Mai  and  Bhagw&n  D4s.— 
Death  of  Shaikh  Wajihu-d  din.— Date  of  the  death  of  Shah&bu-d 
din  Khdn.— Death  of  Shaikh  Ibr&him  Chishti.— Death  of  TJrfi 
Shirazi.— Death  of  Kazi  'Ali,  of  Baghd&d,  grandson  of  K4zi 
Husain. — Fight  of  Zain  Kh&n  with  the  Boshandi  Afghans. — 
Death  of  Shaikh  Mubarak  N&gori.  —  Beligious  precepts. — 
Administrative  orders.  —  Death  of  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad. — 
Death  of  Shaikh  Ya'kub  Kashmiri.— Death  of  Hakim  'Ainu-l 
Mulk  and  Hakim  Hasan  Gilani. — The  SMhndma  turned  into 

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TARrXH-I  BADAUNr.  485 

prose.  —  Death  of  Shaikh  Faizi,  eon  of  Mub&rak  N&gori. — 
Death  of  Hakim  Hum&m. 

Shaikhs  and  holy  men,  thirty-eight  persons,  pp.  403-434. 

Learned  men,  sixty-nine  persons,  pp.  434-477. 

Physicians,  fifteen  persons,  pp.  477-480. 

Poets,  one  hundred  and  fifty-three  persons,  pp.  480-557. 

Conclusion,  pp.  557-562. 

Size — Folio,  containing  562  pages,  of  23  lines  to  a  page. 

The  Tdrlkh-i  Baddiini  is  one  of  the  commonest  histories  to  be 
met  with  in  India.  One  of  the  best  copies  is  in  the  Asiatic 
Society's  Library.  Other  good  copies  are  to  be  found  in  Banda, 
Lucknow,  Kole,  and  Patna.  [The  whole  of  the  work  has  been 
published  in  three  volumes  in  the  Bibliotheca  Indica,  and  many 
passages  have  been  translated  by  Mr.  Blochmann  as  notes  to  his 
edition  of  the  Ain-i  AkbariJ] 

EXTRACTS. 

Muhammad  TughKk,  < 

[Text,  vol.  i.  p.  227.]  In  a.h.  729  Tarmah  Shirin^  the 
Mughal,  brother  of  Katlagh  Ehw&ja  Mughal,  King  of  Ehur&s&n, 
who  had  on  a  previous  occasion  invaded  Hindust&n,  advanced 
with  a  large  army  to  the  province  of  Dehli.  He  captured  several 
forts,  and  committed  ravages  and  massacres  from  Lahore,  S&- 
m&ua,  and  Lidri  to  the  confines  of  Bad&dn,  nor  did  he  retreat 
till  the  victorious  arms  of  Isl&m  were  arrayed  against  him.  The 
Sult&n  pursued  him  as  far  as  Kalanor,  and  leaving  Mujiru-d 
din  Aborj&  to  dismantle  that  fortress,  he  returned  towards  Dehli. 

At  this  juncture,  it  occurred  to  the  Sult&n  to  raise  the  taxes 
of  the  inhabitants  of  the  Do&b  ten  or  twenty  per  cent.,  as  they 
had  shown  themselves  refractory.  He  instituted  also  a  cattle-tax, 
and  a  house-tax,  and  several  other  imposts  of  an  oppressive 
nature,  which  entirely  ruined  and  desolated  the  country,  and 
brought  its  wretched  inhabitants  to  destruction. 
1  "  Tannsbarin  Kbkn."    See  Vol.  III.  p.  460. 


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486  'ABDU-L  KXDIR  BADAUNf. 

Ibrahim,  son  of  Sikandar  LodL 

[Text,  vol.  i,  p.  327.]  R&i  Bikram&jit,  who  succeeded  his 
father  Bai  M&n  Siugh  in  the  possession  of  Gw41ior,  foand 
himself  unable  to  withstand  the  royal  troops,  and  was  obliged 
to  surrender  the  lofty  edifice  of  Badalgarh,^  one  of  the  forts 
dependent  on  Gwalior,  and  built  by  M&n  Singh.  On  this  occasion, 
a  brazen  figure  which  was  worshipped  by  the  Hindus  fell  into  the 
hands  of  the  Musulm4ns,  which  they  sent  to  ^ra.  Sult&u 
Ibr&him  forwarded  it  to  Dehli,  and  placed  it  before  one  of  the 
gates  of  the  city.  Ten  years  before  the  compilation  of  this 
history,  in  the  year  992,  it  was  brought  to  Fathptir,  where  the 
compiler  of  this  work  saw  it.  Gongs,  and  bells,  and  all  kinds  of 
implements  were  subsequently  manufactured  from  the  metal  of 
which  it  was  composed.  In  those  days  Sult&n  Ibr&him,  enter* 
taining  suspicions  against  his  old  nobles,  fettered  and  imprisoned 
most  of  them,  and  transported  others  to  various  distant  places. 

Salim  Shah,  son  of  Slier  Shah  Sur. 

[Text,  vol.  i.  p.  384.]  Salim  Sh&h,*  in  the  beginning  of  his 
reign,  issued  orders  that  as  the  sardis  of  Sher  Sh&h  were  two 
miles  distant  from  one  another,  one  of  similar  form  should  be 
built  between  tkem  for  the  convenience  of  the  public ;  that  a 
mosque  and  a  reservoir  should  be  attached  to  them,  and  that 
vessels  of  water  and  of  victuals,  cooked  and  uncooked,  should  he 
always  kept  in  readiness  for  the  entertainment  of  Hindu,  as  well 
as  Muhammadan,  travellers.  In  one  of  his  orders  he  directed 
that  all  the  wadad-m'dsh  and  aima  tenures  in  Hindust&n  which 
Sher  Shdh  had  granted,  and  all  the  sardis  which  he  had  built  and 

1  [**  The  cloud  cap't  tower."]  This  was  also  the  name  of  the  old  fort  at  Agra, 
which  was  evidently  within  the  area  of  the  present  one,  because  Jah&ngir,  at  the 
opening  of  his  memoirs,  says,  "  My  father  demolUhed  the  old  fort  on  the  hanks  of  the 
Jumna,  and  bnilt  a  new  one.'*  It  must,  however,  have  been  pretty  nearly  destroyed 
before  Akbar's  time,  by  the  explosion  mentioned  infrd^  p.  491. 

>  The  correct  name  is  Isl&m  Shiih,  but  some  historians  style  him  SalSm,  and  most 
copies  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Baddiuil  pervert  it  stiU  more  by  giving  the  name  aa  lalim. 
See  suprd,  Vol,  IV.  p.  478. 


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TARrKH-I  BADAUNr.  487 

the  gardens  he  had  laid  oat,  should  not  be  alienated,  and  that  no 
change  should  be  made  in  their  limits.  He  took  away  from  the 
nobles  all  the  dancing  girls  maintained  in  their  courts,  according 
to  the  common  practice  of  India.  He  also  took  from  them  all 
their  elephants,  and  let  none  of  them  retain  more  than  a  sorry 
female,  adapted  only  for  carrying  baggage. 

It  was  enacted  that  red  tents  should  be  in  the  exclusive  use  of 
the  sovereign.  He  resumed,  and  placed  under  the  immediate 
management  of  the  State,  the  lands  enjoyed  by  the  troops,  and 
established  pecuniary  payments  in  lieu,  according  to  the  rates 
fixed  by  Sher  Sh&h.  Circular  orders  were  issued  through  the 
proper  channels  to  every  district,  touching  on  matters  religious, 
political  and  fiscal,  in  all  their  most  minute  bearings,  and  con- 
taining rules  and  regulations,  which  concerned  not  only  the 
army,  but  cultivators,  merchants,  and  persons  of  other  pro- 
fessions, and  which  were  to  serve  as  guides  to  the  officials  of  the 
State,  whether  thev  were  in  accordance  with  the  Muhammadan 
law  or  not; — a  measure  which  obviated  the  necessity  of  i^eferring 
any  of  these  matters  to  Kdzia  or  Muftis. 

In  order  that  these  circular  instructions  might  be  fully  compre- 
hended, the  nobles  in  command  of  five,  ten  or  twenty  thousand 
horse,  were  ordered  to  assemble  every  Friday  in  a  large  tent,  within 
which  was  placed,  on  an  elevated  chair,  a  pair  of  Salim  Shah's  slip- 
pers, and  a  quiver  full  of  arrows.  They  then  bowed  down  before 
the  chair,  one  by  one,  according  to  their  respective  ranks;  first  of 
all  the  officer  in  command  of  the  troops,  and  then  the  munsify  or 
amin^  and  so  on ;  after  which,  with  due  respect  and  obeisance, 
they  took  their  respective  seats,  when  a  secretary  coming  forward 
read  to  them  the  whole  of  the  circular  instructions  above  referred 
to,  which  filled  about  eighty  sheets  of  paper.  Every  difficult  point 
then  at  issue  within  the  province  was  decided  according  to  their 
purport.  If  any  of  the  nobles  committed  an  act  in  contravention 
of  these  orders,  it  was  reported  to  the  King,  who  forthwith  passed 
orders  directing  proper  punishment  to  be  inflicted  on  the  offender, 
as  well  as  on  his  family.     These  rules  were  in  force  till  the  end 


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488  'ABDU-L  KXDIR  BADAUNf. 

of  the  reign  of  Sallm  Sh&h,  and  the  compiler  of  this  history 
witnessed  the  scene  ahove  described,  when  he  was  of  tender  age, 
that  is,  in  the  year  955  a.  h.^  when  he  accompanied  his  maternal 
grandfather  (may  God  extend  his  grace  to  him  !)  to  the  camp  of 
Farid  T&ran,  commander  of  5000  horse,  which  was  then  pitched 
in  the  district  of  Bajw&r&,  a  dependency  of  Bay&na. 

In  the  year  954  or  955  a.u.  (God  knows  which  year  is  cor- 
rect) Khw&ja  Wais  Sarw&nt,  who  was  appointed  to  command  the 
expedition  against  'Azam  Hum&yun,  fought  with  the  Ni&zis  on 
the  confines  of  Dhankot,  and  was  defeated.^  'Azam  Ham&yun, 
flashed  with  this  success,  pursued  the  Ehw&ja  as  far  as  Sirhind. 
Salim  Sh&h  despatched  a  large  force  against  the  rebels,  and  a 
battle  ensued  at  the  same  place,  in  which  the  Ni&zis  were  de- 
feated. Some  of  their  women  who  were  made  captives  were  sent 
prisoners  to  Gw&lior,  and  Salim  Sh&h  violated  their  chastity.  He 
distributed  among  the  vagabonds  of  his  camp  the  tents,  stan- 
dards, and  other  spoil  of  the  Ni&zis  which  had  fallen  into  his 
bands,  bestowing  upon  them  the  titles  which  were  common  among 
the  Nidzis ;  such  as  Saiyid  Kh&n,  ^Azam  Hum&yun,  Sh&hb&z, 
etc.  He  granted  them  kettle-drums,  which  were  beaten  at  their 
respective  gates  at  the  stated  times.  These  low  persons  used  to 
beat  their  drums  aloud,  and  claim  the  dignity  of  the  dogs  of  the 
celestial  sphere.  These  people,  in  conformity  with  the  practice  of 
making  rounds,  which  is  occasionally  observed  among  the  pro- 
stitutes of  India,  went  every  Friday  night  to  do  homage  to  Salim 
Shdh,  instead  of  saying  their  prayers.  On  their  arrival  at  the 
palace,  the  heralds  exclaimed,  "  Oh  king,  be  gracious  enough  to 
cast  Your  Majesty's  eyes  upon  such  and  such  Niazi  Kh&ns,  who 
have  come  to  offer  up  prayers  for  your  health  and  welfare."  This 
proceeding  exceedingly  disgusted  the  Afgh&ns,  who  were  of  the 
same  tribe  as  the  King.  The  Ni&zi  titles,  and  the  standards  and 
drums,  which  were  granted  to  them  by  Salim  Shah,  are  said  by 
some  historians  to  have  been  bestowed  on  them  after  the  first 
battle.  God  knows  whether  this  is  correct  or  not.  'Azam 
1  See  suprd,  Vol.  IV.  p.  493. 

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TAETKH-I  BADAUNr.  489 

Ham&ydDy  who  was  defeated  in  the  last  battle,  was  never  able 
again  to  take  the  field. 

The  ranks  of  the  Ni&zfs  began  to  be  thinned  day  by  day,  and 
they  soon  dispersed.  In  the  first  instance  they  took  refuge  with 
the  Ghakars,  in  tbe  neighbourhood  of  Bioht&s,  and  then  settled 
themselyes  in  the  hills  in  the  vicinity  of  Kashmir.  Salim  Sh&h, 
with  the  view  of  suppressing  for  the  future  the  disturbances 
excited  by  these  insurgents,  moved  with  an  overwhelming  force^ 
and  took  up  a  strong  position  in  the  hills  to  the  north  of  the 
Panjdb,  where,  for  the  purpose  of  establishing  posts,  he  built  five 
fortresses,  called  M&nkot,  Bashidkot,  etc.  As  he  had  no  friendly 
disposition  towards  the  Afghans,  he  forced  them,  for  a  period  of 
two  years,  to  bring  stones  and  lime  for  the  building  of  those 
fortresses,  without  paying  them  a  single /t^/^,  otjUal,  Those 
who  were  exempted  from  this  labour  were  employed  against  the 
Ghakars,  who  resisted  strenuously,  and  with  whom  they  had 
skirmishes  every  day.  At  night  the  Qhakars  prowled  about  like 
thieves,  and  carried  away  whomsoever  they  could  lay  hands  on, 
without  distinction  of  sex  and  rank,  put  them  in  the  most  rigo- 
rous confinement,  and  then  sold  them  into  slavery. 

These  circumstances  sorely  afflicted  the  Afghans,  who  felt  that 
they  were  exposed  to  every  kind  of  insult,  but  it  was  not  in  the 
power  of  any  individual  to  lay  their  grievances  before  Salim 
Sh&h ;  until  one  day,  when  Sh&h  Muhammad  Farmuli,  a  noble 
noted  for  his  hilarity  and  jocular  speeches,  who  was  a  special 
companion  of  the  King,  took  heart  and  exclaimed,  ^'  O  my  liege  I 
two  nights  I  dreamt  that  three  bags  descended  from  heaven  ;  one 
containing  ashes ;  another,  gold  ;  and  the  third,  papers ;  the  ashes 
fell  upon  the  heads  of  the  troops ;  the  gold  upon  the  houses  of 
Hindus ;  and  the  papers  fell  to  the  lot  of  the  royal  treasury." 
Salim  Sh&h  did  not  take  the  allusion  ill,  and  it  had  the  effect  of 
inducing  him  to  promise  that  he  would,  on  his  return  to  Gw&lior, 
order  his  accountants  to  disburse  two  years'  pay  to  the  troops,  but 
his  death,  which  occurred  soon  afterwards,  prevented  the  fulfil- 
ment of  this  promise. 


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490  'ABBU-L  KADIR  BADAtTNT. 

Sultan  Muhammad  'A'dil,  otherunae  caUed  'Adali,  son  of 
Nizdm  Khan  Sitr.^ 

[Text,  vol.  i.  p.  413.]  His  real  name  was  Mub&riz  Kh&n ;  bat 
when  he  ascended  the  throne,  with  the  accord  of  the  ministers 
and  nobles,  he  assumed  the  title  of  Muhammad  '^dil.  The 
people,  however,  used  to  call  him  ^Adali,  and  went  so  far  as  to 
alter  the  letters  of  this  name  and  convert  it  into  Andhali,  which 
means  **  blind." 

Ibr&him  Kh&n,  after  an  unsuccessful  action  at  Kh&nwa,  fled  to 
Bayana,  which  is  a  strong  fort  in  a  commanding  position.  Himun 
immediately  invested  it,  and  skirmishes  were  of  daily  occurrence 
between  the  contending  parties.  The  fort  was  well  supplied  with 
guns  and  ammunition,  and  Gh&zl  Kh&n,  Ibr&him's  &ther,  who 
was  in  Hindun,  used  to  throw  supplies  into  it  by  way  of  the  hilla 
to  the  west  of  Baj&na.  Himun  invested  the  fort  for  three 
months,  and  devastated  the  whole  of  the  country  in  the  neigh* 
bourhood,  and  my  father's  library  in  Bas&war  was  almost  entirely 
destroyed. 

At  this  time  a  dreadful  famine  raged  in  the  eastern  provinces, 
especially  in  Agra,  Bay&na  and  Dehli,  so  that  one  air  of  the 
grain  called  juwdri  rose  to  two  and  a  half  tankas^  and  even  at 
that  price  could  not  be  obtained.  Many  of  the  faithful  closed 
their  doors,  and  died  by  tens  and  twenties,  and  even  in  ^eater 
numbers,  and  found  neither  cofSn  nor  grave.  Hindus  perished  in 
the  same  numbers.  The  common  people  fed  upon  the  seeds  of 
the  thorny  acacia,  upon  dry  herbage  of  the  forest,  and  on  the 
hides  of  the  cattle  which  the  wealthy  slaughtered  and  sold.  After 
a  few  days,  swellings  rose  on  their  hands  and  feet,  so  that  they 
died,  and  the  date  is  represented  by  the  words  khaahm-i  izad^ 
"  Wrath  of  God."  The  author  with  his  own  eyes  witnessed  the 
fact  that  men  ate  their  own  kind,  and  the  appearance  of  the 
famished  sufferers  was  so  hideous  that  one  could  scarcely  look 
upon  them.  What  with  the  scarcity  of  rain,  the  famine  and  the 
desolation,  and  what  with  uninterrupted  warfare  for  two  years, 

^  See  suproj  p.  43. 


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MEfKH-I  BADAUNr.  491 

the  whole  country  was  a  desert,  and  no  husbandmen  remained  to 
till  the  ground.  Insurgents  also  plundered  the  cities  of  the 
Musulm&ns. 

Amongst  the  remarkable  incidents  of  the  year  962,  during  the 
war  between  Sikandar  and  Ibr&him,  was  the  explosion  in  the  fort 
of  Agra,  of  which  the  following  is  a  brief  account.  When  the  • 
army  of  'Adali  Kh&n  had  left  Agra,  Ghazi  Eh&n  Sur  sent  his 
own  officers  with  a  garrison  to  protect  the  property,  to  keep  the 
fort  in  a  state  of  preparation,  and  to  lay  in  provisions,  for  which 
purpose  they  liad  to  examine  the  several  storerooms  and  work- 
shops. By  chance,  early  one  morning,  as  they  were  going  their 
rounds  with  a  lamp,  a  spark  fell  into  a  room  filled  with  gun- 
powder. In  the  twinkling  of  an  eye  it  ignited,  and  rising  up  to 
heaven,  the  earth  quaked,  so  that  the  inhabitants  of  the  city 
thought  that  the  Day  of  Judgment  had  come,  and  prayed 
devoutly  when,  they  were  roused  thus  suddenly  from  their  slum- 
bers. Planks,  enormous  stones  and  columns  were  sent  flying 
several  kos  to  the  other  side  of  the  Jumna,  many  people  were 
destroyed,  and  the  limbs  of  men  and  of  animals  were  blown  away, 
full  ten  or  twelve  miles.  As  the  name  of  the  citadel  of  Agra  was 
originally  called  Badalgarh,  the  date,  962,  was  found  in  the  words 
Mash'i  Bddalgadh—''  The  fire  of  B&dal." 

While  Himun  was  encamped  before  Bay&na,  the  people  died 
with  the  word  *' bread '^  upon  their  lips,  and  while  he  valued  the 
lives  of  a  hundred  thousand  men  at  no  more  than  a  barley-corn, 
he  fed  his  five  hundred  elephants  upon  rice,  sugar,  and  butter. 
The  whole  world  was  astounded  and  disgusted.  Himun,  once 
every  day,  eat  with  his  own  followers  in  public,  and  calling  the 
Afghans  to  his  own  table,  he  would  invite  them  to  eat,  telling 
them  to  take  up  large  handfuls,  and  he  would  shamefully  abuse 
any  one  whom  he  saw  eating  slowly,  and  say,  **How  can  you  with 
such  a  slender  appetite  expect  to  fight  with  any  rascally  Mu- 
ghal?" As  the  Afgh&ns  had  now  nearly  lost  their  power,  they 
could  not  muster  spirit  enough  to  reply  to  the  unclean  infidel ; 
and  laying  aside  the  bluntness   and  hastiness   for  which  they 

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492  'ABDU-L  KKDIU  BADAUNF. 

are  so  celebrated,  they  consented,  whether  from  fear  of  con- 
Beqaences  or  hope  of  reward,  to  swallow  his  foul  language  like  so 
many  sweetmeats,  adopting  the  following  verses  as  their  maxim: 

*'  Place  not  your  hands  submissively  on  my  feet ; 
Give  me  only  bread,  and  lay  your  slipper  on  my  head/' 

Reign  of  Akbar. 
Campaign  of  Khdn-zamdn. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  24.  Year  964.]  [Khan-zam£n  in  these  few 
years,  with  a  small  force,  fought  bravely  against  the  numerous 
forces  of  the  Afgh4ns,  and  obtained  the  victory  over  them.  The 
history  of  his  campaigns  is  a  bright  page  in  the  annak  of  the 
time.  At  the  battle  of  Lucknow  Hasan  Kh&n  Bachgoti  came 
up  against  him  with  20,000  men,  and  Eh&u-zam&n  had  uot 
altogether  more  than  3000  or  4000.  When  the  enemy  passed 
the  river  Karwi  and  attacked  Bah&dur  Eh&n,  he  himself  was 
engaged  taking  a  meal.  When  he  was  told  that  the  enemy  was 
at  hand,  he  called  for  the  chess-board  and  played  at  his  ease. 
Afterwards  being  told  that  a  foreign  army  was  driving  back  his 
forces,  he  called  for  his  arms.  His  tents  were  being  plundered, 
and  his  whole  army  was  in  confusion.  He  ordered  Baliadnr 
Kh&n  to  retire ;  then  he,  with  a  few  men,  beat  his  drums  and 
fell  upon  the  enemy.  He  overpowered  them,  and  drove  them 
for  seven  or  eight  ko8.  Many  of  them  were  slain,  and  heaps 
were  formed  of  the  corpses. 

So  also  at  Jaunpur  he  fought  with  the  Gaurian  who  called 
himself  Sult&u  Bah&dur,  and  had  issued  coin  and  caused  the 
khutba  to  be  read  in  his  name  in  Bengal.  This  man  advanced 
against  Jaunpur  with  about  30,000  horse,  and  the  men  of  Kh&n- 
zam&n  were  completely  routed.  When  Kh&n-zam4n  arose  from 
his  repast,  he  found  the  enemy  engaged  upon  their  meal  or 
occupied  in  plundering.  The  Kh&n  fell  upon  them  with  a  small 
party  of  men,  completely  routed  the  Afgh&ns,  killing  many  and 
making  many  prisoners.     He  obtained  such  booty  that  his  army 

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TARrKH-I  BADAUNr.  493 

wanted  for  nothing.  The  victories  which  he  and  his  brother 
achieved  could  have  been  accomplished  bat  by  few.  These  two 
brothers  had  many  noble  qualities;  but  the  mark  of  rebellion 
was  upon  them,  so  that  in  the  end  all  their  exploits  came  to 
the  dust.] 

Owdlior  and  Bantambhor. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  31.i]  [In  the  year  966  the  fort  of  Gw&Hor  was 
taken.  A  slave  of  ^Adali's  named  Buhail  Kh&n  (Suhail),  being 
besieged  in  the  fort,  made  terms  and  surrendered  the  keys.  The 
date  was  found  in  the  words,  Fath  bob  kil'ah  OwdMr.  In  this 
same  year  another  slave  of 'Adall's,  named  Sangr&m  Kh&n,  sold 
the  fort  of  Bantambhor  into  the  hands  of  Surjan  B&i  H&dd.  The 
facts  of  the  matter  are,  that  shortly  before  this,  when  His  Majesty 
took  up  his  abode  at  i)Cgra,  he  sent  a  party  of  amirs,  such  as 
Hindu  Beg  Mughal,  to  reduce  this  fort.  These  amira  drove 
Sangr&m  Eh&n  before  them,  and  ravaged  the  country  round  the 
fortress  ;  but  they  were  unable  to  accomplish  their  object.] 

Affairs  of  the  Author. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  32.]  In  a.h.  966,  I  left  my  home  at  Bas&war, 
and  went  to  Agra,  for  the  purpose  of  completing  my  education. 
I  became  acquainted  with  Mihr  'Ali  Beg,  and  liv^ed  in  his  house. 
The  Beg  pressed  most  earnestly  upon  Shaikh  Mubarak  N&gori, 
my  tutor  (the  peace  of  God  be  upon  him !),  and  Muluk  Sh&h,  my 
father  (God  sanctify  his  tomb!),  his  desire  that  I  should  accom- 
pany him  on  his  projected  expedition,  and  threatened  that  he 
would  not  depart,  unless  this  request  was  conceded.  These  two 
dear  guardians,  moved  by  their  friendly  feelings,  being  persuaded 
that  it  was  to  my  advantage  to  go,  consented  to  the  arrangement, 
and  to  please  them,  though  an  inexperienced  traveller,  and 
though  compelled  for  the  time  to  relinquish  my  usual  studies,  I 
started,  in  the  height  of  the  rains,  on  this  perilous  journey. 
Passing  through  Kanauj,  Lucknow,  Jaunpdr,  and  Benares,  and 
1  See  suprd,  pp.  167, 175,  259,  260. 


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494  'ABDU-L  KXDIR  BADAl/Nr. 

seeing  all  that  was  to  be  seen,  and  holding  interviews  with  several 
holy  and  learned  personages,  I  crossed  the  river  Ganges,  and 
arrived  at  Ghan&r  in  the  month  of  Zi-1  ka'da,  a.h.  966. 

Jam&l  Khan  sent  some  of  his  dependents  to  meet  Mihr  ^Ali 
Beg,  and  they  conducted  him  to  Jamal  Kh^n'^s  house.  The 
palaces  of  Sher  Shdh  and  Salim  Sh&h,  and  all  the  ammanition 
and  resources  of  the  fort  were  shown  to  him,  and  he  was  ap- 
parently received  with  the  utmost  hospitality  and  kindness. 

When  the  farmdn  was  read,  which  was  intended  to  conciliate 
Jam&l  Kh&n,  by  conferring  upon  him  five  parganas  of  Jaunpur 
in  in'dm  tenure,  in  lieu  of  the  fort  of  Ghnn&r,  Jam&l  Kh&n 
showed  that  he  had  further  expectations,  and  placed  the  most 
unheard-of  difficulties  in  the  way,  seeking  to  delay  Mihr  'A  If 
until  an  answer  should  be  received  to  the  representation  which 
he  had  made  to  Court.  He  insidiously -wrote  also,  at  the  same 
time,  communications  both  to  Kh&n-zam&n  and  to  Fath  Kh&n 
Afgh&n,  who  was  in  the  fort  of  Boht&s  with  a  considerable  force, 
holding  out  to  them  separately  promises  of  the  fort. 

When  Mihr  'Ali  was  aware  of  the  perfidy  practised  by  Jam&l 
Kh&n,  and  being  not  without  suspicions  of  the  fidelity  of  Fath 
Kh&n,  he  feared  they  would  league  together  for  his  injury,  and 
so  he  left  the  fort  under  pretence  of  taking  an  airing,  and  cross- 
ing the  river  in  considerable  alarm,  proceeded  direct  to  Agra,^ 
leaving  me  in  the  fort.  As  I  thought  it  best  to  temporize  with 
Jam&l  Kh&n  by  way  of  making  my  own  escape,  I  proposed  to 
him  that  I  should  try  and  bring  back  Mihr  'AH,  and  effect  a 
reconciliation.  To  this  he  acceded,  and  in  the  evening  I  got 
into  a  boat  with  the  intention  of  crossing  the  river.  It  so 
happened  that  the  boat  fell  into  a  raging  whirlpool  under  the 
hill  near  the  wall  of  the  fort,  and  a  fierce  wind  arose  which 
made  the  vessel  shiver.  If  the  mercy  of  God,  the  ruler  of  earth 
and  water,  had  not  acted  as  my  sail,  the  bark  of  my  hope 
would  have  been  dashed  to  atoms  by  the  whirlpool  of  calamity 
against  the  hill  of  death. 

^  This  sentence  is  not  in  the  printed  text. 


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TARfKH-I  BADAUNr.  495 

In  the  jungle  which  lies  at  the  foot  of  the  Ghun&r  hills,  Shaikh 
Muhammad  Ghaus,  one  of  the  greatest  saints  of  India,  had  re- 
sided for  twelve  years  in  the  practice  of  asceticism,  consuming 
the  leaves  and  fruits  of  the  forest  as  his  food;  and  so  celebrated 
was  he  for  the  fulfilment  of  his  blessings,  that  even  powerful 
kings  used  to  corae  and  visit  him,  and  pay  their  respects.  I  fell 
in  with  one  of  his  dependents,  and  arrived  at  the  hermitage.  He 
himself  was  not  there,  for  in  this  very  year  he  had  proceeded 
from  Gujar&t  to  Agra,  where  he  arrived  in  great  pomp  and 
circumstance,  accompanied  by  several  disciples,  and  gave  con- 
siderable satisfaction  to  the  f]mperor  by  the  principles  and  faith 
which  he  professed.  ♦  * 

Shaikh  Gad&i,  with  that  spirit  of  jealousy,  spite,  and  malice 
which  is  a  peculiar  failing  of  the  saints  of  Hindust&n,  was  vexed 
at  this  intrusion  of  a  rival,  and  looked  upon  Shaikh  Muhammad 
Ghaus  as  one  shopkeeper  does  on  another,  who  commences  the 
same  trade,  in  the  storey  directly  over  his  head.  Wise  men  know 
well  the  truth  of  the  adage,  "  Two  of  a  trade  never  agree." 
Kh&n-i  kh&n&n,  who  was  much  attached  to  Shaikh  Gad&i,  did 
not  receive  Shaikh  Muhammad  with  that  degree  of  respect  and 
favour  which  was  his  due.  On  the  contrary,  he  assembled 
divines  and  learned  men,  in  order  to  ridicule  the  treatise  of  the 
Shaikh,  in  which  he  had  said  that  he  had  in  his  waking  moments 
had  an  interview  and  conversation  with  God,  who  assigned  him  a 
superiority  over  the  Prophet  Muhammad.  He  had  written  other 
nonsense  equally  pernicious  and  blasphemous.  He  sent  also  for 
the  Shaikh,  and  made  him  the  butt  of  his  contumely — so  that 
the  Shaikh,  much  chagrined,  retired  to  Gwdlior,  where  he  en- 
gaged himself  in  the  pursuits  of  his  holy  calling,  and  contented 
himself  with  the  proceeds  of  a  jagir,  which  yielded  a  kror  (of 
tankas). 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  53.]  [On  27th  Rajab  of  this  year  (969  a.h.)  my 
father  Muliik  Sh&h  (may  God  be  merciful  to  him !)  died  in  Agra 
of  dysentery.  I  carried  his  bier  to  Bas&war,  and  there  buried, 
him.     I  found  the  date  of  his  death  in  the  words  Jahdn-fazl.'] 

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496  'ABDU-L  EADIE  BADAUNf. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  63.]  At  the  time  when  the  compiler  of  this 
work  resided  at  i(^ra,  for  the  purpose  of  finishing  his  edacation. 
Shaikh  Muhammad  Ghaus  one  day  passed  by  in  great  state,  and 
accompanied  by  acclamations  which  rent  the  air.  H^  was  clothed 
in  the  garb  of  £k  fakir,  I  was  at  first  anxious  to  pay  my  respects 
to  him;  but  when  I  learnt  that  he  was  in  the  habit  of  rising  to 
receive  the  salutations  of  Hindus,  that  desire  vanished,  and  I  was 
deprived  of  the  satisfiustion  I  had  anticipated.  Another  day,  I 
saw  him  in  the  bdzdr  at  Agra,  with  multitudes  of  people  throng- 
ing before  and  behind  him^  and  he  was  so  constantly  occupied  in 
returning  the  salutations  of  the  people  on  all  sides  of  him,  that 
he  could  not  sit  up  erect  during  the  whole  time  of  his  airing. 
Although  he  was  eighty  years  old,  his  countenance  was  wonder- 
fully fresh,  and  his  whole  appearance  betokened  anything  but 
old  age  and  debility.     The  mercy  of  God  be  upon  him !  ^ 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  64.]  On  the  20th  of  the  blessed  month  Rama- 
z&n  of  this  year  (970  a.h.)  I  heard  at  Sansaw&n,  in  Sambal,  of 
the  death  of  my  maternal  grandiather  in  Bas&war.  He  had 
taught  me  several  sciences,  and  I  was  much  attached  to  him. 
He  had  many  claims  upon  the  respect  of  men  of  letters.  The 
date  of  his  death  is  represented  by  the  letters  composing  the 
words,  Fdzil'i  Jahdn^  "  The  excellent  of  his  time." 

Hmain  Khan  Tukriya. 
[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  125.]  In  a.h.  977  the  pargana  of  Lucknow  was 
transferred  from  the  possession  of  Husain  Kb&n  Kashmiri  to 
that  of  Mahdi  K&sim  Kh&n,  who  had  just  returned  from  Mecca, 
and  had  paid  his  respects  to  the  Emperor  at  Bantambhor. 
Husain  Ehan'  was   highly  indignant  at  this,  and  exclaimed, 

^  Among^  the  biographies  which  are  given  at  the  close  of  the  work,  one  is  derated 
to  the  Shaikh,  in  which  the  author  says,  that  there  was  so  Utile  pride  and  self- 
sufficiency  in  the  Shaikh's  composition,  that  he  was  never  known  to  ntter  the  mono- 
syllable man^  I.  The  instance  he  adduces  to  prove  the  assertion  is,  by  the  sttfdied 
attempt  to  avoid  the  use  of  that  word«  more  offensive  than  the  most  rampant  egotism. 

'  This  man,  of  whom  some  notice  has  already  been  taken  in  the  Tabakdui  AlAmri^ 
tuprd,  p.  468,  appears  to  have  been  an  enthusiast,  or  a  mad  man,  who  could  not  get 
over  the  persuasion  that  inexhaustible  wealth  was  to  be  procured,  from  poasesaing 


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TARrKH-I  BADAUNr.  497 

"Our  friendship  is  broken,  we  shall  meet  no  more  till  the 
day  of  judgment.'^  He  then  abandoned  in  disgust  (his  wife) 
the  daughter  of  Mahdi  K&sim,  notwithstanding  he  loved  her, 
and  took  the  daughter  of  his  uncle  Ghazanfar  Beg.  After  a 
while,  leaving  his  wife  in  distress,  and  the  daughter  of  Mahdi 
Kh&n  with  her  brothers  in  Khair&bid,  he  set  forth  from  Lucknow 
with  the  design  of  breaking  down  the  idols  and  of  demolishing 
the  idol  temples.  For  he  had  heard  that  their  bricks  were  made 
of  gold  and  silver,  and  other  false  reports  of  their  unbounded 
treasures  had  come  to  his  ears.  He  proceeded  through  Oudh, 
towards  the  Siw&lik  hills.^  The  hill-men,  as  is  their  custom, 
abandoned  the  lower  hills  after  a  slight  resistance,  and  fled  for 
security  to  higher  elevations,  of  which  the  ascent  was  very 
dangerous.  Husain  Kh&n  arrived  at  last  at  the  place  where 
Sult&n  Mahmud,  nephew  of  Pir  Muhammad  Eh&n,  was  slain. 
He  read  the  fdtiha  for  the  pure  spirits  of  the  martyrs  who  fell 
there,  and  repaired  their  dilapidated  tombs.  He  then  ravaged 
the  whole  country  as  far  as  the  kaabah  of  Wajrdil,  in  the 
country  of  B&j&  Bankd,  a  powerful  zaminddr^  and  from  that  town 
to  Ajmir,  which  is  his  capital.  In  that  place  are  to  be  found 
mines  of  gold  and  silver,  silks,  musk,  and  all  the  productions  of 
Tibet,  from  which  country  he  was  only  distant  two  days'  journey; 
— when,  on  a  sudden,  as  has  been  frequently  observed  in  those 
mountains,   the  neighing  of  the  horses,  and  the  sound  of  the 

himself  of  the  mines  in  the  hills.  Five  or  six  yean  afterwards,  he  plundered  the 
Do&b,  and  then  made  an  attack  on  Basantpdr  in  the  hills,  where  there  was  a  royal 
garrison,  and  died  from  the  effects  of  a  gun-shot  wound  received  there.  'Abdu- 
E&dir,  who  declares  himself  a  devoted  friend  and  admirer  of  Husain  Eh6n,  says 
that,  though  to  all  appearance  he  was  a  fool,  he  was  in  reality  a  very  intelligent  man. 
See  infrdj  p.  603. 

^  An  impression  of  the  great  wealth  of  Kum&(in  was  generally  prevalent  about 
•  this  time.  Firishta  at  the  conclusion  of  bis  work,  in  speaking  of  the  native  R&j&s 
of  Hind(&Bt&n,  says,  **The  R&j&  of  Eum&dn  possesses  extensive  dominions.  A  con- 
siderable quantity  of  gold  is  procured  by  washing,  and  copper  mines  are  to  be  fnund 
in  the  country.  The  treasures,  too,  are  vast.  It  is  a  rule  among  the  R&j&s  not  to 
encroach  upon  the  hoards  of  their  ancestors ;  for  it  is  a  saying  among  them,  that 
whoever  applies  his  father's  treasures  to  his  own  use,  will  become  mean  and  beggarly 
in  spirit,  so  that,  at  the  present  day,  fifty-six  distinct  treasures  exist,  which  have  been 
left  by  the  R&j&s  of  Kum&Cin,  each  with  the  owner's  seal  upon  it" 

TOL.  y.  32 


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498  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAUNF. 

kettle-drums,  as  well  as  the  voices  of  his  followers,  caused  the 
clouds  to  collect,  and  so  much  rain  fell,  that  neither  com  nor 
grass  was  to  be  procured.^  Famine  stared  the  array  in  the  fiwe, 
and  although  Hnsain  Eh&n,  with  the  most  undaunted  intrepidity 
encouraged  his  men,  and  excited  their  cupidity  by  representing 
the  wealth  of  the  city  and  the  country,  in  gold,  jewels  and 
treasure,  they  were  too  much  disheartened  to  second  his  resolu- 
tion, and  he  was  compelled  to  retreat. 

On  their  retreat  the  E&firs,  who  were  in  possession  of  the 
passes,  showered  down  stones  and  arrows  tipped  with  poisoned 
bones  upon  them.  They  also  blocked  up  the  way,  and  most  of 
the  bravest  of  his  warriors  drank  the  cup  of  martyrdom.  Many 
of  the  wounded,  who  escaped  at  the  time,  died  five  or  six 
months  afterwards  from  the  effects  of  the  poison. 

Husain  Kh&n  returned  to  Court,  and  requested  that  K&nt  and 
GTola*  might  be  conferred  upon  him  in  jdglr^  in  lieu  of  tlie  one  he 
held  before.  This  was  graciously  acceded  to.  Several  times  he 
made  incursions  to  the  foot  of  the  hills  with  various  success,  but 
he  was  never  able  to  penetrate  into  the  interior.  Many  fine 
fellows,  who  had  escaped  half-dead  from  his  first  expedition,  now 
felt  the  malarious  influence  of  the  climate,  and  died  off,  but  not  in 
battle.  After  some  years  Husain  Ehan,  contrary  to  the  advice 
and  remonstrances  of  his  friends,  mustered  his  forces  for  a  final 

1  This  story  reminds  us  of  the  succour  which  was  so  opportunely  offered  to  the 
army  of  Marcus  Aurelius,  when  it  was  engaged  in  a  hopeless  conflict  with  the  Marco- 
manni,  in  the  barren  mountains  beyond  the  Danube. 

Oh  niminm  dllecte  Deo !  cul  fandit  ab  antris 
JSolus  armatas  hiemea ;  cai  militat  ntber, 
£t  oonjurati  Teniunt  ad  olaasioa  venti. 

Claudian,  De  tert.  Cbns.    Honor,  t.  98. 

Tertullian,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  and  other  Ghrisidan  authors  ascribe  the  miracolous 
shower  to  the  prayers  of  the  Christian  soldiers  in  the  army.  Suidas  and  Dio  CaGsiiu 
to  a  magician.  The  fact  is  indisputable ;  the  cause  is  more  probably  explained  by 
our  Oriental  writer.  In  modern  days,  it  has  frequently  been  obserred  that  severe 
actions  haye  been  followed  by  rain,  and  philosophical  reasons  have  been  assigned  for 
this  curious  effect. 

*  This  district,  which  pretty  nearly  corresponds  with  Sh&hjah&npdr,  in  Rohilkhand, 
is  sometimes  styled  K&nt  Gola.  For  the  position  and  varying  extent  of  this  tract, 
see  SuppUtnental  Glouaryy  Art  Gola. 


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TAEfKH-I  BADAirNF.  499 

straggle  to  get  possession   of  the  hills^   and  perished   in   the 
attempt,  as,  please  God,  will  be  mentioned  in  its  proper  place. 

About  this  time  I  went,  after  taking  leave  of  Husain  Eh&n^ 
from  Lucknow  to  Bad&un,  where  I  formed  a  suitable  nuptial 
alliance  for  my  brother.  Shaikh  Muhammad,  whom  I  loved  from 
my  very  soul,  nay,  better  than  my  own  soul,  for  he  was  endowed 
with  every  excellent  and  angelic  quality.  Three  months  did  not 
elapse  before  he  died,  he,  as  well  as  'Abdu-1  Latif,  the  light  of  my 
eyes,  the  earliest  fruits  of  the  garden  of  my  life  (my  first-bom), 
who,  when  time  cast  an  evil  eye  upon  him,  was  carried  off,  in  the 
twinkling  of  an  eye,^  from  the  cradle  to  the  tomb,  and  I  was 
suddenly  reduced  from  the  happiest  to  the  saddest  of  men.  God 
created  me,  and  to  God  shall  I  return ! 

Death  of  Shaikh  Salim  Chishti. — The  Author  wounded, — 
Conflagration  at  Baddun.  '  ^  / 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  136.]  In  the  year  979  a.h.  the  palace  at  Agra 
and  the  palace  at  the  new  town  of  Fathpur  were  completed.  *  *  * 
At  the  close  of  the  month  of  Bamaz&n  of  this  year.  Shaikh  Salim 
Chishti,  of  Fathpur,  died.  He  was  one  of  the  chief  saints  of 
Hindust&n,  and  his  sayings  are  worthy  of  commemoration.  I 
will  hereafter  give  a  notice  of  him,  please  God,  in  the  supplement 
to  this  history. 

During  this  year  an  unfortunate  accident  befell  the  author,  of 
which  the  following  are  the  particulars.  At  the  period  when 
Kant  and  Gola  was  held  in  j'dgir  by  Muhammad  Husain  Kh&n, 
and  when  it  pleased  fate  to  associate  me  with  him  for  some  time, 
as  I  was  appointed  Judge  of  that  district,^  I  went  on  a  pilgrimage 
to  Makanpur,  a  dependency  of  Kanauj,  where  is  the  tomb  of  the 
holy  Shaikh,  Badi'u-1  Hakk  wau-d  din  Shdh  Maddr  (may  God 
sanctify  his  tomb!).  Tiiis  son  of  man,  through  the  disposition 
which  he  inherited  from  his  sinful  and  ignorant  nature  (which 

1  This  triple  repetition  of  the  word  ei/e  ia  intended  for  a  witticism— frigid  enough, 
and  in  a  most  inappropriate  place. 

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500  'ABDIT-L  KADIR  BADAlTNr. 

he  imbibed  with  his  mother's  crude  milk,  and  which  is  the 
cause  of  shame  and  reproach),  and  through  innate  darkness 
and  ignorance  (which  are  the  source  of  presumption  and  baseness, 
and  which  came  down  to  him  by  inheritance  from  &ther  Adam), 
the  eyes  of  his  wisdom  were  covered  with  a  film  of  lust,  and  he 
was  inclosed  in  the  net  of  lasciviousness,  so  that  he  committed 
all  of  a  sudden,  as  was  of  old  forewilled  by  Providence,  a  gross 
impropriety  within  that  shrine.  Since  the  chastisement  as  well 
as  the  mercy  of  God  was  upon  me,  I  received  upon  earth  the 
punishment  of  my  sin,  by  his  ordaining  that  several  connexions 
of  the  girl  whom  I  fell  in  love  with  should  inflict  nine  sword 
wounds  upon  my  head,  hands,  and  shoulders.  They  were  all 
slight,  but  one  penetrated  the  bone  of  my  skull,  and  reached  to 
the  brain,  exposing  me  as  a  brainless  fellow,  and  another  partially 
severed  the  veins  of  the  little  finger  of  my  left  hand.  I  fisunted 
away,  and  appeared  to  be  travelling  to  another  world.  May  Gt>d 
bless  my  resurrection ! 

I  met  with  an  excellent  surgeon  in  B&ngarmau,  who  closed  my 
wounds  within  a  week,  and  in  the  midst  of  my  pain  and  illness, 
I  made  a  vow,  that  if  I  recovered  I  would  go  to  Mecca — a  vow 
which  I  have  not  yet  been  able  to  perform,  but  which  I  hope, 
God  willing,  to  do  before  I  die,  and  before  any  obstacle  intervenes 
to  prevent  the  execution  of  that  excellent  resolve.  The  rest  is 
with  God! 

Afterwards,  I  arrived  at  K&nt  and  Gola,  and  had  no  sooner 
bathed  after  my  recovery,  than  I  was  again  laid  on  my  bed  by 
sickness,  the  wound  having  become  ulcerous  from  the  effect  of 
excessive  cold.  Husain  Khan  (may  God  bless  him  with  eternal 
Paradise!  for  he  showed  himself  more  than  a  father  or  a  brother 
to  me)  administered  some  medicine,  in  the  shape  of  a  plaster  and 
electuary,  both  made  from  the  wood  of  the  tamarisk,  and  enabled 
me  to  proceed  on  my  journey  to  Bad&un.  There  another  surgeon 
took  off  the  dressings,  and  re-opened  the  wound  on  my  head.  I 
was  nearly  expiring  from  the  intensity  of  the  pjun.  *  •  * 

During  this  year  a  dreadful  fire  broke  out  at  Badaun,  and  an 


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TARFKH-I  BADAITNT.  501 

immense  number  of  Miisulmdns  and  Hindus  perished  in  the 
flames.  Carts  full  of  the  remains  of  those  who  were  burnt  were 
driven  down  to  the  river,  and  no  one  could  tell  who  was  a 
believer,  and  who  an  infidel.  Many  who  escaped  being  burnt 
rushed  to  the  ramparts,  and  were  so  scorched  by  the  flames,  that 
men  and  women  precipitated  themselves  from  the  wall  in  despair. 
Some  had  their  skins  burnt  and  disfigured.  Water  seemed  only 
to  add  fuel  to  the  flames.  All  this  I  witnessed  with  my  own 
eyes,  and  heard  the  noise  of  the  flames  with  my  own  ears.  Some 
it  warned,  others  it  destroyed.  A  short  time  before  this,  a  half- 
witted fellow  came  from  the  Do&b,  whom  I  took  into  my  own 
house  and  society.  He  said  to  me  one  day  in  private,  that  I 
ought  to  flee  out  of  that  city,  as  some  infliction  of  Providence 
was  about  to  befall  it.  But  I  paid  no  attention  to  him,  as  he  was 
a  frequenter  of  taverns. 

Erection  of  the  fort  of  Surat,  in  defiance  of  the  Portuguese 

infidels} 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  145.]  One  day  in  the  year  980,  the  King  went 
to  look  at  the  fort  of  Surat,  and  gave  orders  to  repair  the  portions 
that  had  been  battered  and  destroyed.  During  his  inspection 
he  saw  the  large  mortars,  which  had  been  despatched  with  a 
powerful  fleet  and  army  by  Sulaim&n  Sult&n,  the  Turkish  Em- 
peror, to  assist  in  capturing  the  harbours  of  Gujar&t,  and  had  been 
left  on  the  sea-shore,  covered  with  rust,  because  Sulaim&n  A'ga, 
the  admiral,  had  abandoned  the  enterprise  through  meeting  with 
some  obstacle.'     There  they  remained,  until  Khud&wand  Kh&n 

1  [See  «{iprd,  p.  350.] 

'  Mubammadan  authoiB  slorover  the  precipitate  retreat,  but  Shaikh  Zainu-d  din 
confesses  to  a  panic. — See  Rowlandson,  Tohfut-ul'mujahideen,  p.  143.  Maffei — who 
styles  the  admiral  Sulaim&n^  '*  Solimanns  Peloponnesius,  yir  enormi  non  minus  adipe, 
qnam  avaritia  et  crudelitate  notissimus/' — tells  us,  that  the  Turks  were  so  terrified  by 
the  four  lanterns,  which  the  Portuguese  hung  out  from  some  of  the  ships  of  the  6oa 
fleet,  that  they  set  sail  for  Arabia  in  the  utmost  alarm,  leaTing  behind  them  five 
hundred  wounded  and  a  great  portion  of  their  ordnance. 

Nonnius,  (Nuno  de  Cunha)  dum  ab  subsidium  inolusis  ferendum  reliquam  omat 
dassem,  celeriter  prsemisse  libumicsB  sexdedm  ad  Madrafabam  aceesserant  noctu, 
quatemis  in  singulas  pnppes  luminibus  ad  speciem  angendam  baud  frnstra  sublatis : 

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602  'ABDU-L  KADIB  BADAUNI. 

wazir  had  them  carried  into  the  fort  of  Surat,  at  the  time  it  was 
building.  The  few  which  remained  had  been  taken  to  Junagarh  ^ 
by  the  Governor.  The  King  inspected  them,  and  gave  orders  that 
some  of  them,  which  were  not  wanted  there,  should  be  sent  to 
Agra.« 

The  reason  assigned  for  Ehud&wand  Khin's'  building  the  fort 
of  Surat  is,  that  the  Firingfs  used  to  oppress  the  Mnsulm&ns  in 
every  kind  of  manner,  devastating  the  country,  and  tormenting 
God's  servants.  At  the  time  of  laying  the  foundations  of  the 
fort,  they  tried  to  throw  every  obstacle  in  the  way,  by  firing 
cannon  from  their  ships,^  but  all  without  effect. 

That  expert  engineer  laid  the  foundations  of  one  side  within 
the  sea,  dug  a  deep  ditch  round  the  two  sides  which  fsyoed  the 
land,  and  built  the  walls  with  stones  and  burnt  bricks.  The  wall 
was  thirty-five  yards  long.^  The  breadth  of  the  four  walls  was 
fifteen  yards,  and  their  height  twenty  yards,  and  the  breadth  of 

60  qaippe  terrore  Tnrcea  peroolsi,  tribna  jam  millibiis  snanun  amiasis,  •  •  •  noctiB 
intempestsB  silentio  conscendunt  naree,  dnobm  drciter  mensibufl  in  obsidione  oonramp- 
tis ;  ac  Tela  dant  in  Arabiam  tanUt  cum  irepidatione,  at  saneioB  qningentos  et  mag^nam 
iormentornm  partem  fedd  reliqnerint. — (Maffei,  Hist,  Indie,  Lib.  xi.  toI.  ii.  p.  60S.) 

Diego  de  Conto  says  tbat  the  stratagem  was  rendered  more  effectual  by  the  cotnci- 
dence  of  an  eclipse  of  the  moon. — (Asia,  Dec  t.  lib.  t.  cap.  4.  See  also  Faria-e- 
Bonza,  torn.  i.  part  iy.  cap.  9.) 

**  Solyman,  the  Bassa,"  says  Knolles,  ^'  a  moat  femons  Pyrat,  assaulted  (In  Sq[>tem' 
ber,  1538)  Dium,  a  castle  of  the  Portngals,  situate  upon  the  month  of  that  great  rirer 
(Indus),  but,  in  conclusion,  after  he  had  many  days  besieged  the  caatle,  both  by  sea  and 
land,  and  tried  the  uttermost  of  his  strength,  he  was  so  repulsed  by  the  Portngala,  that 
he  was  glad  to  forsake  the  siege,  and  leaving  his  great  ordnance  behind  him  for  haste, 
returned  back  again  to  Aden,  a  city  of  great  trade  in  Arabia  Felix  " — lUrkish  JETm- 
iory,  vol.  i.  p.  461. 

^  Firishta,  in  his  reign  of  Mahmlld  Sh&h  III.  of  Gujar&t,  saya  that  they  were 
brought /roffi  Junagarh  for  the  defence  of  Surat ;  and  this  is  the  most  probable,  as  the 
ordnance  was  abandoned  at  Did. 

*  The  Mir^i-i  Ahmadi  says  there  was  only  one  Sulaim&nl  gun  which  the  King 
wished  to  transfer  to  Agra,  but  could  not  find  the  means  of  transport  for  so  heaxy  a 
piece.— See  Bird,  History  of  Ch^ardty  p.  322. 

'  This  is  the  same  chief  that  we  read  of  in  Sidi  'AlTs  journal. — See  Diei,  Detdt- 
wurdigkeiten  von  Asien^  toL  ii.  p.  180. 

B  [This  sentence  was  not  given  in  the  original  translation,  bat  a  note  in  the 
printed  text  says  that  it  is  found  in  aU  the  three  copies  oonsulted.  There  must  be 
some  omission  or  error,  or  the  fort  must  have  been  a  rery  small  affair.] 


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TAEfKH-I  BADAimr.  603 

the  ditch  waa  twenty  yards.  All  the  stones,  the  joints  and 
interstices  were  fastened  together  with  iron  clamps,  and  made 
firm  with  molten  lead.  The  battlements  and  embrasures  are  lofty, 
and  so  beautifiil  that  every  one  was  astonished  at  beholding  them. 
On  the  bastions,  which  projected  into  the  sea,  was  erected  a  gallery 
(ghur/a)y  which  the  Firingis,  especially  the  Portuguese,  profess  to 
say  is  an  inrention  of  their  own.  When  the  Musulm&ns  began 
to  erect  this  ehaukandij^  the  Firingis  exerted  every  kind  of  op- 
position to  obstruct  it;  and  when  they  found  they  could  not 
prevail  by  force,  they  offered  large  sums  of  money  to  prevent  its 
being  built:  but  Khnd&wand  Kh&n,  through  the  regard  which  he 
bore  to  his  own  religion,  sternly  refused,  and  plied  the  work  till 
it  was  finished,  in  contemptuous  defiance  of  the  Christians. 

Husain  Khdn  Tukriya. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  16 1.]  In  980  a.h.  Husain  Eh&n  Mahdi  K&sim 
Eh&ni,  jdgirddr  of  E&nt  and  Grola,  had  gone  off  to  quell  the  insur- 
gents of  Bad&dn  and  Patti&Ii,  before  he  heard  of  Ibr&him  Husain 
Mirz&'s  arrival  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli.*     In  the  mean 

^  It  is  quite  inoomprelieiisible  why  this  building,  whatever  it  was,  Bhoald  liaye  ex- 
cited 80  much  rancour  on  both  rides.  One  might  suppose  it  was  rather  a  battery, 
than  a  small  palace.  Literally,  it  may  be  said  to  mean  '*  a  four-cornered  room." 
Briggs  calls  it  a  four-storied  palace.    He  translates  the  passage  thus : — 

**  Within  the  town  is  a  beautiful  building,  four  stories  high,  which  the  Hindus  call 
Chowkunda,  and  the  Europeans  compare  it  to  a  Portuguese  palace.  Finding  they  could 
not  prevent  by  force  the  construction  of  the  fort,  the  Portuguese  offered  large  sums 
of  money  to  induce  Khoodabunda  Khan  not  to  fortify  Burat,  but  their  gold  was 
rejected." — (Briggs,  yoL  ii.,  Firishta,  vol.  iv.  p.  147.) 

This  differs  much  from  the  original,  which  runs  thus : — 

«  The  Firingis  said,  *  If  you  will  not  abstain  from  building  the  fort,  do  not,  at 
any  rate,  build  the  ehaukandi  after  the  model  of  Portugal ;  and  to  secure  that,  we 
will  pay  as  much  money  as  we  offered  to  prevent  your  building  the  fort.'  Ohazanfar 
Ak&i  Turk,  sumamed  Khud&wand  Kh&n,  replied,  *  Through  the  liberality  of  the 
Sult&n  I  am  in  need  of  nothing;  and  to  show  my  detestation  of  you,  I  shall  build  this 
kind  of  ehaukandi,  and  secure  for  myself  the  peculiar  blessings  which  attend  good 
works.'  He  then  sent  for  the  ordnance  and  other  stores,  which  were  called  Suiaimdnl 
on  account  of  the  Turks  having  abandoned  them,  and  which  were  then  in  J&nagarh, 
and  placed  them  in  different  parts  of  the  fort  of  Surat,  and  strengthened  it"— 
(History  of  Onfardt,  Mahm(id  Sh&h  III.) 

I  cannot  find  mention  of  the  transaction  in  any  European  author. 

>  [See  auprd,  p.  356.] 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


504  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAUNf. 

time,  Makhddmu-l  Mulk  Mau1£n&  'Abda-lla  Solt&npuri  and 
B&J&  Bih&r  Mai,  who  were  entrusted  with  the  chief  direction  of 
afiairs  during  the  King's  absence  in  Gujar&t,  wrote  to  Husain 
Kh&n  from  Fathpur,  to  inform  him  that  Ibr&him  Husain  Mirz& 
had  experienced  two  defeats,  and  was  then  in  the  vicinitj  of 
Dehli,  and  that  as  no  person  of  importance  was  now  present  to 
defend  the  capital,  he  ought  to  hasten  to  Fathpur  without  delay. 

He  accordingly  prepared  to  obey  their  summons,  and  was  well 
on  his  road,  having  arrived  at  the  Tillage  of  Oudh,  in  Jalesar, 
when  he  learnt  that  the  R&j&  of  Awesar  still  continued  the  de- 
predations which  he  had  practised  since  the  accession  of  the  King^ 
in  the  neighbourhood  of  -^gra,  and  had  become  a  predatory 
robber  (kazzdk).  He  had  been  engaged  in  several  hard  conflicts 
with  some  loyal  nobles,  and  had  slain  many  excellent  men,  and 
at  that  time  he  was  concealed  in  the  jungle  of  the  village  of 
Naur£hi,  in  the  pargana  of  Jalesar. 

We  had  scarcely  time  to  ponder  on  this  intelligence,  when  all 
of  a  sudden,  while  we  were  marching  at  mid-day  on  the  15th 
of  Bamaz&n,  the  men  being  off  their  guard,  and  going  on  in 
separate  parties,  most  of  them,  also,  being  exhausted  with  the 
fast,  an  attack  was  made  upon  us,  with  matchlocks  and  arrows. 
The  R&jd  of  Awesar  had  formed  stages  of  wicker-work  on  the 
tops  of  the  trees,  and  from  this  secure  position  several  of  oar 
men  were  killed  and  wounded.  At  the  very  commencement  of 
the  attack,  a  ball  struck  Husain  Kh&n  below  the  knee,  grazed  his 
thigh,  and,  passing  through  the  saddle,  was  spent  upon  the  head 
of  his  horse.  He  was  very  nearly  fainting  and  falling  from  his 
saddle,  but  his  self-possession  enabled  him  to  keep  his  seat  by 
clinging  to  the  pommel.  I  threw  water  on  his  face,  and  his  im- 
mediate attendants,  not  aware  of  the  accident,  at  first  thought 
that  his  &sting  had  worn  him  out.  I  then  seized  hold  of  his 
bridle,  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  him  for  safety  beliind  a  tree 
out  of  the  storm  of  arrows,  when  he  opened  his  eyes,  and,  con- 
trary to  his  usual  habit,  looked  sternly  at  me,  and  made  signs 
that  there  was  no  need  to  hold  his  reins,  but  that  we  should  dis- 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TARTKH-I  BADAUNr.  '  506 

mount  and  join  in  the  fray.  We  accordingly  alighted,  leaving 
him  there  to  take  care  of  himself. 

The  contest  then  raged  with  ftiry,  and  many  were  killed  on 
hoth  sides.  At  last,  towards  evening,  victory  inclined  to  our 
party,  which  was  the  smallest,  and  the  infidels  were  put  to  flight 
like  so  many  eheep,  but  not  before  our  sipdhis  were  so  tired,  that 
they  could  scarcely  wield  a  sword  or  shoot  an  arrow.  We  had 
all  been  so  jammed  together  in  the  forest,  that  we  could  with 
difficulty  tell  friend  from  foe.  Some  of  our  men  had  strength  of 
mind  and  body  enough,  to  deserve  the  reward,  both  of  engaging 
in  holy  war,  and  of  maintaining  a  strict  fast.  I,  on  the  contrary, 
in  my  weakness,  at  last  took  a  cup  of  water  to  moisten  my 
throat,  for  the  want  of  which  some  poor  fellows  died.  Several 
excellent  friends  of  mine  attained  martyrdom  in  repelling  this 
attack. 

After  this  victory,  Husaiu  Kh&n  returned  by  rapid  marches  to 
K&nt  and  Gola,  and  strengthened  those  places.  Shortly  after, 
Ibr&him  arrived  in  the  pargana  of  Lakhnor,  fifteen  kos  from 
Sambal.^  As  Husain  Khan  was  still  suffering  from  tlie  effects  of 
his  wound,  he  was  obliged  to  be  carried  on  a  litter,  but  never- 
theless he  advanced  to  B&ns  Bareilli,  in  order  to  force  Ibr&him 
to  action,  and  from  Bareilli  he  made  Sambal  in  one  day  by  a 
forced  march.  Ibraliim,  alarmed  at  this  exhibition  of  confidence 
and  courage,  thought  it  better  to  decline  an  action,  and  retreated 
by  way  of  Amroha,  in  the  environs  of  Lakhnor,  leaving  a  dis- 
tance of  seven  kos  between  him  and  his  opponent.  Had  Husain 
Kh&n  been  compelled  to  fight  in  his  then  wounded  state,  God 
knows  what  would  have  happened!  It  was  one  of  the  Mirz&'s 
mistakes  that  he  did  not  attack  Husain  Kh&n  while  he  was  in 
this  weak  state. 

[Mu'inu-d  din  Kh&n  Farankhudi,  governor  of  Sambal,  with 
a  large  party,  and  several  other  amirs  a,nd  jagirddrs  of  the  neigh- 
bourhood, who  had  taken  refiige  in  the  fort,  when  they  heard  at 

1  Sambal  was  tbe  paternal  estate  of  rbr&bim  HuBain  Wink.  Gulrakh  Begam, 
his  wife,  was  a  daughter  of  K&mr&n  Mirz&,  and,  consequently,  Akbar's  first  cousin. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


506  'ABDU-L  EADia  BADAlTNr. 

midnight  the  roll  of  the  drums  of  Husun  Eh&n^  they  thought 
the  Mirz&  was  upon  them,  and  were  quite  overpowered  by  fear. 
But  when  the  cry  arose  that  Husain  Eh&n  had  come  to  their 
assistanoe,  they  came  out  joyfully  to  meet  him.  Next  day  we 
went  to  the  abode  of  Shaikh  Fathu-lla  Tarbati,  one  of  the  yicara 
of  Shaikhu-1  Isl&m  Fathptiri,  and  there  held  a  council.  It  was 
then  considered  advisable  that  all  the  amirs  of  the  neighbourhood 
of  Dehli  who  had  turned  out  against  the  Mirzd  should  go  with 
Tolak  Eh&n  Eorchi  and  *  *  to  the  pargana  of  Ab&r  on  the 
Ganges,  and  there  wait  for  us ;  then,  after  the  junction  of  the 
forces,  further  operations  might  be  decided  on. 

Husain  Eh&n  exclaimed,  "  Good  God!  The  Mirz&  came  here 
with  a  small  party  of  horse,  and  although  your  numbers  more  than 
doubled  his,  you  took  refuge  in  the  fort  of  Sambal;  and  now 
twenty  or  thirty  amirs  and  old  soldiers  with  a  large  force  are  80 
dismayed  that  you  want  to  shelter  yourselves  in  the  fort  of  ^&r, 
which  is  a  mere  rat's  hole.  This  will  encourage  the  Mirz&  to 
make  further  attacks  upon  the  Imperial  territories.  Now  there 
are  two  courses  open,  one  of  which  we  must  follow.  Yoa  must 
cross  the  Ganges,  and,  under  the  cover  of  that  old  fort,  must 
intercept  the  Mirzd,  and  prevent  his  getting  over  the  G^ange8. 
I  will  follow  up  in  his  rear,  and  we  shall  see  what  will  happen. 
Or  I  will  hasten  over  the  Ganges,  and  head  the  Mirzd,  while  you 
pursue  him.  This  seems  to  be  our  duty."  But  they  could  not 
agree  upon  any  course  until  Husain  Eh&n,  driven  by  necessity, 
went  off  in  haste  with  the  horsemen  he  had  to  the  amirs  at  Khkv^ 
and  inveighed  loudly  against  their  going  into  the  fort.  He 
brought  them  out,  and  again  held  a  council  with  them.  ^^The 
enemy ,'*"  he  said,  '48  in  the  heart  of  the  country,  and  is  like  a  hare 
in  the  midst  of  a  camp.  If  we  follow  him  up  sharply,  we  may  settle 
his  business,  and  take  him  alive.  The  glory  of  this  victory  will 
be  yours."  The  soldiers  said,  ''  Under  the  orders  of  Makhddmu-1 
Mulk  and  R&j&  Bih&r  Mai,  we  have  driven  the  Mirzi  out  of  the 
Delhi  territory,  and  have  come  into  Sambal.  MuMnu-d  din  Ahmad 
Kh&n  is  the  master  aiud  jdgirddr  of  this  province,  and  he  is  now 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TAEfKH-I  BADAUNr.  607 

responsible.  Our  orders  were  to  protect  Dehli,  not  to  make  war 
upon  the  Mirzd,  for  there  are  risks  in  such  a  course." 

Intelligence  now  arrived  that  the  Mirzd  had  attacked  Amroha, 
and  having  crossed  the  Ganges  at  the  ford  of  Ghaub&la,  was 
marching  rapidly  towards  Lahore.  Husain  Kh&n,  convinced  of 
the  apathy  of  the  amira^  separated  himself  firom  them  immediately, 
and  made  a  forced  march  to  Garh-muktesar,  in  order  to  arrest  the 
Mirzd.  Of  the  royal  amira^  Turk  Subh&n  Kuli  and  Farrukh 
Diw&na  were  the  only  ones  that  accompanied  him.  A  letter 
now  reached  him  from  the  amirs  of  Ah&r,  urging  him  to  come 
speedily  and  join  them.  The  Mirz4,  like  the  rook  on  a  cleared 
chess-board,  now  came  into  the  heart  of  the  country,  plundering 
and  ravaging  the  towns  in  his  way.  When  he  was  at  F&yal,  his 
men  committed  such  atrocities  upon  Musnlni&n  people  as  cannot 
well  be  described.  In  that  town  twelve  virgins  were  ravished 
with  such  violence  that  several  of  them  died.  Other  places  &red 
in  the  same  way.  Husain  Ehan  followed  the  steps  of  the  Mirzd, 
and  the  amirs  came  after  him,  until  they  reached  Sirhind.  Here 
they  became  refractory,  and  would  go  no  further.  £ut  Husain 
Kli&n  was  not  Content  to  remain.  With  the  small  force  under 
his  command,  not  exceeding  200  men  in  all,  and  with  the  two 
persons  (above  named),  he  marched  rapidly  from  Sirhind  to 
Ludiy&na.  There  he  learnt  that  on  the  Mirz&'s  approaching 
Lahore,  the  garrison  had  closed  the  gates  against  him.  Upon 
this  the  Mirzd  went  to  Sher-garh  and  Jahni. 

Husain  £uli  Eh&n,  who  was  besieging  I^agarkot  and  the  fort 
of  E&ngra,  heard  of  these  movements  of  the  Mirz&'s ;  so  he 
patched  up  a  treaty  with  the  Hindis.  He  received  five  mans  of 
gold  as  tribute  from  the  people  of  Nagarkot,  and  had  the  khutba 
read  in  His  Majesty's  name.  He  then  marched  away  along  with 
Mirz&  Ytisuf  Kh&n,  Masnad-i  'Ali,  Fattu  (Eatlu)  the  slave  of 
^Adali,  Ism'ail  Kh&n,  R&j&  Birbal  and  other  amirs^  and  proceeded 
in  pursuit  to  Sankra.  When  Husain  Eh&n  heard  of  this  move- 
ment, in  that  madness  which  a  thousand  times  had  got  the  better 
of  his  judgment,  he  swore  an  oath  that  he  would  not  eat  food 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


508  'ABDTJ.L  KKDIU  BADAlTNr. 

until  Husain  Knli  joined  him.  Grossing  the  Biy&h  at  the  ford  of 
Talwandf,  he  made  a  forced  march  to  Sher-garh,  one  of  the  de- 
pendencies of  Jahni.  There  he  paid  a  visit  to  Shaikh  D&ud 
K&diri  Jahni-w&l.  When  food  was  serred,  he  excused  himself 
from  eating  on  accoant  of  his  oath.  The  Shaikh  observed  that  it 
was  easy  to  atone  for  an  oath,  but  silly  to  distress  one's  fiiends. 
The  Kh&n  instantly  called  for  a  slave,  and  having  set  him  free, 
thus  atoned  for  his  oath.  Then  he  partook  of  the  fi)od,  and 
benefited  by  the  gracious  words  which  he  heard.  He  remained 
there  that  night.  The  monastery  of  the  Shaikh  provided  enter- 
tainment for  all  the  party,  and  his  fields  furnished  grass  and  com 
for  the  horses. 

Three  days  afterwards  I  came  from  Lahore  to  Sher-garh,  and 
stayed  there  four  days,  seeing  and  hearing  things  which  had 
never  entered  into  my  imagination.  I  was  anxious  to  withdraw 
from  the  world,  and  to  devote  myself  to  the  sweeping  of  the 
monastery.  But  the  Shaikh  would  not  allow  me,  and  told  me  I 
must  go  to  Hinduatdn.  So  I  took  my  leave  in  a  very  forlorn 
and  distressed  state.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

One  stage  from  Talwandi,  Husain  Kh&n  addressed  a  letter  to 
Husain  Kuli  Kh&n,  saying  that  he  had  come  four  hundred  kos 
by  forced  marches,  and  begging  for  one  day's  delay,  so  that  he 
might  join  him,  and  share  in  the  victory  to  be  won.  Husain 
Kuli  Kh&n  said,  *'  Very  well,"  and  sent  the  messenger  back.  On  the 
same  day  he  hastened  on  to  the  town  of  Tulamba,  four  kas  from 
Mult&n,  and  attacked  the  Mirz&,  who  was  out  hunting,  and  quite 
unaware  of  his  approach.  Some  of  the  Mirz&'^s  men  were  pre- 
paring to  march,  and  others  had  dispersed,  and  were  not  in  con- 
dition to  fight.  Mas'ud  Husain  Mirzd,  younger  brother  of  Mirz4 
Ibr&him  Husain,  took  the  initiative,  and  attacked  the  forces  of 
Husain  Kuli  Kh&n;  but  his  horse  stumbled  and  fell  upon  the 
broken  ground,  and  he  was  taken  prisoner.  When  Mirad  Ibr&hinn 
Husain  returned  from  hunting,  all  chance  was  gone;  and  although 
he  fought  well,  and  made  several  charges,  he  was  unable  to  g^un 
any  success ;  so  he  turned  his  reins  and  fled. 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TAETKH-I  BADAUNr.  509 

The  day  after  the  victory  Husain  Kh£n  arrived  at  Tulamba, 
with  eighty  or  ninety  men,  and  drums  beating.  Husain  Kuli 
Eh&n  showed  him  the  battle-field,  and  told  him  of  each  man^s 
exploits.  Husain  Kh^n  then  said,  ^'  As  the  enemy  has  escaped 
alive,  you  must  pursue  him  and  take  him  prisoner,  for  the 
business  is  not  yet  completed."  Husain  Euli  Eh&n  replied  that 
he  had  come  from  Nagarkot  by  forced  marches,  that  his  forces 
had  suffered  many  hardships  in  that  mountainous  country,  and 
were  not  in  condition.  A  complete  victory  had  been  secured, 
and  now  there  was  an  opportunity  for  other  friends. 

Husain  £h&n  now  hoped  that  his  turn  was  come,  and  that  the 
hardships  and  the  forced  march  of  five  hundred  kos  had  opened  a 
way  for  him,  so  he  took  his  leave,  and  pressed  forward.  Some 
men,  who  were  worn  out  with  fatigue,  he  sent  to  Lahore  with  the 
elephants  and  drums.  With  a  small  party  of  men  he  took  up 
the  pursuit  of  the  Mirz£.  There  was  but  a  short  distance  be- 
tween him  and  the  unfortunate  Mirz&,  when  one  night  the  M irz& 
and  about  four  hundred  horsemen  halted  on  the  banks  of  the 
Biy&h  and  Sutlej,  where  the  rivers  unite.  The  yAf&,  who  are  a 
low  class  of  MuU&n  peasants,  having  collected  together,  made  a 
night  attack  upon  him,  and  assailed  him  with  arrows.  The  Mirz&, 
with  a  party  of  men,  some  wounded  and  some  disabled,  did  what 
they  could  to  beat  off  their  assailants;  but  ih^jhih  came  on  suc- 
cessfully. At  length  an  arrow,  guided  by  fate,  struck  the  Mirzd 
at  the  back  of  his  head,  and  came  out  through  his  throat.  Unable 
otherwise  to  help  himself,  he  changed  his  clothes,  and  his  men  left 
him.  They  fled,  sorely  distressed,  in  every  direction.  But  wher- 
ever they  went^  they  were  marks  for  the  arrows  of  death,  and  met 
their  fate.  One  or  two  old  slaves  of  Mirzd  Ibr&him,  having 
dressed  him  in  the  garments  of  a  kalandar^  were  desirous  of 
getting  him  out  of  the  way  of  danger.  His  helplessness  was  so 
great  that  they  took  him  for  refuge  to  the  dwelling  of  a  darwesh 
named  Shaikh  Zakariya.  Outwardly  the  Shaikh  applied  oint- 
ment to  his  wounds,  but  privately  he  sent  information  to  Sa'id 
£h&n  at  Mult&n.     The  Kh&n  sent  a  slave  named  Daulat  Kh&n 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


510  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAlTNr. 

to  bring  in  the  Mirz&  a  prisoner.  Sa'id  Kh&n  wrote  a  despatch, 
and  sent  it  to  the  Emperor  as  he  was  coming  to  Ajmir  on  his 
return  from  Gujar&t. 

Husain  Kh&n,  when  he  heard  of  the  capture  of  the  Mirz&, 
hastened  to  Mult&n,  and  saw  Said  Kh&n.  He  made  a  difficulty 
about  seeing  the  Mirz&,  and  said: ''  If  when  I  see  him,  I  salute  him, 
it  will  be  inconsistent  with  my  duty  to  the  Emperor,  and  if  I  do 
not  salute  him,  it  will  be  uncourteous,  and  the  Mirz&  will  say  to 
himself — '  See  this  uncircuracised  fellow,  who,  when  he  received 
quarter  at  the  siege  of  Satwas,  made  obeisances  without  end,  and 
now  that  evil  days  are  fallen  upon  me  treats  me  cavalierly/ ''  The 
Mirzd  heard  these  ceremonious  words  of  his,  and  said  ^^  Gome  and 
see  me,  and  without  obeisance,  for  I  waive  it/'  Notwithstanding 
he  made  his  bow,  and  saw  him.  The  Mirza,  with  an  anxious 
look,  said,  '*I  had  no  intention  of  rebellion  and  disturbance. 
When  the  matter  took  a  serious  turn,  I  took  my  own  course,  and 
threw  myself  into  a  foreign  country.  But  they  would  not  allow 
me  to  stay  there.  If  it  was  my  fate  that  this  defeat  should  fall 
upon  me,  would  to  God  that  I  had  received  it  at  your  hands,  that 
it  might  have  been  the  cause  of  the  advancement  of  you,  who  are 
my  co-religionist,  and  not  from  Husain  Kuli  Kh&n,  who  is  alien 
in  religion  and  sect!"  Husain  Kh&n  then  returned  to  K&nt  and 
Gola,  and  soon  afterwards  he  heard  that  the  Mirz&  had  died  ia 
prison. 

Husain  Kh&n  proceeded  from  K&nt  and  Gola  to  Court.  Husain 
Kuli  Kh&n  also  came  to  Fathpur  from  the  Panj&b,  bringing 
Mas'ud  Husain  Mirz&,  with  his  ejes  fastened  up,  and  a  number 
of  the  Mirz&'s  men  as  prisoners.  They  were  nearly  three 
hundred  persons,  and  they  were  brought  before  the  Emperor, 
with  skins  of  asses,  hogs,  and  dogs  cast  over  them,  some  to 
be  put  to  death  with  divers  tortures,  and  some  to  be  set  at 
liberty.  ♦  *  Sa'id  Kh&n  also  sent  the  head  of  Mirzd  Ibrahim 
Husain  from  Mult&n,  having  had  it  cut  oflf  for  the  purpose 
afler  his  death.] 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TARIKH-I  BADAlTNr.  511 

Sulaimdfi  Kirdni,^ 

[Texk,  vol.  li.  p.  163.]  [In  this  year  (980)  died  Sulaim&n 
Kir&ni,  ruler  of  Bengal,  who  had  assumed  the  title  of  HazraUi 
*ala.  He  had  conquered  that  mine  of  infidelity,  the  city  of 
Katak  and  Ban&ras,'  and  had  made  Jagann&th  a  home  of  Isl&m. 
His  authority  extended  from  K&mrii  (K&mrup)  to  Orissa.  His 
son  B&yazid  succeeded  himj  but  in  the  course  of  five  or  six 
months,  the  Afgh&ns  put  him  to  death,  and  his  brother  D&ud  bin 
Sulaim&n  attained  the  sovereignty.] 

Ahu'l  Fazl 

[Text,  vol.  li.  p.  173.]  About  this  time  (Z(-l  hijja,  981  a.h.). 
Shaikh  Abu-l  Fazl,  son  of  Shaikh  Mubarak  Ndgori,  the  star  of 
whose  knowledge  and  wisdom  was  brilliant,  came  to  Court,  and 
received  many  marks  of  distinction. 

Building  of  Palaces. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  173.]  In  981  fine  spacious  palaces  were 
built  on  the  road  to  Ajmir.  His  Majesty's  devotion  induced 
him  every  year  to  go  on  a  pilgrimage  to  that  city.  So  directions 
were  given  for  building  a  palace  at  every  stage  between  i^gra  and 
Ajmir,  and  for  erecting  a  pillar  and  sinking  a  well  at  every  koa. 
Some  hundreds  of  thousands  of  stags'  horns,  which  had  been 
killed  in  the  course  of  His  Majesty's  life,  were  placed  upon  the 
pillars  as  a  memorial  for  the  world. ^  Would  that,  instead  of 
these,  gardens  or  sardis  had  been  formed ! 

Lodi  Afghani 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  174.]  [Ddud  was  now  at  H&jipur,  and  at 
the  instance  of  Katlu  Kh&n,  governor  of  Jagann&th,  he  threw 

1  [See  auprd,  p.  872.] 

>  [Katak  was  called  '<  Katak  Ban&ras/'     See  auprd,  p.  386.] 

'  The  pillar,  which  is  in  the  beat  state  of  preserration,  is  to  be  seen  at  Fathptir 
Sfkrl,  where  the  garrulous  cicerone  gives  a  yery  different  account  of  its  origin.  It  is 
called  "  hiran  mindr^**  or  "  pillar  of  the  antelope." 

«  [See  tuprd,  p.  872.] 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


512  'ABDTJ-L  KADIB  BADAUNr. 

into  prison  his  amiru-l  umard  Lodi,  who  had  been  ruler  of  Orissa, 
but  who  had  since  taken  a  hostile  course,  and  had  set  himself 
up  in  opposition  in  the  fort  of  Boht&s.  He  got  Lodi  into  his 
power  by  holding  out  the  bribe  of  an  elephant.  They  tell  the 
story  that  one  day  D&ud  went  out  hunting  with  a  small  escort, 
and  that  Lodi,  with  ten  thousand  horsemen  of  Sulaim&nX  formed 
the  design  of  putting  down  D&ud.  But  D&iid  went  back  to  the 
city,  assembled  his  forces,  and  scattered  Lodi's  followers.  By  his 
crafty  management,  he  got  Lodi  into  his  power,  and  appropriated 
all  that  he  possessed.  Lodi,  knowing  his  death  to  be  certain,  did 
not  withhold  his  advice  from  D&ud.  He  said,  ^'Although  I 
know  that  you  will  be  very  sorry  after  my  death,  and  that  you 
will  derive  no  benefit  from  it,  still  I  will  give  you  one  counsel, 
which  if  you  act  upon  you  will  prove  victorious.  My  advice  is, 
that  you  place  no  reliance  upon  that  peace  which  I  effected  not 
long  ago  by  means  of  two  lacs  of  rupees.  The  Mughals  will 
never  let  you  alone  for  this  trifling  sum.  Be  beforehand  with 
them,  and  make  war  with  them  immediately,  for  there  is  nothing 
like  the  first  blow."  D&ud  thought  he  had  an  evil  design  in 
what  he  said,  and,  proud  of  the  hollow  peace  which  he  had  made 
with  Kh&n-kh&n&n,  but  which  was  no  better  than  a  shadow,  he 
put  the  devoted  Lodi  to  death.  Thus  he  struck  his  own  foot 
with  the  axe,  and  at  the  same  time  uprooted  the  plant  of  his 
prosperity  with  the  spade  of  calamity.] 

Building  of  the  fort  of  Paydg, 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  176.]  On  Safar  23rd,  a.h.  982,  His  Majesty 
arrived  at  Paydg  (Pray&ga),  which  is  commonly  called  Ill&h&b&s, 
where  the  waters  of  the  Ganges  and  Jumna  unite.  The  infidels 
consider  this  a  holy  place,  and  with  the  object  of  obtaining  the 
rewards  which  are  promised  in  their  creed,  of  which  transmigra- 
tion is  one  of  the  most  prominent  features,  they  submit  them- 
selves to  all  kinds  of  tortures.  Some  place  their  brainless  heads 
under  saws,  others  split  their  deceitful  tongues  in  two,  others 
enter  hell  by  casting  themselves  down  into  the  deep  river  fix>m 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TARIKH-I  BADAUNf.  613 

the  top  of  a  high  tree.^     Here  His  Majesty  laid  the  foundations 
of  an  Imperial  city,  which  he  called  lU&h&bas. 

Translation  of  the  Singhdsan  Battisi. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  183.]  [In  Jum&da-l  dkhir,  while  the  Court 
was  at  Sher-garh,  otherwise  called  Kanauj,  a  book  called  Singh- 
dsan  Battkij  which  is  a  series  of  thirty-two  tales  about  B&jd 
Bikram&jit,  King  of  M&lwa,  and  resembles  the  Tuti-ndma,  was 
placed  in  my  hands;  and  I  received  His  Majesty's  instructions  to 
make  a  translation  in  prose  and  verse.  I  was  to  begin  the  work 
at  once,  and  present  a  sheet  of  my  work  on  that  very  day. 
A  learned  brahman  was  appointed  to  interpret  the  book  for  me. 
On  the  first  day  I  completed  a  sheet,  containing  the  beginning 
of  the  first  story,  and  when  I  presented  it,  His  Majesty  ex- 
pressed his  approbation.  When  the  translation  was  finished,  I 
called  it  Khirad-a/zd^  a  name  which  contains  the  date  of  its 
composition.  It  was  graciously  accepted,  and  placed  in  the 
Library.] 

Revenue  Arrangements} 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  189.]  [In  this  year  (982)  an  order  was 
promulgated  for  improving  the  cultivation  of  the  country,  and 
for  bettering  the  condition  of  the  raiyats.  AH  the  parganas 
of  the  country,  whether  dry  or  irrigated,  whether  in  towns 
or  hills,  in  deserts  and  jungles,  by  rivers,  reservoirs,  or  wells, 
were  all  to  be  measured,  and  every  such  piece  of  land  as, 
upon  cultivation,  would  produce  one  kror  of  tankas^  was  to  be 
divided  off,  and  placed  under  the  charge  of  an  officer  to  be 
called  kroriy  who  was  to  be  selected  for  his  trustworthiness,  and 
whether  known  or  unknown  to  the  revenue  clerks  and  treasurers. 
So  that  in  the  course  of  three  years  all  the  uncultivated  land 
might  be  brought  into  cultivation,  and  the  public  treasury  might 

^  [See  Vol.  I.  p.  35.]  Here  is  stiU  further  testimonj  to  this  tree  being  ia  the  open 
air,  at  the  point  of  the  confluence,  to  a  very  late  period.  It  is  the  celebrated  AkhaU 
hoTy  or  immortal  fig-tree.    See  Wilson's  Hindu  Theatre^  toL  i.  p.  302. 

3  [See  suprdf  p.  383.] 

VOL.  Y.  33 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


614  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAUNT. 

be  replenished.      Secnrity  was  taken   from  each  one  of  these 
officers.    The  meagarement  was  begun  in  the  Tidnity  of  Fath- 
pur.     One  kror  was  named  ifdampdr,  another  Shethpur,  another 
Ajubpur,  and  so  on,  according  to  the  names  of  the  yarious  prophets 
(and  patriarchs).     Begubtions  were  drcnlated,  but  eventnally 
these  regulations  were  not  obseryed  as  they  ought  to  haye  been. 
A  great  portion  of  the  oonntry  was  laid  waste  through  the  rapacity 
of  the  krariSf  the  wiyes  and  children  of  the  raiyaU  were  sold  and 
scattered  abroad,  and  eyerything  was  thrown  into  confusion.    But 
the  kroris  were  brought  to  account  by  B&ja  Todar  Mai,  and  many 
good  men  died  from  the  seyere  beatings  which  were  administered, 
and  from  the  tortures  of  the  rack  and  pincers.     So  many  died 
from  protracted  confinement  in  the  prisons  of  the  reyenue  autho- 
rities, that  there  was  no  need  of  the  executioner  or  swordsman,  and 
no  one  cared  to  find  them  grayes  or  graye-clothes.    Their  condi- 
tion was  like  that  of  the  deyout  Hindus  in  the  country  of  Kamrup, 
who,  haying  dedicated  themselyes  to  their  idol,  liye  for  one  year  in 
the  height  of  enjoyment,  appropriating  eyerything  that  comes  to 
their  hands ;  but  at  the  end  of  the  period,  one  by  one  they  go 
and  assemble  at  the  idol  temple,  and  cast  themselyes  under  the 
wheels  of  its  car,  or  offer  up  their  heads  to  the  idol. 

^  All  the  country,  with  the  exception  of  that  which  was  under 
the  khdlisa  (exchequer),  was  held  in  yd^ir  by  the  amirs.  But  from 
the  preyalence  of  indulgence  and  debauchery,  extrayagance  in 
household  expenditure,  and  accumulation  of  riches,  there  was  no 
means  of  maintaining  the  soldiery  or  of  fostering  the  peasants. 
When  the  seryices  of  the  amira  were  required,  they  came  into  the 
field  attended  only  by  a  few  slayes,  or  some  young  Mughal  soldiers. 
Able  soldiers  were  nowhere  to  be  found.  Sh&hb&z  Kh&n,  the 
mir-hakhahi^  reviyed  the  regulations  of  the  ddgh  (branding),  and 
the  mahalli^  which  were  instituted  by  Sult&n  'A14u-d  din  Xhilji, 
and  were  afterwards  maintained  by  Sher  Sh&h.  It  was  also  settled 
that  eyery  amir  should  be  first  appointed  commander  of  a  score 

^  [Since  translating  these  passages,  I  And  that  Mr.  Blochmann  has  also  translated 
this  and  several  of  the  following  paragraphs.     See  Ain-i  Akbari,  yoL  i.  p.  242.] 


Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


MBrXH-I  BADAUNr.  615 

(blsH).  1  •  ♦  •  When  he  brought  up  the  horses  of  those  twenty 
horsemen  for  the  ddgh  aocording  to  the  regulation,  he  might  be 
promoted  to  be  a  9adi  (commander  of  a  hundred)  or  higher. 

They  were  also  to  keep  elephants,  horses,  and  camels  suitable 
to  their  rank.  When  they  brought  this  number  of  horsemen  for 
inspection,  they  were  to  be  treated  according  to  their  deserts  and 
position,  and  might  attain  to  a  mansab  of  1000,  2000  or  of  5000, 
than  which  there  is  none  higher.  If  they  did  not  do  so,  they  fell 
from  their  rank. 

But  under  this  regulation  also  the  ill-used  soldiers  fared  worse. 
For  it  was  found  that  the  amirs,  having  effected  their  objects, 
dressed  up  many  of  their  dependents  (khdss-khaildn)  and  horse- 
men {bdrgir)  in  the  garb  of  soldiers,  and  bringing  them  to  the 
muster,  they  made  up  the  complement  of  their  mamab^  and  received 
jdgira  in  proportion.  Then  they  dismissed  the  bdrgir$  until  they 
required  them  again,  when  they  would  once  more  enlist,  accord- 
ing to  their  requirements,  a  number  of  temporary  soldiers,  and 
dismiss  them  again  when  no  longer  wanted. 

The  treasure,  the  collections,  and  the  expenditure  of  the  man- 
mbddrs  remained  unaltered,  but  in  every  way  dirt  fell  into  the 
plate  of  the  poor  soldier,  so  that  he  was  unable  to  gii*d  up  his  loins. 
Tradesmen,  such  as  weavers,  cotton-dressers,  carpenters,  and 
Hindd  and  Masulm&n  grocers  (bakkdl)  would  hire  a  horse  or 
charger,  and  bringing  it  up  for  the  ddghy  would  obtain  a  mansab,  and 
would  become  a  krari^  ahadi  (guardsman),  or  ddkhili  (substitute) 
.  of  some  one.  A  few  days  afterwards  no  trace  would  be  found  of 
the  hired  horse  or  of  the  missing  charger,  and  they  were  reduced 
to  the  position  of  footmen. 

There  were  many  men  who  at  the  time  of  the  royal  inspection 
at  the  public  office  were  placed  in  the  scales,  bound  hand  and  foot 
with  their  garments  on,  and  their  weight  would  reach  to  two  and 
a  half  mans  or  three  mam  more  or  less.  Afterwards  it  would  be 
found  out  that  the  clothes  were  hired,  and  the  horse  borrowed. 
His  Majesty  used  to  say,  "  I  with  my  eyes  open,  and  aware  of  what 
^  [Here  follows  an  an  intelligible  passage.] 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


516  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAlTNt. 

I  am  abont,  give  something  to  these  men,  so  that  they  may  have 
some  means  of  living."  After  a  while  they  would  present  themselves 
again  as  ahadis  of  two  horses,  of  one  horse,  or  even  of  half  a  horse. 
For  two  horsemen  would  be  partners  of  one  horse,  and  receiving 
for  it  the  forage  allowance,  amounting  to  six  rupees,  would  divide 
it  between  them.  This  sort  of  trade  was  carried  on  to  a  great 
extent ;  but  for  all  this  the  Emperor's  good  fortune  was  so  great 
and  flourishing  that  his  enemies  were  everywhere  annihilated, 
and  soldiers  were  not  so  much  wanted.  The  amirs  also  were  set 
free  from  the  unseemly  blandishments  of  the  uncircumcised.] 

Ab&'l  Fazl's  second  introduction  to  Akbar. 
[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  198.]  In  982  Abu-1  Fazl,  now  styled  'AlUuni 
or  "  very  learned,"  came  a  second  time  to  Court.  He  set  the 
world  in  flames,  and  ^^  lighted  up  the  lamp  of  the  Sabdhis^ — ^a 
proverbial  way  of  saying  he  lighted  his  lamp  by  daylight.  In 
accord  with  the  saying,  *'  He  who  contends  gains  his  object,"  he 
set  himself  in  opposition  to  all  sects,  and  bound  the  girdle  of 
reform  about  his  loins.  He  presented  a  commentary  on  the 
Ayatu-l  kursi,  which  treated  on  the  nice  points  and  subtleties  of 
the  Eur&n.  People  say  that  his  father  wrote  it,  but  he  presented 
it,  and  got  much  praise.  The  words  "  tqfsir-i  Akhari "  give  the 
date  of  its  composition.  The  Emperor  received  him  graciously, 
and  (in  order  to  humiliate  the  arrogance  of  the  proud  mulids) 
looked  upon  him  more  favourably  than  he  did  upon  me.  The 
reason  of  Abu-1  F&zrs  antagonism  and  rancour  was  that  at  the 
time  of  the  persecution  and  massacre  of  heretics  like  Mir  Habshi 
and  others,  Shaikh  Abdu-n  Nabi,  Makhddmu-1  Mulk,  and  the 
learned  in  general  took  counsel  together,  and  with  one  accord 
they  represented  that  Shaikh  Mub&rak  Mahdawi  also  was  a 
heretic,  who  was  lost  himself,  and  led  others  to  perdition.  Having 
got  tacit  permission  to  repress  and  remove  him,  they  sent  officers 
to  apprehend  him ;  but  as  the  Shaikh  iiad  absconded  with  his 
sons,  they  broke  the  pulpit  of  his  mosque.  He  then  sought  the 
protection  of  Shaikh  Salim  Ghishti  in  Fatbpur,  who  was  then  at 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


TARrKH-I  BADAlTNr.  517 

the  height  of  his  proeperity  and  eminence.  Shaikh  Salim  sent 
him  something  for  his  expenses,  and  recommended  him  to  leave 
the  country,  and  fly  to  Gujar&t.  As  he  obtained  nothing  in  this 
quarter,  he  went  to  Mirzd  'Aziz  Koka,  who  represented  to  the 
Xing,  that  Shaikh  M ub&rak  was  a  learned  and  indigent  man,  that 
his  children  were  clever,  that  he  held  no  land  in  iVam,  and 
inquired  what  was  the  advantage  of  persecuting  a  worthy  man. 
So  the  Emperor  gave  up  the  intention  of  hurting  him,  and  in  a 
short  time  everything  went  on  to  his  heart's  content.  Shaikh 
Abu-1  Fazl  ingratiated  himself  with  His  Majesty  by  his  unremit- 
ting devotion  to  the  King's  service,  by  his  temporizing  disposi- 
tion, by  his  duplicity,  by  his  study  of  the  King's  temper  and 
sentiments,  and  by  his  boundless  flattery.  When  he  at  last  ob- 
tained the  opportunity,  he  took  his  revenge  upon  that  sect  whose 
works  and  efforts  have  met  with  so  little  reward.  He  was  the 
cause  not  only  of  the  destruction  of  these  old  labourers,  but  of  the 
disasters  which  fell  upon  all  God's  wise  and  holy  servants,  upon 
the  infirm  and  upon  orphans,  by  the  resumption  of  their  allow- 
ances in  money  and  rent-free  lands.  *  *  When  trouble  and  misery 
fell  upon  them,  he  used  frequently  to  quote  this  quatrain : — 

"  I  have  set  fire  to  my  bam  with  my  own  hands. 
As  I  am  the  incendiary,  how  oan  I  complain  of  my  enemy  ? 
No  one  is  my  enemy  but  myself, 
Woe  is  me  I  I  have  torn  my  garment  with  my  own  hands," 

If  any  one,  while  remonstrating,  cited  the  precepts  of  religious 
men,  he  would  say  in  reply,  that  the  precept  quoted  was  the 
composition  of  such  and  such  a  grocer,  such  and  such  a  cobbler, 
such  and  such  a  currier,  for  he  thought  proper  to  reject  all  the 
wise  sayings  of  Muhammadan  Shaikhs  and  Doctors. 

The  '"IhAdat'khdna} — Pokmical  Di^cumma. 
[Text,  vol.  \u  p.  200.]     [In  the  year  983  the  buildings  of  the 
'tbddat'khdna  were  completed.     The  cause  of  their  erection  was 
»  [See  ntprd,  p.  390  ] 

Digitized  by  VjOOQIC 


518  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAITNI. 

this.  In  the  coarse  of  the  last  few  years  the  Emperor  had 
gained  in  succession  many  great  and  remarkable  yictories,  and 
his  dominion  had  grown  in  extent  from  day  to  day.  Not  an 
enemy  was  left  in  the  world.  He  had  taken  a  liking  for  the 
society  of  ascetics  and  the  disciples  of  the  celebrated  Mn'iniyyah 
(God  rest  his  soall).  He  spent  much  time  in  discnssing  the 
Word  of  Ch)d  and  the  sayings  of  the  Prophet ;  and  he  deroted 
his  attention  to  questions  of  Sufiam^  science,  philosophy,  law  and 
other  matters.  He  passed  whole  nights  in  meditation  upon  God 
and  upon  the  modes  of  addressing  him  as  yd  M  and  yd  hddi, 
Reverence  for  the  great  Giver  filled  his  heart.  In  order  to  show 
his  gratitude  for  some  of  his  blessings,  he  would  sit  many  a 
morning  alone  in  prayer  and  mortification  upon  the  stone  bench 
of  an  old  cell  which  lay  near  the  palace  in  a  lonely  spot.  Thus 
engaged  in  meditation,  he  gathered  the  bliss  of  the  early  hours  of 
dawn.  *  ♦  ♦ 

Having  completed  the  building  (of  the  ^ibddaUkhdna)^  he 
made  a  large  hall  in  each  of  the  four  divisions  of  it.  He  also 
finished  the  construction  of  the  tank  called  anitptaldo.  He  called 
the  building  'idddat-khdna,  and  by  degrees  it  became  at  last  a 
.^  On  Fridays  after  prayers  he  would  go  from  the  new 
khdnkdh  of  the  Shaikhu-1  Isl&m,  and  hold  a  meeting  in  this 
building.  Shaikhs,  learned  and  pious  men,  and  a  few  of  his  own 
companions  and  attendants,  were  the  only  people  who  were  in- 
vited. Discussions  were  carried  on  upon  all  kinds  of  instructive 
and  useful  topics.  *l  ♦  ♦  Every  Sabbath  evening  he  invited 
saiyida^  shaikhs^  doctors  and  nobles.  But  ill  feeling  arose  in  the 
company  about  the  seats  and  order  of  precedence,  so  His  Majesty 
ordered  that  the  nobles  should  sit  on  the  east  side,  the  saiyids  on 
the  west,  the  *ulamd  on  the  south,  and  the  sAaikha  on  the  north. 
iSis  Majesty  would  go  from  time  to  time  to  these  various  parties, 
and  converse  with  them  and  ascertain  their  thoughts.  Quantities 
of  perfume  were  used,  and  large  sums  of  money  were  distributed 

^  [The  meaning  is  here  doubtfnl.    The  text  has  three  yariant  readings,  'MM, 
Uyddat,  and  Ubdrat-khdnOf  no  one  of  which  seems  applicable.] 

Digitized'by  VjOOQIC 


TAarKH-I  BADAUNI.  519 

as  rewards  of  merit  and  ability  among  the  worthj  people  who 
obtained  an  enirj  through  the  &yoar  of  the  Emperor's  atten* 
dants«  Many  fine  books  which  had  belonged  to  Itim&d  Kh&n 
Gajar&ti,  and  had  been  acquired  in  the  conquest  of  Gujar4t,  were 
placed  in  the  royal  library,  but  were  subsequently  brought  out 
and  distributed  by  the  Emperor  among  learned  and  pious  men. 
Among  the  rest  he  gare  me  a  book  called  Anicdru-l  mashkfit.*  *  * 
One  night  the  yein  of  the  neck  of  the  'ulamd  of  the  age  swelled 
up,  and  a  great  outcry  and  tumult  arose.  This  annoyed  His 
Majesty,  and  he  said  to  me  (Bad&dn(),  *^  In  future  report  any  one 
of  the  assembly  whom  you  find  speaking  improperly,  and  I  will 
have  him  turned  out.''  I  said  quietly  to  Xsskt  Kh&n,  ^'According 
to  this,  a  good  many  would  be  expelled."  His  Majesty  asked 
what  I  had  said.  When  I  told  him,  he  was  much  amused,  and 
repeated  my  saying  to  those  who  were  near  him. 

He  used  to  summon  Makhdumu-1  Mulk  Mauldnd  'Abdu-lla 
Sult&npuri  to  that  assembly,  in  order  to  annoy  him ;  and  he  set 
up  to  argue  against  him  H&ji  Ibr&him  and  Shaikh  Abd-1  Fazi, 
then  a  new  arrival,  but  now  the  prime  leader  of  the  New  Religion 
and  Faith,  or  rather  the  infallible  guide  and  expositor  de  omnibus 
rehm  et  quibuadam  aim.  His  Majesty  used  to  interrupt  the 
Mauland  at  every  statement,  and  at  a  hint  from  him  his  com- 
panions also  would  interfere  with  interjections  and  observations, 
and  would  tell  queer  stories  about  the  Maul&n^,  and  exemplified 
in  his  person  the  verse  of  the  Eur&u,  ^^  And  some  of  you  shall 
have  life  prolonged  to  a  miserable  age.^] 

The  Pilgrimage. 
[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  203.]  One  night  (during  the  year  983),  Kh4n 
Jah&n  mentioned  that  Makhdumu-1  Mulk  had  given  an  opinion 
that  in  those  days  it  was  not  a  religious  duty  to^go  on  a  pilgrim- 
age, and  that  it  was  even  sinful  to  do  so.  When  he  was  asked  his 
reasons,  he  replied,  that  there  were  only  two  ways  to  Mecca,  one 
by  'Ir&k,  the  other  by  Gujar&t.  By  the  former,  a  man  must  hear 
abusive  language  from  the  Eazilb&shes  (Persian  Shi'as)  \  by  the 


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520  'ABDU-L  KADIB  BADAUNf. 

latter,  he  mast,  before  he  embarks  at  sea,  saffer  the  indigni<7  of 
entering  into  an  engagement  with  the  Firingis,  which  engagement 
was  headed  and  stamped  with  portraits  of  the  Viigin  Mary  and 
Jesas  Christ  (upon  whom  be  peace !),  and  so  is  tinctured  with 
idol  worship.  ^     Therefore  both  ways  should  be  prohibited. 

Another  device  of  Makhdumu-l  Mulk's  was  the  trick  by  which 
he  avoided  payment  of  the  legal  alms  due  upon  his  wealth.'  At 
the  end  of  each  year  he  used  to  make  oyer  all  his  property  to  his 
wife,  but  before  the  year  had  run  out  he  took  it  all  back  again. 
It  was  said  that  he  practised  some  other  tricks,  of  which  even  the 
Israelites  would  have  been  ashamed.  Stories  were  told,  one  after 
another,  about  his  meanness  and  shabbiness,  and  baseness  and 
worldliness,  and  oppression,  all  which  vices  were  exhibited  towards 
holy  and  deserving  men,  especially  those  of  the  Panj&b,  and 
which  one  by  one  came  to  light,  verifying  the  saying,  "There 
is  a  day  when  secrets  shall  be  disclosed."  They  told  also  other 
stories  founded  upon  his  villany,  sordid  disposition,  and  con- 
temptible conduct,  and  they  ended  by  deciding  that  he  ought  to 
be  shipped  off  by  force  to  Mecca,  When  he  was  asked  if  he 
thought  the  pilgrimage  a  duty  for  himself,  he  replied  in  the 
negative.  About  this  time,  Makhddmu4  Mulk  began  to  &U 
into  discredit,  and  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi  ^  succeeded  him  in  the 
good  graces  of  the  King. 

*  Maffei  mentions  a  toll,  and  Osorins  tells  ns  that  the  Portngnese  allowed  no  one  to 
sail  without  one  of  their  passports.  Faria-e-Sonsa  says  that  these  passports  were  not 
unfreqnently  mere  **  letters  of  BeUerophon/*  to  the  effect  that  "'  The  owner  of  this 
ship  is  a  very  wicked  Moor ;  I  desire  that  the  first  Portnguese  captain  to  whom  this 
is  shown  may  make  a  prize  of  her!*' — See  Bowlandson,  Thh/utnii  Mt^akideem^ 
pp.  90,  104. 

^  [Or,  more  fcimiliarly,  how  he  avoided  payment  of  inoome-tax.] 

'  An  acconnt  of  each  of  these  ecclesiastical  judges  is  giyen  among  the  Biographies 
of  learned  men  at  the  end  of  the  work.  That  of  'Ahdn-n  Nahi  will  be  found  among 
these  Extracts. 

Respecting  Makhd6mu-1  Mulk,  an  intelligent  author,  who  has  written  on  the  sub- 
ject of  Akbar's  deflections  from  the  path  of  the  Muhammadan  religion,  ohserres : — 

"  A  learned  and  pious  writer,  Makhddmu-1  Mulk,  published  about  this  time  a  traet 
injurious  to  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi.  He  accused  that  teacher  of  haying  been  wrong- 
fully instrumental  to  the  deaths  of  Khizr  Eh&n  Shirw&ni,  who  had  been  condemned 
for  reviling  the  Prophet,  and  'Ali  Habsh,  who  had  been  charged  with  heresy.    He 


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TARrKH-I  BADAITOT.  521 

Rent-free  Tenures. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  404.]  This  year  the  King  gare  orders  that  the 
rent-free  land  throughont  his  dominions,  whether  in  the  shape 
of  ayma^  tnadad-m^dsh,  wdkf  or  pensions,  should  not  be  con- 
sidered valid,  and  that  the  revenue-officers  should  not  recognize 
them  until  the  8adr  had  approved  the  grants.  The  consequence 
was,  that  the  people  whose  rights  were  assailed  flocked  from  the 
farthest  east  of  India,  and  from  Bakkar  in  the  west,  to  represent 
their  grievances.  Whoever  found  a  powerful  friend  among  the 
nobles  and  people  at  Court,  secured  his  wishes,  and  whoever 
could  not  obtain  a  similar  introduction,  had  to  give  large  bribes 
to  Saiyid  ""Abdu-r  Bastil,  and  all  the  subordinates  of  the  Shaikh, 
even  to  ihefardshes^  door-keepers,  grooms  and  sweepers,  and  by 
these  means  contrived  at  last  to  *^save  his  blanket  from  the 
whirlpool.^'  He  who  could  not  succeed  in  procuring  either  of 
these  passports,  was  well  thrashed  and  kicked  by  the  attendants ; 
besides  which,  many  of  the  unfortunates  perished  from  the  effect 
of  the  hot  air  in  that  immense  crowd.  Although  the  King  knew 
all  these  particulars,  yet  such  was  his  regard  for  the  Sadr^  that 
he  could  not  be  persuaded  to  interfere  with  his  proceedings. 
Whenever  the  Sadr  sat  in  state  and  dignity  in  the  diwdn- 
hhdna^  and  held  public  audience,  the  nobles  would,  now  and  then, 
taking  forward  some  learned  and  respectable  man,  represent  his 
case  for  consideration.  But  he  used  to  receive  them  with  little 
respect,  and  after  much  entreaty  and  importunity,  some  able 
man,  who  could  explain  the  Hiddi/a,  or  any  equally  abstruse 
book,  would  get  a  paltry  hundred  bigAas^  more  or  less,  restored 
to  him,  and  the  rest,  of  which  he  might  have  been  in  possession 

added  alio,  that  the  Shaikh  was  unworthy  to  mount  the  pulpit,  both  because  he  was 
subject  to  a  bodily  infirmity,  and  because  he  had  been  disaTowed  by  his  own  father 
for  his  perrerse  and  undntiful  conduct  when  a  youth.  To  these  attacks  Shaikh 
'Abdu-n  Nabi  replied  by  calling  Makhd6mu-1  Mulk  a  heretic  and  a  fool.  Opinions 
were  dirided,  some  of  the  religious  men  sided  with  one,  and  some  with  another ;  the 
dispute  ran  high,  and  a  complete  schism  ensued.  The  enemies  of  Isl&m  took  this 
opportunity  to  augment  the  King's  disgust  and  dissatisfiu^tion,  and  those  impressions 
becoming  progressiFely  more  intense^  he  lost  in  the  course  of  fire  or  six  years  eyery 
particle  of  his  original  belief.** — Orimtai  Quarterly  Magazimy  toI.  i.  p.  51. 


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622  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAtTNr. 

for  manj  years,  would  be  resamed.  But  the  ordinary  ran  of 
ignorant  and  worthless  fellows,  even  down  to  Hindus,  would  get 
as  much  land  as  they  asked  for,  without  question.  From  these 
proceedings,  learning  and  its  professors  declined  in  estimation 
every  day.  Even  in  the  middle  of  the  assemblage,  while  seated 
*' aloft  in  awfiil  state,"  if  the  time  for  midday  prayers  came,  he 
would  wash  his  hands,  and  care  not  bow  much  water  he  sprinkled 
on  the  &ces  and  clothes  of  the  surrounding  nobles  and  courtiers. 
They  meekly  submitted  to  the  indignity,  because  they  knew  it 
was  to  the  advantage  of  their  poor  clients,  and  would  bestow 
upon  the  Sadr  every  kind  of  eulogium,  compliment,  and  flattery, 
to  his  heart's  content,  in  the  hope  by  this  means  to  secure  at 
last  some  compensation  for  the  insult.^  In  the  time  of  no  former 
king  had  any  Sadr  such  extensive  powers  and  jurisdiction. 

The  Author's  Appointments  and  Emoluments. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  206.]  About  this  time  the  King  appointed  me 
a  preacher,  and  directed  me  also  to  undertake  the  office  of  marking 
the  royal  horses  with  the  brand.  I  had  no  fixed  salary,  but  I 
was  told  from  the  first  to  act  like  a  mansabddr  of  twenty  in 
bringing  horses  to  the  brand.  Shidkh  Abu-1  Fazl  arrived  at 
Court  about  the  same  time,  so  that  we  were,  as  was  said,  loaves 
out  of  the  same  oven.  Yet  he,  beginning  his  service  by  marking 
horses  and  attending  to  the  mahalli^  managed  by  his  intelligence 
and  time-serving  qualities  to  raise  himself  to  a  mansab  of  two 
thousand,  and  to  the  dignity  of  wazlr.  But  poor  I,  from  my 
inexperience  and  simplicity,  could  not  manage  to  advance  my8el£ 
I  reflected  within  myself  that  there  were  still  hopes  of  securing 
contentment  (that  best  of  possessions!)  by  means  of  a  madad" 
m^dihi  which  would  enable  me  to  retire  from  the  world,  and 
apply  myself  to  study  and  devotion,  while  free  firom  the  cares  of 
the  world.     But  even  in  this  I  was  doomed  to  be  disappointed. 

In  the  month  of  Shaww&l,  983,  on  my  applying  for  leave  of 
absence,  it  was  refused^  but  I  received  a  horse  with  suitable 
>  [TMb  last  eentenoe  u  a  free  rendering  of  a  raUier  offenaiye  ezpreanon.] 

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TARrKH-I  BADAITNI.  623 

trappings,  and  a  grant  of  a  thousand  bighaSy  which  was  a  mere 
nothing,  being  only  equal  to  an  allowance  for  the  maintenance  of 
twenty  men,  but  in  accordance  with  the  unfriendly  disposition  of 
the  Badr  and  my  unlacky  fate.  It  was  styled  also  in  the  grant 
a  madad^dnh}  I  represented  that  with  this  small  tenure  I 
could  not  afford  to  be  constantly  in  attendance  at  Court,  to  which 
the  King  replied,  that  he  would  give  me  presents  also  during  the 
marches.  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi  too  obserred,  that  no  person  of 
my  quality  had  received  from  him  so  large  a  grant  of  land.  As 
for  the  presents  which  I  was  promised,  though  twenty-two  years 
have  elapsed  since  my  hopes  were  raised,  I  have  received  them 
but  once  or  twice,  and  the  rest  have  been  concealed  behind  the 
veil  of  &te.  These  fine  promises  were  nothing  better  than  a 
baseless  mirage.  I  have  performed  services  without  reward,  and 
undergone  restraints,  firom  which  I  can  now  be  relieved  only  by 
the  goodness  of  Qod. 

'' Alldhu  Akharr 

[Text,  volii.  p.  210.]  [In  these  days  (a.h.  983,  a.d.  1575-6) 
His  Majesty  asked  how  it  would  be  if  he  ordered  the  words 
Alldhu  Akbar  to  be  engraven  on  his  Imperial  seal  and  stamped 
upon  his  coins.  Several  people  said  it  would  be  very  good.  But 
Haji  Ibr&him  objected.  He  said  the  phrase  had  an  ambiguous 
meaning,  and  that  it  would  be  better  to  substitute  the  verse  of  the 
Eur&n,  Lazikru  AlldhiAkharu  (^^  To  think  of  God  is  the  greatest 
thing"),  because  it  was  free  from  ambiguity.  His  Majesty  was 
not  pleased  with  this,  and  said  it  was  self-evident  that  no  creature, 
in  the  depths  of  his  impotence,  could  advance  any  claim  to 
Divinity.  He  had  only  looked  upon  the  word  as  being  apposite, 
and  there  could  be  no  sense  in  straining  it  to  such  an  extent.]  ' 

1  [That  IB,  an  eleemosynary  grant,  not  a  mtauab  or  military  tenure  indicatiye  of 
dignity.] 

'  [The  signification  usually  attaehed  to  these  words  ii  <<Qod  ii  great";  but  the 
meaning  "Akbar  is  God  *'  may  be  given  to  them.] 

'  [See  Blochmann's  Ain-i  JMari,  voL  i.  p.  166.] 

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524  'ABDF-L  KA:DIR  BADAtTNI. 

The  Emperor' a  Heretical  Aaaoeiates. 
[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  211.]  [In  this  year  (983)  there  arrived  Hakim 
Abu-1  Fath  Gll&ni,  Hakim  Hnm&yun  (who  sabseqnentlj  chuiged 
his  name  to  Ham&ydn  Eali,  and  lastly  to  Hakim  Ham&m),  and 
Nuru-d  din,  who  as  a  poet  is  known  under  the  name  of  Kar&ri. 
These  three  were  brothers,  and  came  from  Gil&n  (near  the  Caspian). 
The  eldest  brother,  by  his  subserviency,  obtained  an  extraordinary 
ascendancy  over  the  Emperor.  He  flattered  him  openly,  adapted 
himself  to  every  change  in  the  religious  ideas  of  His  Majesty,  and 
pushing  forward,  he  soon  became  a  most  intimate  friend  of  Akbar. 
Soon  after  there  came  to  Court  Mull&  Muhammad  of  Yazd,  who 
got  the  nickname  of  Tazidi,  He  attached  himself  to  the  Emperor, 
and  concocted  the  most  extravagant  censures  against  the  aahdba 
(companions  of  the  Prophet,  the  peace  of  Gh>d  be  upon  them !).  He 
told  extraordinary  stories  (about  them),  and  tried  hard  to  make 
the  Emperor  a  shVa.  But  this  man  was  soon  left  behind  by  Bir- 
bal,  that  bastard,  and  by  Shaikh  Abii-l  Fazl  and  Hakim  Abii-I 
Fath.  They  turned  the  Emperor  from  the  Religion,  and  made 
him  a  perfect  sceptic  of  inspiration^  the  prophetic  office,  the 
miracles  and  wonders,  and  the  law.  They  carried  matters  to  such 
a  length  that  I,  the  author,  could  no  longer  bear  them  company. 
The  result  of  all  this,  as  regards  each  one  of  them,  will  be  told 
in  its  proper  place.  About  the  same  time.  His  Majesty  ordered 
E&zi  Jal&lu-d  din  and  several  other  learned  men  to  write  a  com- 
mentary upon  the  Eur&n,  but  they  fell  to  squabbling  about  it. 
That  scoffer.  Deb  Chand,  E&jd  of  Manjhola,  used  to  say,  that  if 
the  cow  had  not  been  greatly  esteemed  by  the  Almighty,  she 
would  not  have  been  mentioned  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  Eur&n. 
As  history  was  read  from  day  to  day.  His  Majesty's  fi&ith  in  the 
Companions  of  the  Prophet  began  to  be  shaken,  and  the  breach 
grew  broader.  The  daily  prayers,  the  fasts,  and  prophecies  were 
all  pronounced  delusions  as  being  opposed  to  sense.  Season, 
not  revelation,  was  declared  to  be  the  basis  of  religion.  Europeans 
also  paid  visits  to  him,  and  he  adopted  some  of  their  rationalistic 
tenets.] 

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TABrXH-I  BADAUNr.  525 

Death  ofDdud  Afghdn} 
[Text,  Yol.  ii.  p.  238.]  [In  the  early  part  of  the  engagement,  a 
cannon-bidl  struck  the  knee  of  Junaid,  and  broke  his  leg.  When 
the  armies  closed,  defeat  fell  upon  the  Afgh&ns.  The  horse  of 
D&dd  stuck  fast  in  the  mud,  and  Hasan  Beg  made  D&iid  prisoner, 
and  carried  him  to  Kh&n-jah&n.  The  prisoner,  being  oppressed 
with  thirst,  asked  for  water.  Thej  filled  his  slipper  with  water, 
and  took  it  to  him.  But  as  he  would  not  drink  it,  Kh&n-jah&n 
supplied  him  with  a  cupfull  from  his  own  canteen,  and  enabled 
him  to  slake  his  thirst.  The  Kh&n  was  desirous  of  saving  his 
life,  for  he  was  a  very  handsome  man ;  but  the  nobles  urged  that 
if  his  life  were  spared,  suspicions  might  arise  as  to  their  loyalty. 
So  he  ordered  him  to  be  beheaded.  His  execution  was  a  very 
clumsy  work,  for  after  receiving  two  chops  he  was  not  dead,  but 
suffered  great  torture.  At  length  his  head  was  cut  off.  It  was 
then  crammed  with  grass  and  anointed  with  perfumes,  and  placed 
in  charge  of  Saiyid  'Abdu-Ua  Kh&n.] 

Personal  to  the  Author. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  252.]  In  a.h.  985  the  King,  after  visiting  the 
shrines  of  the  holy  saints  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Dehli,  went 
towards  P&lam  on  a  shooting  excursion.  At  the  close  of  the 
blessed  month  Bamaz&n,  news  reached  me  at  Bew&ri,  that  at 
Bas&war  *  a  son  had  been  born  to  me,  of  which  happiness  I  had 
been  a  long  time  in  expectation.  On  this  occasion  I  presented 
an  offering  of  a  gold  OBhraft-io  the  King,  and  requested  he  would 
be  good  enough  to  name  the  child.  After  reading  a  prayer,  he 
inquired  the  name  of  my  father  and  grandfather.  I  replied, 
^'  Muluk  Sh&h  was  my  father,  and  he  was  the  son  of  H&niid.'" 
He  said,  "  I  call  your  son  *Abdu-l  Hidi,**' — H&di  being  a  name 
which  at  that  time  he  had,  night  and  day,  upon  his  lips.     Not- 

'  [See  page  400  tuprd.'] 

'  This  place,  which  is  so  frequently  mentioned  in  the  oonrse  of  this  history,  is 
within  the  territory  of  Bharatp6r,  on  the  road  firom  Agra  to  Jaipdr.  It  is  situated 
on  the  side  of  a  rocky  eminence,  with  a  ruinous  palace  on  its  summit.  Heher  calls  it 
Fesh&war.     See  Narrative  of  a  Journey^  yoL  ii.  p.  385. 


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526  »ABDU-L  KJCDIE  BADAUNr. 

withstanding  that  H&fiz  Muhammad  Am(n,  the  pfeacher, 
constantly  citing  the  seven  imdmSy  nrging  me  in  hi^-flown 
language  not  to  commit  this  absurdity,  and  to  inrite  some  learned 
men  to  my  house  to  read  the  whole  Enr&n,  in  order  to  secure  a 
long  life  to  my  son,  he  could  not  persuade  me,  and  at  the  end 
of  six  months  my  son  died.  May  Grod  be  pleased  on  his  aooonnt 
to  pardon  me  in  the  day  of  judgment ! 

From  Rew4ri  I  took  fiye  months'"  leave,  and  went  to  Bas&war, 
on  account  of  sundry  affairs  of  consequence,  but  I  unavoidably 
extended  my  absence  to  the  period  of  a  year.  This  unwarranted 
neglect  of  duty  and  the  machinations  of  my  enemies  made  me 
fall  in  the  King's  estimation,  and  by  degrees  I  was  entirely 
forgotten.  To  this  day  even,  although  eighteen  years  have  since 
elapsed,  I  still  perform  my  duty,  but  am  not  honoured  with  an 
interview ;  and  I  can  neither  go  in  search  of  other  employ,  nor 
maintain  a  firm  footing  in  my  present  position. 

Eent'/ree  Tenures. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  264.]  K&zi  'Ali  Baghd&df,  grandson  of  Mir 
E&zi  Husain  Maibazi,  was  deputed  to  the  Panj&b  to  make  in- 
quiries respecting  the  lands  held  in  rent-free  tenure,  undet  the 
name  of  madad-m^dsh  and  ayma.  He  was  directed  to  resume 
the  old  tenures,  to  measure  them,  and  to  include  them  all  in  one 
district.  The  greatest  anomalies  had  been  perpetrated  in  this 
department,  which  were  all  to  be  attributed  to  the  perversity 
of  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi  and  the  dishonesty  of  his  subordinates. 

Religious  Difficulties, 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  255,  a  h.  986.]  [His  Majesty  used  frequently 
to  go  to  the  *ibddat'khdna,  and  converse  with  the  *ulamd  and 
the  shaikhs^  especially  on  Sabbath  evenings,  and  would  sometimes 
pass  the  whole  night  there.  The  discussions  always  turned 
upon  religion,  upon  its  principles,  and  upon  its  divarications. 
The  learned  doctors  used  to  exercise  the  sword  of  their  tongues 


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TABIKH-I  BADAUNI.  527 

upon  each  other,  and  showed  great  pugnacity  and  animosity,  till 
the  various  sects  at  length  took  to  calling  each  other  infidels  and 
perverts.  *  *  *  Innovators  and  schismatics  artfully  started  their 
doubts  and  sophistries,  making  right  appear  to  be  wrong,  and 
wrong  to  be  right.  And  so  His  Majesty,  who  had  an  excellent 
understanding,  and  sought  after  the  truth,  but  was  surrounded 
by  low  irreligious  persons,  to  whom  he  gave  his  confidence,  was 
plunged  into  scepticism.  Doubt  accumulated  upon  doubt,  and 
the  object  of  his  search  was  lost.  The  ramparts  of  the  law  and 
of  the  true  foith  were  broken  do¥m ;  and^  in  the  course  of  five  or 
six  years,  not  one  trace  of  Isl&m  was  left  in  him.  The  state  of 
affairs  was  changed. 

There  were  many  reasons  for  this.  But  as  '^  small  things  are 
suggestive  of  great  ones,  and  fear  betrays  the  culprit,'*  I  will 
only  mention  a  few.  Learned  men  of  various  kinds  and  from 
every  country,  and  professors  of  many  different  religions  and 
creeds,  assembled  at  his  Court,  and  were  admitted  to  converse 
with  him.  ^  Night  and  day  people  did  nothing  but  inquire  and 
investigate.  Profound  points  of  science,  the  subtleties  of  revela- 
tion, the  curiosities  of  history,  the  wonders  of  nature,  of  which 
large  volumes  could  only  give  a  summary  abstract,  were  ever 
spoken  of.  His  Majesty  collected  the  opinions  of  every  one, 
especially  of  such  as  were  not  Muhammadans,  retaining  whatever 
he  approved  of,  and  rejecting  everything  which  was  against  his 
disposition,  and  ran  counter  to  his  wishes.  From  his  earliest 
childhood  to  his  manhood,  and  from  his  manhood  to  old  age.  His 
Majesty  has  passed  through  the  most  diverse  phases,  and 
through  all  sorts  of  religious  practices  and  sectarian  beliefs,  and 
has  collected  everything  which  people  can  find  in  books,  with  a 
talent  of  selection  peculiar  to  him,  and  a  spirit  of  inquiry  opposed 
to  every  (Isl&mitic)  principle.  Thus  a  faith,  based  on  some 
elementary  principles,  traced  itself  on  the  mirror  of  his  heart, 
and,  as  the  result  of  all  the  influences  which  were  brought  to  bear 

^  [The  rest  of  this  Extract  is  taken  from  Mr.  Blochmann's  translation.    See  Ain-i 
Akbari,  vol.  i.  p.  179.] 


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528  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAUNr. 

on  His  Majesty,  there  grew,  gradually  as  the  outline  on  a  stone, 
the  conviction  in  his  heart  that  there  were  sensible  men  in  all 
religions,  and  abstemious  thinkers,  and  men  endowed  with 
miraculous  powers,  among  all  nations.  If  some  true  knowledge 
was  thus  everywhere  to  be  found,  why  should  truth  be  confined 
to  one  religion,  or  to  a  creed  like  Isl&m,  which  was  comparatively 
new,  and  scarcely  a  thousand  years  old  ?  Why  should  one  sect 
assert  what  another  denies,  and  why  should  one  claim  a  preference 
without  having  superiority  conferred  on  itself? 

Moreover,  Samanis^  and  Brahmans  managed  to  get  frequent 
private  interviews  with  His  Majesty.  As  they  surpass  other 
learned  men  in  their  treatises  on  morals,  and  on  physical  and 
religious  sciences,  and  reach  a  high  degree  in  their  knowledge  of 
the  future,  in  spiritual  power  and  human  perfection,  they  brought 
proofe,  based  on  reason  and  testimony,  for  the  truth  of  their 
own,  and  the  fallacies  of  other  religions,  and  inculcated  their 
doctrines  so  firmly,  and  so  skilfully  represented  things  as 
quite  self-evident  which  require  consideration,  that  no  man,  by 
expressing  his  doubts,  could  now  raise  a  doubt  in  His  Majesty, 
even  if  mountains  were  to  crumble  to  dust,  or  the  heavens  were 
to  tear  asunder. 

Hence  His  Majesty  cast  aside  the  Isl&mitic  revelations  re- 
garding resurrection,  the  Day  of  Judgment,  and  the  details 
connected  with  it,  as  also  all  ordinances  based  on  the  tradition 
of  our  Prophet.  He  listened  to  every  abuse  which  the  courtiers 
heaped  on  our  glorious  and  pure  faith,  which  can  be  so  easily 
followed;  and  eagerly  seizing  such  opportunities,  he  showed,  in 
words  and  gestures,  his  satisfaction  at  the  treatment  which  his 
original  religion  received  at  their  hands.] 

Christian  Mishionariea.    f^^  ' 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  260.]    In  a.h.  986  the  missionaries  of  Europe, 
who  are  called  P&dris,  and  whose  chief  Pontifi*,   called  P&p& 
(Pope),  promulgates  his  interpretations  for  the  use  of  the  people, 
^  fHinda  ascetics,  Sans.  Sranuma^^Eo,^ 


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TARfKH-I  BADAlfNI.  529 

and  who  issues  mandates  that  even  kings  dare  not  disobey, 
brought  their  Gospel  to  the  King's  notice,  advanced  proofs  of  the 
Trinity,  and  affirmed  the  truth  and  spread  abroad  the  knowledge 
of  the  religion  of  Jesus.  The  King  ordered  Prince  Mur&d  to  learn 
a  few  lessons  from  the  Gospel,  and  to  treat  it  with  all  due  respect, 
and  Shaikh  Abu-1  Fazl  was  directed  to  translate  it.  Instead  of 
the  inceptive  ^^Bismillah,"  the  following  ejaculation  was  enjoined: 
"In  nomine  Jesu  Ohristi,"^  that  is,  "Oh!  thou  whose  name  is 
merciiul  and  bountiful.'^  Shaikh  Faizi  added  to  this,  "  Praise 
be  to  God!  there  is  no  one  like  thee — thou  art  hel'^  The 
attributes  of  the  abhorred  Anti-Christ  were  ascribed  to  our  holy 
Prophet  by  these  lying  impostors. 

Worahip  of  the  Sun. 
[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  260.]  The  accursed  Birbal*  tried  to  persuade 
the  King,  that  since  the  sun  gives  light  to  all,  and  ripens  all  grain, 
fruits  and  products  of  the  earth,  and  supports  the  life  of  mankind, 
that  luminary  should  be  the  object  of  worship  and  veneration ; 
that  the  face  should  be  turned  towards  the  rising,  not  towards 
the  setting,  sun  ;  that  man  should  venerate  fire,  water,  stones  and 
trees,  and  all  natural  objects,  even  down  to  cows  and  their  dung ; 
that  he  should  adopt  the  frontal  mark  and  the  Br&hminical  cord. 
Several  wise  men  at  Court  confirmed  what  he  said,  by  representing 
that  the  sun  was  the  chief  light  of  the  world,  and  the  benefactor 

^  The  original  has  in  Persian  ^:^^  .j  j  ^^3     ^Ij  ^\,  which  can  scarcely  he 

said  to  hear  any  meaning.  Besides,  the  translation,  'yile  as  it  is,  shows  that  a  foreign 
language  most  have  heen  dealt  with.  It  is  not  difficult  to  make  **  in  nomiue  "  out  of 
the  first  two  Persian  words.  [The  ahove  are  the  words  of  the  printed  text,  hut  Mr. 
Bloohmann  slightly  modifies  and  improves  them,  Ai  ndm  i  tu  Jeatu  o  KiristOf  **  0  thou 
whose  names  are  Jesus  and  Christ." — Ain-i  Akbari,  vol.  i.  p.  183.] 

'  This  is  the  epithet  hy  which  he  is  usually  characterized  hy  this  hitter  enemy. 
Respecting  his  death  in  the  Yilsufzai  country,  he  says,  '^Birhal  fied  for  fear  of  his 
life,  and  heing  slain,  was  included  amongst  the  dogs  of  hell,  and  met  with  punish- 
ment, slight  when  compared  with  his  evil  deserts.  Akhar  regretted  his  loss  more 
than  that  of  any  other  of  his  chiefs,  exclaiming,  *  Why  did  they  not,  at  least,  rescue 
his  body,  that  it  might  have,  heen  burnt  P '  Afterwards,  he  derived  consolation  from 
refiecting,  that  as  Birbal  was  pure  and  undefiled,  the  rays  of  the  grand  luminary  were 
sufficient  for  his  funeral  pyre/' 

VOL.  V.  84 


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630  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAimr. 

of  its  inhabitants,  that  it  was  a  friend  to  kings,  and  that  kings 
established  periods  and  eras  in  conformity  with  its  motions.^  This 
was  the  caase  of  the  worship  paid  to  the  san  on  the  Nau-roz 
Jaldliy  and  of  his  being  induced  to  adopt  that  festival  for  the 
celebration  of  his  accession  to  the  throne.  Every  day  he  used  to 
put  on  clothes  of  that  particular  colour  which  accords  with  that 
of  the  regent-planet  of  the  day.  He  began  also,  at  midnight  and 
at  early  dawn,  to  mutter  the  spells,  which  the  Hindus  taught 
him,  for  the  purpose  of  subduing  the  sun  to  his  wishes.  He 
prohibited  the  slaughter  of  cows,  and  the  eating  of  their  flesh, 
because  the  Hindus  devoutly  worship  them,  and  esteem  their  dung 
as  pure.  Instead  of  cows,  they  sacrifice  good  men.  The  reason 
was  also  assigned,  that  physicians  have  represented  their  flesh  to 
be  productive  of  sundry  kinds  of  sickness,  and  to  be  difficult  of 
digestion. 

Ahii-l  Fazl  appointed  Supeiiniendent  of  Fire-temples. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  261.]  Fire- worshippers  also  came  from  Nausan 
in  Gujardt,  proclaimed  the  religion  of  Zardusht  as  the  true  one, 
and  declared  reverence  to  fire  to  be  superior  to  every  other  kind  of 
worship.  They  also  attracted  the  King's  regard,  and  taught  him 
the  peculiar  terms,  the  ordinances,  the  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the 
Kai&nians  ;  and  at  last  he  directed  that  the  sacred  fire  should  be 
made  over  to  the  charge  of  Abu-1  Fazl,  and  that  after  the  manner 
of  the  Kings  of  Persia,  in  whose  temples  blazed  perpetual  fires, 
he  should  take  care  it  was  never  extinguished  either  by  night  or 
day, — ^for  that  it  is  one  of  the  signs  of  GK>d,  and  one  light  from 
among  the  many  lights  of  his  creation. 

From  his  earliest  youth,  in  compliment  to  his  wives,  the 
daughters  of  the  Rdj&s  of  Hind,  he  had  within  the  female  apart- 
ments continued  to  burn  the  hom^  which  is  a  ceremony  derived 

^  [The  printed  text  says  only  j^  S  —  • -^  ^ItoLl  j\j— *'Ki"^  *"*  tustained  bf 

it" — Mr.  Blochmann*s  translation  runs,  **  They  said,  the  sun  was  *  the  greatest  Uglit,* 
the  source  of  benefit  for  the  whole  world,  the  nourisher  of  kings,  and  the  origia  of 
royal  power." — Ain-i  Akbari,  voL  i.  p.  183.] 


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TARIKH-I  BADAUNr.  631 

from  fire-worship  j  but  on  the  New-year  festival  af  the  25th  year 
after  his  accession,  he  prostrated  himself  both  before  the  san  and 
before  the  fire  in  public,  and  in  the  evening  the  whole  Court  had 
to  rise  up  respectfully  when  the  lamps  and  candles  were  lighted* 

On  the  festival  of  the  eighth  day  after  the  sun's  entering  Virgo 
in  this  year,  he  came  forth  to  the  public  audience-chamber  with 
his  forehead  marked  like  a  Hindu,  and  he  had  jewelled  strings 
tied  on  his  wrist  by  Br&hmans,  by  way  of  a  blessing.  The  chiefs 
and  nobles  adopted  the  same  practice  in  imitation  of  him,  and 
presented  on  that  day  pearls  and  precious  stones,  suitable  to  their 
respective  wealth  and  station.  It  became  the  current  custom  also 
to  wear  the  rdkhi  on  the  wrist,  which  means  an  amulet  formed 
out  of  twisted  linen  rags.  In  defiance  and  contempt  of  the  true 
faith,  every  precept  which  was  enjoined  by  the  doctors  of  other 
religions,  he  treated  as  manifest  and  decisive.  Those  of  Isldm, 
on  the  contrary,  were  esteemed  follies,  innovations,  inventions  of 
indigent  beggars,  of  rebels,  and  of  highway  robbers,  and  those  who 
professed  that  religion  were  set  down  as  contemptible  idiots. 
These  sentiments  had  been  long  growing  up  in  his  mind,  and 
ripened  gradually  into  a  firm  conviction  of  their  truth. 

Infallibility  of  the  Emperor} 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  270.]  [In  the  same  year  (987),  a  declaration 
made  its  appearance,  which  bore  the  signatures  and  seals  of 
Makhdumu-1  Mulk,  Shaikh  *Abdu-n  Nabi  Sadru-s  Sudiir^  Kazi 
Jaldlu-d  din  Mult&ni,  who  was  Kdziu-l  Kuzdty  of  Sadr-i  Jah&n, 
the  mufti  general,  of  Shaikh  Mub&rak,  the  most*  learned  man 
of  the  age,  and  of  Gh&zi  Khdn  Badakhshf,  who  had  no  rival 
in  the  science  of  metaphysics.  The  object  of  this  declaration 
was  to  establish  the  complete  superiority  of  the  Imdm-i  ^ddil 
(just  leader)  over  the  Mujtahid  (chief  lawyer);  and  to  make 
his  judgment  and  choice  a  preponderating  authority  on  divers 
questions,  so  that  no  one  could  possibly  reject  (his)  commands, 

*  [See  Blocbmaim*8  translation,  Ain-i  Ahhari^  vol.  i.  p.  185.] 


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632  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAITNI. 

either  in  religioas  or  political  matters,  but  must  by  them  be  self- 
convinced.^  *  •  *   I  (jQpy  ii^Q  document  verbatim. 

^Preamble  —  Citations  from  the  Kurdn  and  the  Traditions,'] 
''  We  have  agreed  and  do  decree  that  the  rank  of  a  Sultdn-i  ^ddil 
(just  ruler)  is  higher  in  the  eyes  of  God  than  the  rank  of  a 
Mujtahid.  Further  we  declare  that  the  Sult&n  of  Isl&m,  the 
refuge  of  mankind,  the  leader  of  the  &ithful,  the  shadow  of  Gt)d 
in  the  world  —  Abu-1  Fath  Jal&lu-d  din  Muhammad  Akbar 
P&dsh&h-i  Gh&zi  (whose  kingdom  God  perpetuate !) — is  a  most 
just,  wise,  and  God-fearing  King.  Therefore,  If  there  be  a  variance 
of  opinion  among  the  mujtahids  upon  questions  of  religion,  and 
His  Majesty,  in  his  penetrating  understanding  and  unerring  judg- 
ment, should  incline  to  one  opinion,  and  give  his  decree  for  the 
benefit  of  mankind  and  for  the  due  regulation  of  the  world,  we  do 
hereby  agree  that  such  a  decree  is  binding  on  us  and  on  the  whole 
nation.  Further  we  declare  that  should  His  Majesty,  in  his 
unerring  judgment,  issue  an  order,  which  is  not  in  opposition  to 
the  Xur&n,  and  which  is  for  the  benefit  of  the  nation,  it  shall  be 
binding  and  imperative  on  every  man.  Opposition  to  it  shall 
involve  damnation  in  the  world  to  come  and  loss  of  religion  and 
property  in  this  life.  This  document  has  been  written  with 
honest  intentions,  for  the  glory  of  God,  and  the  propagation  of 
Isl&m,  and  is  signed  by  us,  the  principal  ^ulamd  and  lawyers,  in 
the  month  of  Rajab,  987  Hijra."' 

The  draft  of  this  document  was  in  the  handwriting  of  Shaikh 
Mubdrak.  The  others  had  signed  it  against  their  will.  But  the 
Shaikh  of  his  own  accord  added  at  the  bottom  that  he  had  most 
willingly  sigiied  his  name,  for  it  was  a  matter  which  for  several 
years  he  had  been  anxiously  looking  forward  to. 

^  [This  is  a  somewliat  difficult  passage.  My  rendering  diffen  materially  from  Mr. 
Blochmanu's ;  but  though  I  have  ventured  to  disagree  with  him,  I  hare  so  much 
respect  for  his  authority,  that  I  subjoin  his  version.  '<  The  object  of  the  document 
was  to  settle  the  superiority  of  the  Imdm^i  'ddil  (just  leader)  over  the  Mujtakid^  which 
was  proved  by  a  reference  to  an  ill-supported  authority.  The  whole  matter  is  a  ques- 
tion, regarding  which  people  differ  in  opinion ;  but  the  document  was  to  do  away  the 
possibility  of  disagreeing  about  laws,  whether  political  or  religious,  and  was  to  bind 
the  lawyers  in  spite  of  themselves."] 


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TAWKH-I  BADAimr.  533 

After  His  Majesty  had  obtained  this  legal  opinion,  the  road 
of  deciding  religious  questions  was  opened,  the  superiority  of 
the  judgment  of  the  Imdm  was  established,  and  opposition  was 
rendered  impossible.  The  legal  distinction  between  lawful  and 
unlawful  was  set  aside,  the  judgment  of  the  Imdm  became  para- 
mount oyer  the  dogmas  of  the  law,  and  Isl&m  was  called  Taklid 
(counterfeit).  ♦  ♦  ♦  His  Majesty  had  now  determined  publicly  to 
use  the  formula,  ^*  There  is  no  God  but  GFod,  and  Akbar  is  GK>d's 
representative.''  But  as  he  found  that  the  extravagance  of  this 
led  to  commotions,  he  restricted  the  use  of  it  to  a  few  people  in 
the  harem,'] 

Experimental  Seclusion  of  Infants, 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  288.]  [In  this  year  (989  h.),  in  order  to 
verify  the  circumstances  of  the  case  (of  the  man  who  heard 
without  ears  ^),  an  order  was  issued  that  several  suckling  infants 
should  be  kept  in  a  secluded  place  &r  from  habitations,  where 
they  should  not  hear  a  word  spoken.  Well-disciplined  nurses 
were  to  be  placed  over  them,  who  were  to  refrain  from  giving 
them  any  instruction  in  speaking,  so  as  to  test  the  accuracy  of 
the  tradition  which  says,  '^  Every  one  that  is  bom  is  bom  with 
an  inclination  to  religion,"  by  ascertaining  what  religion  and  sect 
these  in&nts  would  incline  to,  and  above  all  what  creed  they 
would  repeat.  To  carry  out  this  order,  about  twenty  sucklings 
were  taken  from  their  mothers  for  a  consideration  in  money,  and 
were  placed  in  an  empty  house,  which  got  the  name  of  Dumb- 
house.  After  three  or  four  years  the  children  all  came  out  dumb, 
excepting  some  who  died  there — thus  justifying  the  name  which 
had  been  given  to  the  house.] 

Friendship  of  the  Author  of  the  Tabakdt-i  Akbari, 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  296.]       [One   day  when  near  Kdbul,   the 
Emperor  directed  the  Sadr-i  Jahdn  to  make  out  and  present 
to  him  a  list  of  the  pensioners  {ahl-i  sa'ddat)  who  were  present 
^  [See  tuprdf  p.  419.] 


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634  'ABDTJ-L  KADIR  BADAUKf. 

with  the  army,  and  another  of  those  who  were  absent.  When 
mj  (the  author's)  name  came  up,  the  late  Ehw&ja  Nizama-d  din 
Ahmad,  the  author  of  the  Tdrikh-i  Nizdmi^  with  whom  I  had 
become  acquainted  about  a  year  before  that  time,  but  who  was 
as  friendly  as  if  I  had  known  him  a  hundred  years,  in  the  great 
kindness  and  consideration  which  he  showed  to  all  his  friends, 
and  to  me  in  particular^  caused  me  to  be  put  down  and  returned 
as  sick.] 

Innovations} 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  301.]  [His  Majesty  was  now  (990  h.)  firmly 
convinced  that  a  period  of  1000  years  from  the  mission  of  the 
Prophet  was  the  extent  of  the  duration  of  the  religion  of  Isl&m, 
and  that  period  was  now  accomplished.  No  obstacle  remained 
to  promulgating  the  designs  which  he  secretly  held.  He  was 
now  free  from  the  respect  and  reverence  due  to  the  shaikhs  and 
'ulamd,  and  from  the  deference  owing  to  their  authority.  To 
his  entire  satisfaction,  he  was  abk  to  carry  out  his  project  of 
overturning  the  dogmas  and  principles  of  Isl&m,  to  set  up  his 
novel,  absurd,  and  dangerous  regulations,  and  to  give  currency 
to  his  own  vicious  belief. 

The  first  order  which  he  issued  was,  that  the  *'  Era  of  the 
Thousand ''  should  be  used  upon  the  coins,  and  that  a  TdrikA-i 
Al/i,  or  history  of  the  thousand  years,  from  the  rihiatj  or  death 
of  the  Prophet,  should  be  written.  Other  extraordinary  innova- 
tions were  devised  as  political  expedients,  and  such  strange 
orders  were  given  that  men's  minds  got  quite  perplexed.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 
Wine  was  allowed,  if  required,  for  strengthening  the  body,  and 
if  prescribed  by  doctors;  but  that  no  strife  and  disturbance 
might  arise,  severe  punishments  were  prescribed  for  drunkenness, 
carousals,  and  rows.  For  the  sake  of  proper  surveillance.  His 
Majesty  established  a  wine-shop  near  the  palace,  and  put  the 
wife  of  the  porter  in  charge  of  it,  because  she  belonged  to  the 
wine-selling  class.  The  price  of  wine  was  fixed  by  regulations, 
1  [See  Ain-i  Akbari,  toI.  L  p.  191.] 

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TARIKH-I  BADAUNr.  535 

and  any  sick  person  could  obtain  wine  on  having  his  own  name 
and  that  of  his  father  and  grandfather  written  down  by  the  clerk 
of  the  shop.  Of  coarse,  people  got  fictitious  names  put  down, 
and  obtained  supplies  of  wine.  It  was,  in  fact,  nothing  else  but 
a  licensed  shop  for  drunkards.  Some  people  even  said  that  pork 
was  used  in  the  manufacture  of  the  wine  (but  God  knows  I). 
Notwithstanding  all  restrictions,  much  mischief  and  trouble 
arose,  and  though  many  people  were  punished  every  day,  there 
was  no  sufficient  check.  So  (the  result  verified)  the  saying, 
"  Upset,  but  do  not  spill." 

The  next  matter  was  that  the  prostitutes  of  the  realm,  who 
had  collected  at  the  capital,  and  could  scarcely  be  counted,  so 
large  was  their  number,  had  a  separate  quarter  assigned  to  them 
outside  the  town,  which  was  called  Shait&npura  or  Devilsville. 
A  keeper,  a  deputy  (ddrogha),  and  a  clerk  also  were  appointed 
over  it,  to  write  down  the  names  of  those  who  resorted  to  prosti- 
tutes, or  who  took  them  to  their  houses.  People  might  indulge 
in  such  connexions,  provided  the  toll-collectors  were  cognizant ; 
but  without  permission  no  one  was  allowed  to  take  dancing-girls 
to  his  house.  If  any  well-known  courtier  wanted  to  have  a 
virgin,  the  ddrogha  made  a  statement  of  the  &ct,  and  got  per- 
mission from  the  Court.  *  *  Drunkenness  and  folly  led  to  blood- 
shed, and  though  some  persons  were  brought  to  punishment, 
others  walked  about  proudly  and  insolently  parading  their 
delinquencies.  His  Majesty  called  some  of  the  principal  prosti- 
tutes before  him  in  private,  and  asked  them  who  had  deprived 
them  of  their  virginity.  After  getting  the  names,  some  of  the 
most  renowned  and  trusty  grandees  were  punished  and  con- 
demned, and  many  of  them  were  kept  for  a  long  time  in 
confinement. 

Another  matter  was  the  interdiction  of  beef,  and  the  declara- 
tion of  its  being  defiling.  The  reason  of  this  was,  that  from  his 
youth  His  Majesty  had  associated  with  Hindu  libertines,  and 
had  thus  got  implanted  in  his  heart  a  reverence  for  the  cow, 
which,  in  their  opinion,  is  a  cause  of  the  preservation  of  the 


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536  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAITNI. 

world.  The  daughters  of  the  ^reat  B&j&s  of  Hind,  of  whom 
he  had  several  in  his  harems  obtained  such  an  ascendancy  over 
him  as  to  make  him  abstain  from  eating  beef,  garlic,  or  onions, 
and  from  associating  with  men  who  wore  beards  and  such  like 
persons.] 

Declaration  of  Adherence  to  the  Divine  Faith.^ 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  304.]  [Ten  or  twelve  years  after  the  com- 
mencement of  these  changes,  matters  came  to  such  a  pitch  that 
wretches  like  Mirz&  J&ni,  chief  of  Tatta,  and  other  apostates, 
wrote  their  declarations  to  the  following  effect :  ''  I,  so  and  so, 
son  of  so  and  so,  have  willingly  and  cheerfully  renounced  the 
false  and  pretended  religion  of  Isl&m,  which  I  have  received  from 
my  ancestors,  and  have  joined  the  Divine  Faith  (Din-i  Ildhi)  of 
Sh&h  Akbar,  and  have  assented  to  its  fourfold  rule  of  sincerity — 
(the  readinesfl  to)  sacrifice  wealth  and  life,  honour  and  religion." 
These  writings — there  could  be  no  more  effectual  letters  of 
damnation — were  handed  in  to  the  Mvjtahid  of  the  new  creed 
(Abd-1  Fazl). 

[p.  325.]  His  Majesty  gave  his  religious  system  the  name  of 
Tauhid'%  Udhi^  Divine  Monotheism.] 

Wealth  of  Mahhdumu4  Mulk. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  311.]  [Makhdumu-I  Mulk  died  at  Ahmad- 
&b&d,  and  in  the  year  990  X&zi  'Ali  was  sent  from  Fathpur  to 
ascertain  what  property  he  had  left.  When  he  came  to  Lahore, 
he  found  such  vast  treasures  as  defied  the  key  of  conjecture  to 
open  their  lock.  Several  chests  of  ingots'  of  gold  were  dis- 
covered in  his  sepulchre,  where  he  had  caused  them  to  be  buried 
as  corpses.  And  the  wealth  which  lay  open  to  the  eyes  of  the 
world  was  such  that  none  but  the  Creator  could  ascertain  it.  All 
these  bricks  of  gold,  together  with  his  books,  which  he  looked 

1  [See  Ain-i  Akbari,  vol.  i.  p.  194.] 
»  [khitAt,  Ut.  "  bricks."] 


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TXRIKH-I  BADAITNI.  637 

upon  as  bricks,  were  placed  in  the  public  treasury.    His  sons 
several  times  underwent  torture,  and  fell  into  abject  poverty.] 

Translation  of  the  Mahd-bhdrat. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  320.]  In  the  year  990  His  Majesty  as- 
sembled some  learned  Hindus,  and  gave  them  directions  to  write 
an  explanation  of  the  Mahd-bMrat,  and  for  several  nights  he 
himself  devoted  his  attention  to  explain  the  meaning  to  Nakib 
E3i&n,  so  that  the  Kh&n  might  sketch  out  the  gist  of  it  in 
Persian.  On  a  third  night,  the  Xing  sent  for  me,  and  desired 
me  to  translate  the  Mahd-hhdrat^  in  conjunction  with  Nakib 
Kh&n.  The  consequence  was  that  in  three  or  four  months  I 
translated  two  out  of  the  eighteen  sections,  at  the  puerile  absur- 
dities of  which  the  eighteen  thousand  creations  may  well  be 
amazed.  Such  injunctions  as  one  never  heard  of — what  not  to 
eat,  and  a  prohibition  against  turnips !  But  such  is  my  fate,  to 
be  employed  on  such  works.  Nevertheless,  I  console  myself  with 
the  reflection,  that  what  is  predestined  must  come  to  pass  i 

After  this,  Mull&  Shi  and  Nakib  Xh&n  together  accomplished 
a  portion,  and  another  was  completed  by  Sult&n  H&ji  Th&nesari 
by  himself.  Shaikh  Faizi  was  then  directed  to  convert  the 
rough  translation  into  elegant  prose  and  verse,  but  he  did  not 
complete  more  than  two  sections.  The  H&ji  aforesaid  again 
wrote  it,^  correcting  the  errors  which  had  appeared  in  his  first 
translation,  and  settliilg  the  conjectures  which  he  had  hazarded. 
He  had  revised  a  hundred  sheets,  and,  nothing  being  omitted,  he 
was  about  to  give  the  finishing  touch,  when  the  order  was  received 
for  his  dismissal,  and  he  was  sent  to  Bakar.  He  now  resides  in 
his  own  city  (Th&nesar).  Most  of  the  scholars  who  were  em- 
ployed upon  this  translation  are  now  with  the  Kauravas  and 
P&ndavas.  May  those  who  survive  be  saved  by  the  mercy  of 
God,  and  may  their  repentance  be  accepted ! 

The  translation  was  called  JRazm-ndma,  and  when  fairiy  en- 

*  [The  printed  text  of  the  Bibl.  Tnd.  Bays  dopardh,  "  two  portions ; "  but  there  is 
no  such  limit  in  the  text  printed  with  the  first  edition  of  this  work.] 


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538  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAUOT. 

grossed  and  embellished  with  pictures,  the  nobles  had  orders  to 
take  copies,  with  the  blessiug  and  favour  of  God.  Shaikh  Abu-I 
Fazl,  who  had  already  written  against  our  religion,  wrote  the 
Preface,  extending  to  two  sheets.  God  defend  us  from  his 
infidelities  and  absurdities ! 

Homes  of  Charity, 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  324.]  In  a.h.  991  the  King  erected  two 
buildings  outside  the  city  where  he  might  feed  faMrt^  both 
Musulm&n  and  Hindu;  one  he  called  Blhairpitra^  the  other 
Dhannpiira.  Some  of  Abfi-1  Fazl's  people  had  the  charge,  and 
used  to  spend  the  Eling's  money  in  procuring  food.  As  ihejogis 
also  used  to  flock  there  in  great  numbers,  a  separate  receiving- 
house  was  built  for  them,  and  called  JogipUra.  Nightly  meetings 
were  held  in  private  with  some  of  these  men,  and  they  used  to 
employ  themselves  in  various  follies  and  extravagancies,  in  con- 
templations, gestures,  addresses,  abstractions  and  reveries,  and 
in  alchemy,  fascination  and  magic.  The  King  himself  studied 
alchemy,  and  used  to  exhibit  the  gold  which  he  made.  One 
night  in  the  year,  called  Shiv-rdi,  was  appointed  for  a  grand 
assembly  of  jogia  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  on  which  occa- 
sion he  would  eat  and  drink  with  the  best  of  them ;  and  used 
to  be  gratified  by  their  assurances  of  a  life  three  or  four  times 
lono:er  than  the  natural  life  of  man. 


"e"^ 


Bdm  Chand  Bhath. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  335.]  [The  Emperor  stayed  four  months  at 
All&h&bdd,  and  from  thence  he  sent  Zain  Kh&n  Koka  and 
Birbal,  who  was  formerly  in  the  service  of  B&j&  B>4m  Ghand 
Bhath,  on  an  embassy  to  Ghaur&garh.  B&m  Ghand  consented 
to  do  homage,  and  after  attending  to  the  duties  of  hospitality, 
lie  detained  Zain  Kh&n,  and  proceeded  along  with  him  to  Fath- 
pur,  to  wait  upon  the  Emperor.  He  presented  a  most  valuable 
tribute  of  one  hundred  rubies  and  other  precious  stones.     The 

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TARfKH-I  BADAlTNr.  639 

value  of  one  of  the  rubies  exceeded  50,000  rupees.  He  left  his 
son  Bdbu  in  attendance  on  His  Majesty,  but  the  young  man 
soon  obtained  leave  to  return  home.  Soon  afterwards  he  went 
to  his  last  home  in  the  hottest  hell.  This  B&m  Chand  has  left 
no  equal  behind  him  for  princely  generosity.  Among  his  other 
gifts,  he  gave  a  kror  of  gold  {kror  zar)  to  the  minstrel  Midn 
T&n  Sen  in  one  day.  The  Mi&n  did  not  wish  to  leave  the  B&j&, 
but  a  guardsman  was  sent  to  bring  him  back.] 

IVanslation  of  the  Rimdyana. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  336.]  [In  this  year  the  King  commanded  me 
to  make  a  translation  of  the  Rdmdyanay  a  composition  superior 
to  the  Mahd'bhdraL  It  contains  25,000  shloks^  and  each  ahlok 
is  a  verse  of  sixty-five  letters.  The  hero  of  its  story  is  R&m 
Chand,  King  of  the  city  of  Audh^  who  is  also  called  B&m,  and 
whom  the  Hindus  worship  as  a  god  in  human  form.] 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  366.]  [In  the  month  of  Jumdda-1  awwal 
A.H.  999,  I  completed  the  translation  of  the  Bdmdj/an,  having 
occupied  four  years  in  the  work.  When  I  presented  the  book, 
it  was  greatly  praised.] 

Anniversary  of  the  Coronation, 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  342.]  In  a.h.  993  the  King  held  the  festival 
of  the  anniversary  of  his  coronation,  according  to  the  practice 
established  in  olden  time,  during  which  the  King  received  enter- 
tainment from  every  shopkeeper,^  and  appropriate  presents  from 
the  nobles,  so  that  even  food,  scents,  and  the  profits  of  dancers 
and  fiddlers  were  carried  away  into  the  treasury.  From  a 
mansabdar  of  5000  to  a  humble  footman,  all  had  to  present 
offerings ;  and  even  I,  this  powerless  atom,  who  was  held  in  no 
*  [The  words  are— 

So  that  the  contributions  from  the  shops  were  presented  by  the  nobles.  In  a  similar 
passage  relating  to  the  year  991  (p.  321),  it  is  said  that  the  shops  were  regularly 

aUotted  to  the  nobles  jfj^  ^.^^  \^\^^  |^ly\ijj  J;jL»  jji-»JJ.] 

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540  'ABDU-L  KXDIB  BADAITNI. 

account  at  all,  except  that  I  used  to  be  styled  hazdti^  from 
holding  1000  Ughas  rent-free,  and  was  accustomed  to  liken 
myself  to  the  old  woman  in  the  story  of  Joseph  (God*s  blessing 
on  him!),  had  to  present  my  forty  rupees,  which  received  the 
honour  of  being  accepted.  I  do  not  like  my  position,  and  should 
be  glad  to  be  in  any  other  ! 

During  this  festival,  the  Kings's  eldest  son  received  a  mansah 
of  12000 ;  the  second,  one  of  9000 ;  and  the  third,  one  of  7000. 

Rdjd  Todar  Mai 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  366.  Thirty-third  Year.]  [Kalij  Kh&n  now 
returned  from  Gujar&t,  bringing  various  offerings,  and  an  order 
was  issued  associating  him  with  B&j&  Todar  Mai  in  the  adminis- 
tration of  the  Civil  and  Revenue  business.  The  Raja  was  now 
grown  feeble  and  senile^  and  one  night  an  enemy  in  ambush 
inflicted  a  superficial  wound  upon  him  with  a  sword.] 

Tlie  Authoi^B  Lafida. 

[Text,  vol.  11.  p.  368.]  In  a.h.  996  the  King  called  to  mind 
something  about  the  book  which  I  was  then  translating,  and 
directed  Hakim  Abd-l  Fath  to  give  me  a  horse,  a  shawl,  and 
some  other  presents.  He  Ijien  observed  to  Sh&h  Fathu-lla 
'Azdu-d  daulah,  that  the  whole  of  Bas&war  had  been  granted 
to  him  in  jdgir^  with  all  its  ayma  land,  and  that  as  I,  a  native 
of  Baddun,  had  thus  lost  my  madad-nCdsh  land^  His  Majesty  had 
conferred  upon  me  some  of  equal  value  in  Baddiin,  in  lieu  of  it. 
Shah  Fathu-lla  then  presented  in  a  bag  an  offering  of  1000 
rupees,  which,  by  exactions  and  other  most  oppressive  means, 
his  agents  had  recovered  from  the  wretched  widows  and  orphans 
of  Bas&war;  and  upon  his  representing  that  his  officers  had 
collected  this  surplus  from  the  ayma  lands  (fraudulently  alienated 
from  the  public  rent-roll),  the  King  told  him  to  retain  the  money 
for  himself.  Three  months  after  this  the  Sh&h  died,  and  when 
myfarmdn  was  engrossed,  I  took  leave  for  a  year,  went  first  to 


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TAErKH-I  BADAUNr.  541 

Bas&war,  and  then  to  Bad&uu,  from  which  place  I  wished  to  make 
a  journey  to  Gujarfit,  to  see  Mirz&  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad,  but 
delays  occurred  to  prevent  my  carrying  this  intention  into  eflFect. 

Itdjd  of  Kumdim. 
[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  366.]  In  a.h.  996,  the  Rajd  of  Kum4dn 
arrived  at  Lahore  from  the  Siw4lik  hills,  for  the  purpose  of 
paying  his  respects.  Neither  he  nor  his  ancestors  (the  curse 
of  God  on  them  !)  could  ever  have  expected  to  speak  face  to 
face  with  an  Emperor.  He  brought  several  rare  presents,  and 
amongst  them  a  Tibet  cow  and  a  musk-deer,  which  latter  died 
on  the  road  from  the  effect  of  the  heat.  I  saw  it  with  my  own 
eyes,  and  it  had  the  appearance  of  a  fox.  Two  small  tusks 
projected  from  the  mouth,  and,  instead  of  horns,  it  had  a  slight 
elevation,  or  bump.  As  the  hind  quarters  of  the  animal  were 
enveloped  in  a  cloth,  I  could  not  examine  the  whole  body.  They 
said  that  there  were  men  in  those  hills^  who  had  feathers  and 
wings,  and  who  could  fly,  and  they  spoke  of  a  mango-tree 
in  that  country  which  yields  fruit  all  the  year  round.  God 
knows  whether  this  is  true ! 

The  Emperor's  Illness. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  376.]  [In  this  year  the  Emperor  was  some- 
what indisposed.  He  had  pains  in  his  stomach,  and  other 
disturbances  which  no  one  could  account  for.  Through  this 
inability  to  understand  his  ailment,  suspicions  arising  from 
malevolence  were  cast  upon  the  eldest  prince,  and  whispers  of 
poison  flew  about.] 

The  Coinage. 

[Text,  vol.  ii.  p.  380.]  [Among  the  edicts  issued  (in  the 
thirty-seventh  year  of  the  reign),  was  one  that  all  the  dirhams 
and  dinars  bearing  the  devices  of  former  kings  should  be  melted 
and  sold  for  the  price  of  the  gold  and  silver,  so  that  not  a  trace 
of  them  should  remain  in  the  world.     The  various  ashrqfis  and 


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542  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BJlDKVU^T. 

rupees  of  the  Emperor^s  coinage,  whether  old  or  recent,  were  at 
once  to  be  put  in  circulation,  and  no  difference  whatever  between 
them  and  the  old  coins  was  to  be  recognized.  Kalfj  Kh&n 
endeavoured  to  enforce  this  order.  Sarrd/s  were  every  day 
called  up ;  bonds  were  taken  from  them,  and  fines  were  inflicted 
on  them.  As  a  last  resource,  some  were  put  to  death.  But 
for  all  this  they  did  not  refrain  from  counterfeiting  the  coin 
{kalldbi).  Orders  and  instructions  upon  this  subject  were  written 
and  sent  to  the  most  remote  parts  of  the  dominions,  but  without 
effect,  until  Khw&ja  Shamsu-d  din  Khw4f[,  the  dkwdny  succeeded 
in  putting  all  these  orders  in  force.] 

Shaikh  'Abdu-n  NaU. 

[Text,  vol.  iii.  p.  79.]  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi,  Sadru-B  Sudur^ 
was  son  of  Shaikh  Ahmad,  son  of  Shaikh  Abdu-1  Kudus,  of 
Gangoh.  He  went  several  times  to  Mecca  and  Medina,  and 
studied  the  traditions.  *  ♦  *  He  put  on  the  appearance  of  great 
piety.  When  he  was  appointed  to  the  Saddrat^  he  distributed 
among  the  people  an  immense  quantity  of  madad-m'dsh,  tcakf, 
and  pensions.  No  Sadr  during  any  former  reign  had  so  much 
power,  and  no  one  gave  away  one-tenth  of  the  tcakf  which  he 
did.^  The  King  was  for  some  time  so  intimate  and  unceremonious 

*  It  is  quite  impossible  to  reconcile  this  eulogy  with  the  taunting  and  acrimonioiis 
tone  adopted  at  p.  521 ;  nor  does  any  conceivable  variety  in  the  reading  of  the  two 
texts  admit  of  any  essential  difference  of  sentiment ;  unless,  indeed,  we  consider  that 
the  grasping /So^r  was  Mnkhddmu-1  Mulk,  and  not  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi;  which 
appears  opposed  to  the  whole  tenor  of  the  text,  and  especially  to  'Abdu-n  Nabfa 
declaration  at  the  close  of  the  Extract.  It  is  scarcely  permitted  us  to  imagine  that 
so  grave  an  author  might  possibly  be  indulging  in  a  little  playful  irony. 

The  duties  and  responsibilities  of  the  Sadr  resembled  tiiose  of  a  ChanceUor,  or  an 
Ecclesiastical  Registrar ;  the  chief  difference  being,  that  when  the  Sadr,  as  we  hare 
seen  to  be  frequently  the  case,  plundered  the  property  of  helpless  widows  and  oiphaos, 
he  was  flayed  alive,  or  trodden  to  death  by  elephants.  As  such  punishments  would 
be  esteemed  barbarous  in  modern  times,*  and  as  our  tortuous  system  of  law  generally 
delights  to  exercise  its  sophistries  and  subtilties  in  behalf  of  notorious  criminals, 
there  can  be  little  doubt  that,  if  any  Sadr  were  in  these  days  to  prostitute  the  sacred 
obligations  of  his  office  to  such  infernal  purposes,  he  would  escape  with  impunity : — 
at  least  upon  earth. 

Committunt  eadem  diverso  orimina  fato ; 

lUe  craoem  pretium  Bcelerie  tulit,  hie  diadema. 


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TABrKH-i  BADAimr.  643 

with  him,  that  he  would  rise  to  adjust  the  Shaikh's  slippers 
when  he  took  his  leave.  At  last,  through  the  enmity  of  Makh- 
dumu-1  Mulk  and  some  other  ill-disposed  and  deceitful  doctors, 
he  fell  in  the  King'^s  estimation,  and  began  to  be  treated  very 
differently.     The  chief  reason  of  the  change  was  this  : — 

At  the  time  that  the  King  arrived  at  Fathpur  from  B&nsw&ra, 
K&Li  ''Abdu-r  Rahim,  of  Muttra,  complained  to  the  Shaikh  that 
a  rich  and  obstinate  Brahman  had  taken  all  the  materials,  which 
he  had  collected  for  the  building  of  a  mosque,  and  applied  them 
to  his  own  purposes  in  building  a  temple  for  an  idol,  and  that 
when  he  remonstrated  with  him,  the  Br&hman,  in  the  presence  of 
a  multitude  of  people  (may  his  mouth  be  crammed  with  mud !), 
applied  foul  and  abusive  language  to  the  Prophet  (the  peace  of 
God  rest  with  him  !),  and  grossly  reviled  all  Musulm&ns.  When 
the  Brdhman  was  summoned  before  the  Shaikh,  he  refused  to 
come,  so  Shaikh  Abu-1  Fazl  was  sent  to  bring  him.  Shaikh 
Abu-1  Fazl  on  his  return  represented  what  he  had  heard  from 
the  people  of  Muttra ;  namely,  that  the  Br&hman  certainly  had 
used  foul  language.  Upon  this,  the  learned  in  the  law  decided, 
some  of  them  for  death,  some  for  public  exposure  and  fine. 
They  were  consequently  divided  into  two  parties,  and  disputed 
at  great  length  on  the  subject.  Although  the  Shaikh  went  to 
ask  for  leave  to  punish  him  capitally,  the  King  would  give  no 
distinct  reply,  but  said  vaguely,  that  the  Shaikh  was  himself 
responsible  for  carrying  into  execution  the  sentence  of  the  law, 
and  inquired  why  he  consulted  him.  During  this  long  suspense 
the  Brahman  continued  in  prison,  and  notwithstanding  that  the 
ladies  of  the  royal  household  used  their  exertions  to  get  him 
released,  yet  out  of  regard  to  the  Shaikh,  the  King  would  not 
give  his  consent. 

The  Shaikh  continued  to  importune  the  King  for  a  reply,  but 
all  he  could  get  was,  that  he  had  already  expressed  his  opinion, 
and  the  Shaikh  knew  what  it  was.  When  the  Shaikh  returned 
to  his  home,  he  immediately  issued  orders  for  the  Brdhman's 
death.     When  the  King  learnt  this,  he  was  very  angry.     The 


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644  'ABDU-L  KADIR  BADAUNT. 

ladies  within,  aud  the  Hindus  without,  the  palace,  exclaimed, 
''  Is  this  the  roan  whom  you  have  promoted  and  favoured,  and 
has  he  reached  to  such  a  pitch  of  insolence  as  not  to  regard 
your  wishes,  and  to  put  a  man  to  death  for  the  mere  purpose  of 
displaying  his  power  and  authority?"  They  continued  to  pour 
such-like  complaints  into  the  ears  of  the  King,  so  that  he  could 
no  longer  endure  them.  ♦  ♦  ♦  One  night,  at  Anup-tal&o,  a  con- 
clave of  divines  assembled,  from  whom  he  inquired  their  opinions 
on  the  subject.  *  *  The  King  at  last  singled  me  out,  and  said, 
''  When  ninety  and  nine  opinions  are  in  favour  of  a  sentence  of 
death,  and  a  hundredth  in  favour  of  acquittal,  do  you  think  it 
right  that  the  muftis  should  act  upon  the  latter.  What  is  your 
opinion  P"  I  replied,  that  it  was  a  legal  maxim  that  punishment 
should  not  be  inflicted  where  there  was  any  doubt.  The  King 
was  sorrowful,  and  said,  ''  Was  not  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  NabL  aware 
of  this  maxim,  that  he  killed  that  unfortunate  Br&hmanP"  I 
replied,  that  the  Shaikh  was  certainly  a  wise  man,  and  that  he 
no  doubt  had  acted  in  direct  contravention  of  the  law,  but  that 
he  might  possibly  have  adopted  that  course  for  the  sake  of 
expediency.  ♦  ♦  ♦ 

The  King's  agitation  was  so  great  that  his  hsdr  stood  on  end, 
like  that  of  a  roused  lion,  and  some  people  behind  me  whispered 
that  I  should  not  carry  the  controversy  any  further.  All  of 
a  sudden,  he  turned  towards  me  and  said,  ^^  You  are  not  at  all 
right."  Upon  which  I  made  a  low  bow,  and  retired  to  a  little 
distance.  From  that  day  I  have  abandoned  my  presumptuous  and 
controversial  manner,  and  take  my  place  apart  from  the  groupe 
which  surround  the  throne.  It  is  only  now  and  then  that  I  venture 
to  advance,  and  make  my  obeisance  at  a  respectful  distance. 

It  was  on  this  account  that  Shaikh  'Abdu-n  Nabi's  prosperity 
declined.  *  *  *  He  died  in  the  year  991. 

Shaikh  FaizL 
[Text,  vol.  iii.  p.  299.]    Commonly  called  the  "  chief  of  Poets." 
He  excelled  in  the  arts  of  versification,   enigmatic   lines  and 


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TABrKH-I  BADAC7Nr.  646 

rhyming.  In  historj,  in  philology,  in  medicine,  in  letter- 
writing,  and  in  composition,  he  was  without  a  rival.  His  earlier 
compositions  in  verse  bear  his  titular  name  of  Faizi,  which  he 
subsequently  dignified  into  Faiy&zi,  in  order  that  it  might  cor- 
respond with  the  grammatical  amplification  of  ^AUami,  by  which 
his  younger  brother,  Abu-1  Pazl,  was  known;  but  the  change 
was  ill-omened,  for  he  survived  to  enjoy  his  last  title  only  one 
or  two  months,  and  then  met  his  death  with  great  alarm  and 
inquietude. 

As  an  author,  he  was  sometimes  serious,  sometimes  jocose, 
conceited,  proud,  and  malevolent.  He  was  full  of  hypocrisy, 
malignity,  dissimulation,  ambition,  arrogance,  and  egotism.  In 
his  obstinacy  and  animosity  he  reviled  the  earlier  and  later 
Khalifas  and  disciples,  the  ancestors  and  descendants  of  the 
Prophet,  the  wise  and  the  excellent,  the  pious  and  the  saintly, 
and,  in  short,  all  Musulm&us  in  general,  and  ridiculed  the  prin- 
ciples of  their  faith,  privately  and  publicly,  by  night  and  by 
day.  His  conduct  was  so  abominable,  that  even  Jews,  Christians, 
Hindus,  Sabians,  and  Guebres  are  considered  a  thousand  times 
less  odious.  He  acted  entirely  against  the  tenets  of  the  Muham- 
madan  religion.  What  was  forbidden  in  that,  was  lawful  to  him, 
and  f>ice  verad. 

He  composed  a  commentary  upon  the  Kurdn,  consisting 
entirely  of  letters  without  diacritical  points,  in  order  to  oblite- 
rate his  infamy,  but  the  waters  of  a  hundred  oceans  will  never 
cleanse  the  stain  he  has  contracted,  until  the  day  of  judgment. 
He  composed  it  in  the  very  height  of  his  drunkenness  and 
impurity,  and  dogs  were  allowed  to  tread  on  every  letter  of  it. 
In  the  same  spirit  of  pride,  stubboraness,  and  infidelity,  he  met 
his  final  doom,  and  in  a  manner  which  I  trust  no  one  may  again 
see,  or  hear  of;  for  when  the  King  paid  him  a  visit  on  his 
death-bed,  he  barked  at  his  face  like  a  dog,  as  the  King  himself 
acknowledged  in  public;  his  whole  face  was  swollen,  and  his 
lips  appeared  black,  insomuch  that  the  King  observed  to  Abd-l 
Fazl,  ''  What  is  this  blackness  P  Surely  the  Shaikh  has  been 

TOU  V.  34 

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546  'ABDTJ-L  KADIR  BADAlTNr. 

mbbing  dentifrice  on  his  teeth,  according  to  the  Indian  fashion?" 
"No,"  replied  Abu'-l  Fazl,  "it  is  the  stain  of  th©  blood  which 
he  has  been  spitting."  ^  In  truth,  even  this  scene  was  bat  a 
small  retribution  for  the  blasphemies  of  which  he  had  been 
guilty,  and  for  the  contumelies  which  he  had  uttered  against 
the  Prophet,  the  last  of  the  apostles  (the  peace  of  God  be  upon 
him,  and  all  his  family!).  Several  abusive  chronograms  were 
written  on  the  occasion,  of  which  the  following  are  only  a 
few.  ♦  *  * 

He  had  composed  poetry  for  forty  years,  correct  enough  in 
point  of  versification  and  language,  but  utterly  destitute  of 
beauty,  either  in  sentiment  or  religion.*  He  has  joined  the  dry 
bones  together  pretty  well,  but  the  skeleton  has  no  brains.  The 
condiments  of  verse  are  sufficiently  abundant,  but  quite  tasteless, 
*  *  *  as  is  proved  by  no  one  remembering  his  lines,  although  the 
very  vilest  poets  meet  with  some  quoters  and  admirers.  Never- 
theless,  he  wrote,  what  with  diwdns  and  masna^^  more  than 
twenty  thousand  lines,  and,  notwithstanding  that  he  expended 
the  rich  revenues  of  his  jdgir  upon  their  transcription,  and  in 
sending  copies  to  his  friends,  far  and  near,  not  one  of  them  ever 
read  his  poems  twice.  The  following  verses  of  his  own  selection 
were  given  by  him  to  Niz&mu-d  din  Ahmad  and  others,  as  a 
memento.  *  *  ♦  *  Pray  tell  me  what  beauty  there  is  in  them  ! 

At  the  time  that  Shaikh  Faizi  had  gone  to  take  charge  of  his 
office  of  the  deputyship  of  the  Dakhin,  I  wrote  him  two  letters 
from  the  foot  of  the  Kashmir  hills,  and  informed  him  of  the 
cause  of  the  King's  displeasure  and  his  refusal  to  allow  me  to 
pay  my  respects.  Upon  this  he  wrote  to  the  King  a  letter  of 
recommendation,  which  was  couched  in  the  following  words,  and 
despatched  it,  on  the  10th  of  Jum&da-l  awwal,  a.h.  1000,  from 

^  At  the  close  of  the  hiBtorical  narrative,  the  author  tells  us  that  Faiii  had  faaen 
spitting  hlood  for  six  months  hefore  his  death,  and  that  his  harking  like  a  dog  was 
the  consequence  of  his  making  those  animals  his  constant  companions  night  and  day, 
to  insult  the  Musulm&ns,  to  whom  they  are  an  abomination. 

*  This  is  by  no  means  the  general  estimate  of  his  poetry,  which  is  greatly  admired 
in  India,  even  to  this  day.  [The  sense  of  the  text  is  accurately  preaerred  here,  bat 
the  translation  is  somewhat  amplified. — £d.] 

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TABTKH-I  BADAlTNr.  647 

Ahmadnagar  to  Lahore,  and  orders  were  given  to  Abu-1  Fazl  to 
place  it  in  the  Akbar-ndmay  so  that  it  might  be  generally  read. 

"  May  it  please  Tour  Majesty !  Two  friends  of  MullA  *Abdu-l 
!K&dir  hare  arrived  from  Bad&un  in  great  distressr  and  sorrow, 
representing  that  the  MulU  has  been  for  some  time  ill,  and  that 
in  oonseqaence  of  his  failing  to  perform  the  promise  which  he 
made  respecting  his  return,  the  servants  of  the  government  have 
treated  him  with  great  severity,  and  that  there  is  no  knowing 
what  the  result  of  it  may  be.  They  inquired  also  if  the  pro* 
longed  illness  of  the  Mull4  was  known  to  Tour  Majesty. 

'^  Healer  of  the  broken-hearted !  Mulla  Abdu-I  E!&dir  is  a 
very  able  man,  and  is  well  acquainted  with  all  the  sciences 
usually  cultivated  by  the  MuU&s  of  Hindustan,  and  he  was  also 
a  pupil  of  my  father's.  Your  slave  has  been  acquainted  with 
him  for  nearly  thirty-seven  years.  Besides  being  a  person  of 
deep  learnings  he  is  a  poet,  and  composes  elegantly  in  Arabic 
and  Persian.  He  is  not  a  mere  imitator,  but  an  original  thinker. 
He  also  knows  a  little  of  Hindu  astrology  and  accounts,  and  is 
not  at  a  loss  in  any  field  of  knowledge.  He  is  acquainted  with 
foreign,  as  well  as  with  native  music,  and  can  play  at  both  the 
small  and  big  games  of  chess ;  moreover,  he  writes  a  pretty  good 
hand.  Notwithstanding  that  he  possesses  all  these  accomplish- 
ments, he  is  content  and  entirely  divested  of  avarice,  of  equable 
temperament,  and  a  person  of  excellent  morals  and  manners, 
but  poor,  and  with  no  fixed  income.  He  is  sincere  and  warm- 
hearted, and  has  every  confidence  in  Your  Majesty's  kindness. 

''At  the  time  that  the  army  was  before  Kombhalmir,  he 
volunteered  to  join  it.  There  he  did  the  State  good  service,  and 
received  a  donation  for  his  wounds.  Jal&l  Kh&n  Eorchi,  when 
he  first  introduced  him  at  Court,  said, '  I  have  brought  a  preacher 
to  present  to  Your  Majesty,  that  Tour  Majesty  may  be  gratified.' 
Mir  Fathu-Ua  also  represented  something  respecting  the  Mull&'s 
circumstances,  and  my  worthy  brother,  Abu-1  Fazl,  also  knows 
him  well.  Put  according  to  the  proverb,  *  A  grain  of  good  luck 
is  better  than  a  sack  full  of  skill.' 

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548  'ABDU-L  KICDIB  BADAIflfr. 

'-As  the  Court  is  the  abode  of  the  yirtaoos,  I  hare  taken  the 
liberty  to  bring  thia  destitate  person  to  notice,  and  to  place  him 
before  the  foot  of  the  throne,  as  if  I  was  myself  present.  Did  I 
not  advocate  his  claims  at  this  tiqie,  I  should  consider  myself 
guilty  of  an  offence  against  the  cause  of  truth  and  justice. 

^'  May  God,  the  omnipotent,  place  the  slaves  of  the  Court 
under  the  heavenly  shadow  of  your  royal  Majesty !  and  may 
he  mercifully  make  their  feet  firm  in  pursuing  the  path  of  recti- 
tude and  justice,  and  in  acquiring  the  knowledge  of  truth !  May 
he  preserve  Your  Majesty  as  the  protector  and  nourisher  of  the 
helpless,  the  bestower  of  mercy,  the  pardoner  of  errors,  through- 
out the  world  and  all  worlds,  and  bless  you  with  thousands  upon 
thousands  of  sources  of  wealth,  abundance,  grandeur  and  felicity, 
upon  earth  and  in  heaven !  I  implore  all  this  for  the  sake  of  the 
pure  spirits  who  surround  the  throne  of  grace,  and  the  saints 
upon  earth  who  join  in  the  matutinal  chorus  of  prayer.  Amen, 
Amen,  Amen." 

Should  any  one,  upon  perusing  this,  observe,  that  Shaikh 
Faizi's  regard  and  affection  for  me,  which  is  evidenced  by  this 
letter,  is  but  ill  requited  by  the  harshness  and  severity  with 
which  I  have  spoken  of  kim,  especially  after  his  death,  when  the 
precept  of  ^^  speak  not  ill  of  the  dead ''  should  be  strictly  observed, 
I  have  only  to  reply,  that  the  observation  is  perfectly  just,  but 
under  the  circumstances,  I  inquire,  what  could  I  do  P  seeing  that 
the  truth  of  religion  and  the  maintenance  of  one's  faith  are 
paramount  to  all  other  obligations,  and  that  the  maxim  I  never 
deviate  from  is,  that  my  love  and  hatred  should  be  subservient 
to  God'^s  cause.  Although  I  was  Shaikh  Faizi's  companion  for 
forty  years,  nevertheless,  after  he  apostatized  from  his  religion, 
changed  his  manners,  and  entered  on  vain  controversies,  I  became 
gradually  estranged  firom  him,  and,  especially  after  what  occurred 
at  his  death,  I  hold  myself  no  longer  his  friend.  When  we  aiti 
all  summoned  before  the  throne  of  God,  we  shall  receive  sentence 
according  to  our  deserts  I 

Shaikh  Faizi  left  a  Library  of  4600  volumes,  some  of  them 

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TARrXH-I  BADAlTNr.  649 

exquisitely  copied  with,  what  may  be  said  to  be,  even  unnecessary 
care  and  expense.  Most  of  them  were  autographs  of  the  respec- 
tive authors,  or  at  least  copied  by  their  contemporaries.  They 
were  all  transferred  to  the  King's  Library,  after  being  catalogued 
and  numbered  in  three  different  sections.  The  first  included 
Poetry,  Medicine,  Astrology,  and  Music;  the  second.  Philosophy, 
Sufyism,  Astronomy,  and  Geometry;  and  the  third  or  lowest 
grade,  included  Commentaries,  Traditions,  Theology,  and  Law. 
There  were  also  101  different  copies  of  his  poem,  NaUDaman, 


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550 


APPEIfDIX. 


[The  following  Notes  are  reprinted  from  the  old  Yolume  of  1849, 
with  snoh  additions  and  notes  as  were  added  to  them  hy  Sir  H. 
Elliot  in  his  private  oopy.] 

Note  A. 
On  the  capture  of  Nasibin  by  means  of  Scorpions. 

The  Nasibin,^  mentioned  in  the  text  (supra,  p.  152),  is  the  Nisibis 
of  dassical  authors,  the  position  of  which,  on  the  frontier  of  the 
Persian  and  Boman  Empires,  made  its  oooupation  of  so  much  im- 
portance in  the  estimation  of  the  contending  parties,  from  the  time 
that  Lucullus  plundered  it,  till  its  capture  by  the  Arabs,  when  it 
continued  as  frequent  a  source  of  contention  between  them  and  the 
Greeks  as  between  them  and  the  Persians  at  a  later  period.  It  was 
surrounded  by  a  treble  inclosure  of  brick  walls  defended  by  a  deep 
ditch,  and  was  considered  so  impregnable  that  Asiatics,  as  will  be 
presently  seen,  are  fond  of  resorting  to  supernatural  means  to 
account  for  its  capture.  Sapor  made  three  separate  attacks  upon 
the  town  a.d.  338,  346,  350,  and  the  disappointed  monarch,  after 
urging  his  attacks  above  sixty,  eighty,  and  a  hundred  days,  was 
repulsed  each  time  with  loss  and  ignominy;'  but  it  was  at  last 
ceded  to  him  by  Jovian '  in  363,  and  it  remained  henceforth  with 

^  Mannert  says  the  town  is  called  Nisibin,  or  Ninabin,  bat  neither  mode  of  ortho- 
graphy is  consistent  with  Abti-1  Fid&.    Vide  Geoffr,  d.  Aboulf  texte  Arabe,  p.  283. 

-^  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fail,  vol.  iii.  p.  139. 

'  In  speaking  of  this  humiliating  treaty,  Entropios  gives  us  a  good  notion  of  the 
political  honesty  of  the  Bomans,  by  censuring  Jovian  for  not  immediately  breaking^ 
the  treaty,  and  renewing  the  war,  as  the  Bomans  had  done  on  all  former  oeeantme, 
immediately  he  had  escaped  from  the  dangerous  position  which  had  compelled 
him  to  oondude  it — Mistor.  Bom,  Breviar.,  z.  17.  The  capitulation  of  Closter- 
Seven,  during  the  Seven  Years'  War,  for  a  suspension  of  arms  in  the  north  of  G«niianjy 


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CAPTUBE  OP  NAsrarN.  551 

the  Persians  (if  we  except  two  short  intervals),  as  it  had  remained 
for  the  two  previous  centuries  with  the  Somans,  a  strong  bulwark 
against  hostile  encroachments. 

On  the  third  occasion  of  Sapor's  attack,  unusual  means  were 
resorted  to,  to  obtain  possession  of  the  place.  At  the  stated  season 
of  the  melting  of  the  snows  in  Armenia,  the  course  of  the  river . 
Mygdonius  was,  by  the  labour  of  the  Persians,  stopped  below  the 
town,  and  the  waters  were  confined  on  every  side  by  solid  mounds 
of  earth.  On  this  artificial  lake,  a  fleet  of  armed  vessels,  filled 
with  soldiera  and  heavy  engines  of  war,  was  launched,  and  the 
accumulated  pressure  of  the  waters  made  a  portion  of  the  walls 
give  way.  Nevertheless,  the  monarch  failed  of  success,  and  Nisibis 
retained  its  character  as  an  inexpugnable  stronghold.' 

Under  one  of  his  predecessors.  Sapor  I.,  the  Shahpur  of  the 
Persians,  Mirkhond  informs  us  that  a  miracle  placed  the  town  in 
the  hands  of  the  Persian  Monarch.  Wearied  with  the  siege,  Shah- 
pur commanded  his  army  to  unite  in  supplication  to  the  Supreme 
Being  for  its  conquest,  and  while  they  were  imploring  the  aid  of 
heaven,  the  wall  fell  down  before  them,  and  their  faith  and  devotion 
received  a  signal  reward.^ 

Nisibis  is  now  but  a  small  and  insignificant  place,  with  scarcely 
more  than  one  hundred  houses,  but  it  is  surrounded  with  ruins 
which  attest  its  former  magnificence.' 

The  facts  above  related,  with  reference  to  the  many  obstinate 
defences  of  Nasibin,  show  how  natural  it  was  that  a  credulous 
Oriental  writer  should  resort  to  the  marvellous  to  account  for  such 

and  the  conyention  of  El-Arish  in  1800,  for  the  evacuation  of  Egypt  by  the  French 
armies,  have  called  forth  the  opinion  of  modem  jurists  on  the  general  question. 
SeeVattel,  pp.  219,  231,  236;  Wheaton's  BUmmtt  of  International  Law,  vol.  ii. 
pp.  120-122;  Flassan^s  Histoire  de  la  Diplomatie  Franfaite,  torn.  vi.  pp.  97-107  ; 
and  MM.  de  Koch  and  Schoell*s  Histoire  abr4gi  dee  Traitie  de  Faix^  torn.  iii.  pp. 
48,50;  V.  304,  Sll. 

^  Gibbon,  Decline  and  Fall,  vol.  iii.  p.  141. 

'  Malcolm,  Hietory  of  Persia,  vol.  i.  p.  77.  After  being  taken  by  the  Arabs,  it  fell 
to  the  arms  of  the  Seljdks,  Turkomans,  Tartars,  and  Mughals. — Bampoldi,  vol.  iii. 
p.  369 ;  vol.  vi.  p.  617. 

'  Jahdn-numd,  p.  438.  Niebuhr,  Voyages,  vol.  ii.  pp.  300-309.  Compare  also 
Mannert,  Oeographie  d.  Greich,  und  Bom,,  vol.  v.  ii.  pp.  216-219.  Bitter,  Erdkunde 
von  Asien,  vol.  vii.  i.  pp.  128-136.  VUnivers.  Hit.  Asie,  iz.  BabyhniSy  332. 
Eney.  Met,  *<  Mesopotamia." 


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552  AFPBNDIX. 

umisnal  suooess  as  attended  tbe  arms  of  the  Arabs  in  the  seventeentfa 
year  of  the  HijrL 

The  passage  against  which  the  captions  opponent  of  'Abdn-1  Kadir 
took  exception  runs  thus  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi,  in  the  Annals  of  the 
seventh  year  after  the  death  of  Mnhammad.  Very  few  of  the 
Arabic  historians  notice  the  oircomstance  recorded  in  it,  nor  do 
Ockley,  Gibbon,  or  Marigny  mention  it.^ 

"  The  army  of  Islam  sat  eight  months  before  the  fort  of  Nasibin. 
Now,  in  and  around  that  city,  there  were  exceedingly  large  black 
scorpions,  and  no  man  who  was  bitten  by  them  escaped  with  his 
life*  The  Arab  General  consequently  gave  orders  that  a  thousand 
small  jars  should  be  filled  with  these  reptiles,  indosed  in  looee 
mould  around  them,  and  that  they  should  be  thrown  at  night  into 
the  city  by  the  engines.  As  the  jars  broke  when  they  fell  on  the 
ground,  the  scorpions  crawled  out,  and  killed  every  one  whom  they 
stung.  In  the  morning  the  garrison  were  so  dispirited,  and  found 
themselves  reduced  to  such  extremities,  that  they  could  no  longer 
hold  the  fort.  The  Musulmans,  taking  advantage  of  their  consterna- 
tion, made  a  sudden  assault,  broke  open  the  gates,  and  slew  several 
who  had  escaped  the  venom  of  the  scorpions.  It  is  said  that  in  the 
time  of  Noshirwan,  the  fort  of  Nasibin  was  captured  in  predsely 
the  same  way." 

If  we  concur  with  the  objector,  and  hesitate  to  receive  this 
narrative  as  true,  we  may  perhaps  be  able  to  explain  it  in  some 
other  more  rational  manner.  In  the  first  place,  it  may  occur  to  us 
as  not  altogether  improbable,  that  this  story  owes  its  origin  to  the 
use  of  the  propelling  machine  called  the  "Scorpion,"  which  we 
learn  from  Yegetius  *  was  so  called,  because  it  threw  small  javelins 
with  fine  points  which  occasioned  death.  Others  say  because  the 
darts  were  poisoned.' 

^  See  Price,  Setrospect,  Yol.  i.  p.  93. 

>  J)e  re  militari,  iv.  32. 

'  EBchenbiiTg,  Manual,  p.  544.  See  Smith's  IHet,  ▼.  Tormentum.  Sam.  Pitiseitt, 
Lexicon  AntiquUatum  ^omafwrumy  in  which  the  dasrieal  references  tre  fhllf  and 
Basil  Faber,  Theaaurut  Erudiiionit  Sehokutiea,  ▼.  Scorpio.  In  Grose's  Antiquitu$, 
▼ol.  i.  p.  16,  there  is  a  diagram.  Meyrick's  Antimt  Armour,  yol.  ii.  p.  157,  shovs 
that  a  kind  of  cannon  was  also  called  a  scorpion,  called  by  the  English  a  hand-cannon. 
The  annals  of  Flacentia  for  1444  have  "  scorpione  sen  balistra.**  The  qnotations 
given  do  not  bear  ont  the  fact  of  the  scorpion  being  used  solely  for  gnnpowder.     It 


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CAPTURB  OF  NASrBfN.  663 

Later  writers  may  have  oopied  the  statement,  and  pat  an  interpre- 
tation upon  it  suited  to  their  own  eomprehensions.  It  is  to  be 
observed  that  the  Soorpion  was  used;  even  in  Europe,  as  late  as 
1428  A.D.^ 

There  seems  to  be  another  way  of  aooounting  for  this  improbable 
story,  if  we  reject  the  literal  meaning  of  the  words,  by  supposing 
that  a  combustible  composition,  formed  of  some  bituminous  sub- 
stances, was  used  upon  the  occasion.  We  know  from  several 
excellent  authorities,  that  for  many  years  before  the  invention  of 
gunpowder,  such  substances  were  used  in  warfare,  and,  what  is  still 
more  remarkable,  that  the  cases  in  which  they  were  enveloped  were 
known  by  the  name  o£  Seorpiana.  Gasiri'  gives  us  the  following 
extract  from  an  Egyptian  G^grapher,  called  Shahabu-d  din,'  who 
flourished  about  a.d.  1250.  ''Bodies,  in  the  form  of  Scorpiim», 
bound  round,  and  filled  with  nitrous  powder,  glide  along,  making  a 
gentle  noise,  then  they  explode,  and  throw  out  flames.^  But  there 
are  others  which,  oast  into  the  air,  stretch  along  like  a  doud,  roaring 
horribly  as  thxmder  roars,  and  on  all  sides  vomiting  out  flames,  they 
burst,  and  bum,  and  reduce  to  cinders  whatever  comes  in  their 
way."'  It  is  c^so  a  veiy  curious  coincidence,  that  the  ancient  Indian 
weapon,  or  rocket,  called  sataghni,  with  the  etymological  meaning  of 
the  hundred-slayer,  should  also  signify  a  Scorpion.^ 

As  there  will  be  occasion  again  to  allude  to  the  early  use  of  gun- 
powder in  the  East,  there  is  no  need  to  dwell  upon  this  passage 
from  the  Egyptian  author  with  any  reference  to  that  subject.  It  is 
merely  adduced  here,  to  show  the  undoubted  use  at  an  early  period 
of  a  combustible  called  a  Scorpion, 

Now,  it  is  remarkable  that  Dion  Cassius,  in  speaking  of  the 
expedition  of  Alexander  Severus  against  Atra,  which  was  «close  to 

may  have  been  the  old  scorpio.  In  the  Gloswry  he  contradiete  himself  by  saying 
scorpion  is  a  **  poisoned  arrow '' ;  but  under  seorpionarinB,  it  is  shown  that  it  was  a 
hand-weapon,  as  it  is  used  by  one  man  only. 

^  Huratori,  Script  ItaL,  torn.  zxi.  216.        *  BibliotK  Arab,  Hisp,  toI.  ii.  p.  7. 

'  Berington  giyes  bis  name  as  Ebn  Fadhl,  but  that  only  shows  his  parentage. — 
Literary  Mistory  of  the  Middle  Agee,  p.  438.    [See  Vol.  III.  euprd^  p.  673.] 

^  The  early  Crusaders  used  to  describe  the  Greek  fire  as  hissing  through  the  air 
like  serpents. 

'  Different  translations  are  giyen. — Siat.  de  I* Art,  p.  67. 

*  See  Wilson's  Sanscrit  Dictionary,  s.t.  and  Halhed's  Oode  of  Gentoo  Zawe,  p.  ui. 


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554  APPENDIX. 

Nifiibis,  says  that,  in  the  last  extremity,  the  Atreni  defended  them- 
selves by  throwing  naphtha^  both  upon  the  besiegers  and  upon 
their  engines,  by  which  they  were  burnt  and  destroyed.  Acoording 
to  Price,  naphtha  was  discharged  in  pots  at  Khwarizm.* 

Three  hundred  years  before  this,  the  same  author  tells  us,  that  when 
Luoullus  was  besieging  Tigranocerta,  not  fifty  miles '  from  Nisibis, 
'*  the  barbarians  "  defended  themselves  by  throwing  naphtha  balls 
against  the  engines.  ^'This  substance  is  bituminous,  and  so  in- 
flammable that  it  bums  to  ashes  everything  on  which  it  impinges, 
nor  is  it  easily  extinguished  by  anything  wet"  * 

Nor  can  we  wonder  that  these  noxious  implements  ''fed  with 
naphtha  and  asphaltus"  should  have  been  so  frequently  and  so 
early  used  in  Mesopotamia;  for  from  the  Persian  Gulf  to  the 
Euxine,  from  the  Dead  Sea,  where  asphaltum  floats  on  the  water, 
to  Baku  on  the  Caspian,*  where  naphtha  streams  spontaneously 
through  the  surface  of  the  soil,  and  where  a  boiling  lake  emits 
constant  flames,  the  whole  country  is  impregnated  with  bituminous 
matter,  which  is  especially  abundant  on  the  banks  of  the  Tigris  and 
Euphrates' — so  that  if  the  Scorpions  alluded  to  by  'Abdu-1  Eadir 


'  rh  vd4>ea  rh  iunpdKrSBts  (Dionis  Hist.  Bom,  Ixxt.  11),  «of  which,"  he  adds, 
"  I  ha?e  already  written  " — alluding  probably  to  the  passage  mentioned  in  the  next 
paragraph  of  the  text. 

*  Price,  Eelrospeei,  Tol.  ii.  p.  616. 

'  Tacitus  says  thirty-seyen  miles. — AntuU,  xr.  4. 

^  Dionis,  Fragmenta  178,  ex  Xiphilino.  The  same  author,  in  his  Ufe  of  Caligula, 
tells  us  of  that  Emperor's  having  a  machine,  which  projected  a  stone,  accompanied 
with  thunderings  and  lightnings. 

^  *'Near  unto  Bachu  is  a  very  strange  and  wonderful  fountain  underground,  out  of 
which  there  springeth  and  issueth  a  marvellous  quantity  of  black  oyL" — John  Cart- 
wrighfs  Fteacher*»  Travels  in  Churchill,  vol.  vii.  p.  731.  See  also  Geffrey  Dochet 
in  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  450.  **  This  oyle  is  blacke,  and  is  called  Nefte."  Properly 
Bagh  cuh,  the  mountain  garden,  according  to  P.  de  Yalle,  Letteriv.  in  Pinkerton, 
vol.  ix.  p.  46.  Naphtha  was  sent  as  a  present  from  Baghdad,  anno  686. — Mo4. 
Uhiver.  SisL,  vol.  iii.  p.  206 ;  Weil,  vol.  iii.  p.  413. 

*  Rich,  Fundgntbm  des  Orients^  vol.  iii  p.  161.  See  also  respecting  the  immortal 
fire  in  Lycia,  Plin.  Nat,  Hist.,  ii.  106.  Salmasius,  Exerciidai,  Flmian,  pp. 
244,  246;  Beckmann's  notes  to  the  treatise  De  Mirabilibm  AusetUUiionihsu^ 
attributed  to  Aristotle  (quoted  sometimes  as  Pseudo-Arist.),  p.  288  ;  Harsdm's 
Marco  Polo^  p.  52 ;  Fraser's  Mesop,  and  Assyria,  p.  847 ;  Jahdn-numd,  vol.  i.  p.  566, 
ii.  p.  16 ;  J.  A.  St.  John's  Ane,  Greece^  vol.  iii.  pp.  403-6 ;  Hakluyt's  Voyages,  Nan'" 
yations,  etc.,  vol.  ii.  p.  682 ;  Smith's  Diet,  Geoy,,  p.  863 ;  Dmmmond*s  Oriyistes, 
voL  i.  p.  166. 


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CAPTXIBE  OP  NAsrBrN.  665 

were  combustible,  there  would  be  no  great  improbability  in  the 
narratiye. 

But  if  we  reject  these  solutions  as  too  elaborate  and  remote,  we 
must  fall  back  upon  the  literal  interpretation,  and,  improbable  as  it 
is,  tibere  are  many  reasons  to  encourage  us  to  maintain  that  it  is 
strictly  true. 

In  the  first  place,  the  application  of  living  scorpions  to  such  an 
improbable  purpose  w;ould  not  be  altogether  a  novel  stratagem. 
The  Tdrihh'i  Tamini  tells  us,  that  Ehalaf  defended  himself  in  the 
fort  of  Ark  ^  by  throwing  from  his  catapults  wallets  of  snakes  upon 
the  besieging  army. 

M.  de  Sacy,'  in  abstracting  the  passage  from  the  translation  of 
Jarbadkh&ni,  says,  "  lis  langoieat  sur  les  troupes  de  Hossain  des 
cruches  remplies  de  scorpions  et  de  reptiles  venimeux."  For  this 
I  can  find  no  authority  in  the  original;  but  Bashidu-d  din  also 
says  in  his  JdmCu-t  TatodrOch,  that  scorpions,  as  well  as  snakes, 
were  used  upon  the  occasion.  At  folio  8  of  his  History  of  Sultan 
Mahmud  we  read :  **  When  Khalaf  had  borne  down  the  '  riders  of 
crocodiles '  (nihang-sawar)  and  the  footmen,  he  continued  to  harass 
the  besiegers  with  crafty  arts  and  stratagems.  AVherever  they 
established  themselves,  he,  with  slings  and  catapults,  cast  upon 
them  pots  full  of  snakes  and  scorpions,  and  their  places  of  security 
he  converted  into  places  of  ambush." ' 

Ab^-1  Fida,  Mirkhond,  and  the  TdbaJcdt-i  Ndsiri  have  nothing  on 
the  subject. 

Cornelius  Nepos  and  Justin  inform  us,  that  by  means  precisely 
similar  Hannibal  dispersed  the  superior  fleet  of  Eumenes : 

"  Lnperavit  (Hannibal)  quam  plurimas  venenatas  serpentes  vivas 
coUigi,  easque  in  vasa  fictilia  conjicL  Harum  cum  confecisset  mag- 
nam  multitudinem,  die  ipso,  quo  facturus  erat  navale  prselium, 
classiarios  convocat,  bisque  prsacipit,  omnes  ut  in  unam  Eumenis 
regis  concurrant  navem,  a  ceeteris  tantum  satis  habeant  se  defen- 
dere ;  id  facile  iUos  serpentium  multitudine  consecuturos."  ^ 

^  [The  ari  is  the  citadal  or  chief  fort.] 

'  Notices  et  JBxtraittf  torn.  iv.  p.  338.      ^  ^az  mdman  %  eshdn  makman  mi-edkht." 

^  Cornelius  Nepos,  Sannibalt  10.      See  also  Justin,  Hist,  Fhilipp.,  xxxii.  4. 

Serpentines  came  afterwards  to  be  the  name  of  a  kind  of  cannon.  **In  a  letter  from 

the  Master  of  the  Knights  Hospitallers  at  Jerusalem  to  the  Pope  on  the  siege  of 


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566  APPENDIX. 

Then  again  we  find  the  Atreni,  notioed  above,  making  nae  of  iiiia 
very  mode  of  defence  against  the  troops  of  the  Boman  Emperor. 
Herodian  says  ^  (and  Gibbon '  has  declared  his  acoomzt  of  this  reign 
to  be  rational  and  moderate,  and  oonsistent  with  lihe  general  histofy 
of  the  age),  ''They  oast  upon  them  large  birds  and  poisonous 
animals'  which  fluttered  before  their  eyes,  and  penetrated  every 
part  of  tiiieir  bodies  that  was  exposed,"  •  •  •  "  so  that  more 
perished  by  these  means  than  by  direct  attaoics  of  the  enemy.**  * 

Frontinns  also  speaks  of  this  mode  of  warfare  in  his  book  <^ 
stratagems ; '  and  we  read  of  something  like  it  being  practised  by 
the  Soanes,  a  people  of  Colchis,  near  Caacasos,  who  endeavonred  to 
suffocate,  with  poisonous  exhalations,  those  enemies,  with  whom 
they  could  not  contend  in  close  combat ;  *  this  was  done  at  Nioe  in 
the  first  Crusade,  and  again  at  Antioch.^    At  the  sieges  of  Jotc^ta 

Bhodes  by  the  Turks  in  1480,  we  find  oolabrink  et  Borpentkiis  detnrbant  fetignntqiie. 
Colnbrina,  a  culyerine,  is  deriyed  from  coluber,  like  as  the  serpentine  from  serpentinns. 
This  latter  was  made  of  copper,  as  in  a  deed,  dated  1461,  mention  is  made  of  a 
serpentine  de  cuiyre."— Meyrick,  vol.  ii.  p.  207.  These  names  most  haye  been 
deriyed  fttim  the  form  of  the  month,  id.  288,  as  with  the^basilisk,  the  flying  dragon. 
See  quotations  from  Bymer,  in  "Artillery,"  Fenny  Cyclop, ;  Ellis's  Metrieai  BomoMcm 
(Bohn),  pp.  229,  307, 328, 310.  There  u  an  important  passage  about  ducentos  serpen- 
tes  in  Sifi.  de  PArtOl,,  p.  65  ;  Bohn's  Chnm.  of  ths  Crmodetf  pp.  196-7.  See  also 
extract  copied  at  p.  2  of  Gloss.  MS.  Meyrick,  Antient  Armow^  yoL  i.  p.  71*  tFanalates 
this,  200  combustible  serpents,  etc.  Bahadin,  p.  166. 

^  This  passage  and  the  one  g^yen  from  Dion  Gassius  refer  to  the  same  expedition. 
We  need  not  stay  to  inquire  whether  the  difference  of  the  accounts  arises  from 
omission  or  contradiction. 

>  See  Decline  and  Fall,  yoL  1.  p.  267. 

>  The  l6fioXmy  ^pldv  refers  most  probably  to  scorpions,  and  though  it  must  be 
confessed  the  use  of  U$o\&w  is  ambiguous,  yet,  when  coupled  with  Oifptdr,  the 
poisonous  nature  of  the  missile  is  eyident. 

*  Herodiani,  Sietor,  Boman^  lib.  iii.  c.  9.  A  curious  use  of  mangonels  in  throwing 
gold  is  recorded  by  Wass6f  on  'Al&n-d  din,  and  alluded  to  by  MSr  Ehosrn  in 
XhmUnu-l  Fktiih.  [See  euprd.  Vol.  III.  pp.  41, 168.]  The  infidels  hurled  on  the 
Crusaders  at  Maarah  <<  lapides,  ignem,  et  plena  apibus  alyearia  caloem  quoque  yiyam, 
quanta  poterant  jaculabantur  instantift,  ut  eas  Ik  muro  propeUerenl** — WtU,  1^,,  Irn, 
c.  9 ;  Mod,  Univ.  Siet.,  yol.  iii.  p.  247 ;  Southey's  Common^lmee  Bookj  4th  seiies,  p.  26 ; 
Mackay*s  Fcp.  D^ueione,  yol.  ii.  p.  27 ;  Ane,  Univ.  Siei,,  yoL  iy.  p.  4.  For  throwing 
of  carcases,  see  Froissart,  yol.  i.  c.  60,  c.  107.  There  are  also  instances  of  men  and 
horses  in  Froissart.  Camden  says  dead  horses  were  thrown  by  the  Turks  at  Negroponte. 
— Grose,  Antiquitiety  yoL  i.  p.  17. 

B  Sex.  Jul.  Frontini,  Stratagematic^  lib.  iy.  c.  7;  Bncff.  2fei.  Hist  Bom.  Bep.,  p.  422. 

•  Strabo,  Geograph,  lib.  xi.  c.  2 ;  D'Herbelot,  y.  Acrab. 
^  If  iohaud,  yol.  L  pp.  102-8^  and  pp.  131, 140. 


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KUSDAB.  657 

and  Jerusalem,  dead  bodies  of  men  and  horses  were  thrown  by  the 
war-machines  oa  the  besieged*^ 

MoreoYer,  we  know  from  unquestionable  testimony,  that  scorpions 
abound  so  much  in  the  neighbourhood  of  Nasibin  as  to  be  the 
object  of  special  remark  by  Oriental  Qeographers. 

Istakhriy  or  the  author  translated  by  Ouseley,  speaking  of  Eurdan, 
close  to  Nasibin,  says,  ''  It  produces  deadly  scorpions ;  and  the  hill 
on  which  it  stands  abounds  in  serpents,  whose  stings  occasion 
death."'  Abu-1  Fida,  quoting  Azizi,  says,  ''At  Nasibin  there  is  an 
abundance  of  white  roses,  but  a  red  rose  is  not  to  be  seen.  There 
are  also  deadly  scorpions.'"  Edrisi  also  notices,  in  his  geographical 
work,  the  deadly  scorpions  of  Nasibin.^ 

Taking,  therefore,  into  consideration  these  concurrent  testimonies 
to  the  fact  of  venomous  reptiles  being  sometimes  used  in  warfare, 
and  to  their  abundance  in  the  vicinity  of  Nasibin,  we  may  pro- 
nounce in  favour  of  'Abdu-l  Eadir  and  his  Arab  authorities,  and 
declare  him  justified  in  exclaiming,  ''  that  he  had  not  been  guilty 
of  any  fabrication,  that  he  had  seen  the  anecdote  in  books,  and  had 
written  accordingly;  and  that,  as  the  accuracy  of  his  statement 
has  been  fully  verified,  he  is,  by  Gk)d's  grace,  relieved  from  the 
charge  of  invention." 

NOTK  B. 

On  Ku9ddr. 

A  passage  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi,  which  speaks  of  Eusdar  being 
"  near  the  dominions  of  Nasiru-d  din  Subuktigin," '  would  seem  to 
imply  that  Eusdar  was  a  city  of  India,  and  it  is  so  called  by  Abu-1 
Fida  and  Eazwini.  The  compiler  of  the  Tdr(kh-i  Alfi  copies  the 
whole  of  his  narrative,  with  only  a  few  verbal  alterations,  from  the 
Bauzatu-s  Safd,  but  the  first  clause  is  an  addition  of  his  own,  from 

^  JosephoB,  Bell,  Jud,  lib.  iii.  c.  7-9. 

'  Oiiseley's  Oriental  Oeography^  p.  56.  [Mordtmann's  rendering  ia,  "  There  are 
many  deadly  scorpions  there ;  and  the  hill  of  Mardfn  close  by  aboands  in  serpents 
of  the  most  deadly  kind."— Dm  Bueh  der  Lander,  pp.  45,  47.] 

*  Q4ographU  d$  Aboulfida,  p.  283. 

^  Reeueil  d.  Voy.  ft  d,  Mdm,,  torn.  vi.  p.  150.  See  Qnatrem^re's  OhservatumSf  Jtmm. 
dee  Sav„  Jan.,  1851. 

'  [See  the  old  toI.  of  1849,  p.  153.  The  passage  hardly  seems  to  wairaat  the 
in&renoe  drawn  from  it] 


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658  APPENDIX. 

which  it  appears  that  Eusdar  was  by  him  thought  to  be  the  first 
city  conquered  in  India;  bat  as  it  was  so  remote  from  Jaipal's 
possessions,  it  does  not  seem  probable  that  its  capture  could  have 
inspired  him  with  such  fear  for  his  own  safety  as  the  text  represents, 
nor  is  it  proper  at  any  period  to  place  the  borders  of  India  so  far  to 
the  west^  The  last  instance  of  its  being  mentioned  as  a  portion  of 
India  is  where,  in  the  second  part  of  the  Tdfu-l  Ma-dsir,  it  is  said  to 
have  been  included  in  the  dominion  of  Shamsu-d  dm  after  his 
capture  of  Bhakkar.  The  name  of  this  town  is  so  differently  spelt 
by  different  authors  that  it  is  not  often  easy  to  recognize  it  in  its 
various  disguises.  Its  position  is  sufficiently  indicated  by  the 
Tdrihh'i  Yamini,^  which,  speaking  of  a  period  subsequent  to  that 
noticed  in  the  text^  tells  us  that  when  Mahmud  thought  it  necessary 
to  chastise  the  Governor  of  Eusdar,  because  he  would  not  pay  his 
tribute,  he  gave  out  that  he  was  going  on  an  expedition  to  Hirat, 
and  had  marched  as  far  as  Bust  on  that  route,  in  order  to  disguise 
his  intention,  when  he  suddenly  turned  off  towards  Eusdar,  and 
came  so  unexpectedly  upon  it,  that  the  rebellious  Governor  came 
out  and  supplicated  for  pardon,  and  was  reinstated  after  paying  a 
considerable  fine,  as  a  penalty  for  his  disobedience. 

Eusdar  lies  to  the  south  of  Bust,  and  is  the  present  Ehusidar  of 
our  maps,  the  capital  of  Jhalawan  in  Bil6ohistan.'  It  is  spelt  both 
j^Jjii  and  j^Juoi,  according  to  Abu-1  Fida,  but  both  he  and  Sadik 
Isfahani  prefer  the  former.  The  latter,  however,  is  the  most  usual 
mode  of  spelling  it. 

Yon  Hammer  ^  says  that  Wilken  is  correct  in  writing  it  Easdar, 
but  this  is  by  no  means  authorized  by  either  of  the  two  Geographers 
mentioned  above.  Sadik  Isfahan!^  spells  it  Eisdar,  and  Abu-1 
Fida '  Eusdar,  and  to  his  authority  we  must  defer,  as  he  is  so  very 

^  The  Bahru-l  BtUddn  places  K&bol  ia  India.  See  also  Reinaad's  Mtmwrt^ 
pp.  12,  89,  176. 

>  See  also  Tdrikh-i  Yomlni,  Ilth.  Ed.  p.  316. 

'  Masson,  Balochistan^  Afghanittan^  and  Fatyah,  vol.  iL  p.  41.  There  is  a  Kooshder 
in  Bumeb's  map,  between  Kelat  and  Dadur,  which  maj  perhaps  be  the  place.  The 
alteration  of  the  first  letter  is  suspicions. 

«  OemaJdesaal  der  I^bembeschreibungen,  toL  iv.  p.  106. 

0  Takwitnu-l  Btdddn,  p.  122. 

•  Gdographie  de  Aboulfdda,  Texte  Arabe,  pp.  348,  349.  At  page  384  Mekran  is 
said  to  be  in  Hind. 


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FIRE-WORSHIP  IN  XTPPBR  INDIA.  669 

careful  in  speoifying  the  vowel-points.  Briggs  oalls  it  in  one  place 
Kandahar,  in  another  Khoozdar.^  The  Nubian  Geographer  callB  it 
Kardan  Fardan,'  and  Eazwinf  Easran  Kasran.'  M.  Petis  de  la 
Croix  calls  it  Oustar,  and  M.  Silvestre  de  Saoy  Cosdar.^ 

When  Ibn  Haukal  visited  the  valley  of  Sind,  he  found  Eusdar 
under  a  separate  government,  and  during  the  whole  period  of  Arab 
occupation  it  was  considered  a  place  of  importance.  He  describes 
it  as  a  city  and  district  between  Turan  and  Sind.  Eusdar  is  fre- 
quently mentioned  by  Biladuri.^  He  quotes  an  Arabic  poet,  who 
thus  rapturously  speaks  of  its  merits. 

"Almonder  has  descended  into  his  tomb  at  Eusdar,  deprived  of 
all  commerce  with  people  endowed  with  reason. 

''What  a  beautiful  country  is  Eusdar!  how  distinguished  its 
inhabitants  1  and  how  illustrious  both  for  his  worldly  policy  as  well 
as  his  religious  duties  was  the  man  who  now  lies  buried  in  its 

80ill"« 

Note  C. 
On  Fire-worship  in  Upper  India, 

Nizamu-d  din  Ahmad  mentions  no  other  event  of  Ibrahim's  reign 
but  the  following:  ''The  Sultan  turned  his  face  towards  Hindu- 
stan, and  conquered  many  towna  and  forts,  and  amongst  them  was 
a  city  exceedingly  populous,  inhabited  by  a  tribe  of  Ehurasani 
descent,  whom  Afrasiyab  had  expelled  from  their  native  country.  ^  • 
It  was  so  completely  reduced  by  the  power  and  perseverance  of  the 
Sultan,  that  he  took  away  no  less  than  100,000  captives."  Abu-1  Fida 
and  the  TabaJcdt-i  Ndsiri  are  silent.  The  Tdrikh-i  Alfi  says,  "Ibrahim 
next  marched  against  Derapur  in  Hindustan,  a  place  which  many 
great  emperors  found  it  impracticable  to  conquer.  Several  histories 
state  that  this  place  was  inhabited  by  the  descendants  of  the  people 
of  Ehurasan,  who  for  their  disloyal  and  rebellious  conduct  had  been 

1  Briggs'  FirUhtOj  toL  i.  pp.  15,  123.         *  Geographia  Nubientit,  pp.  64,  67,  68. 

'  Gfldemeister,  De  rehus  Indieitt  p.  174. 

*  Notices  et  Eztr.  dee  MSS.,  torn.  iy.  pp.  332,  391. 

»  [See  *«jwd,  Vol.  I.  p.  118.] 

'  Reinand,  Fragments  Arabee  et  Fersana,  p.  188.  Compare  also  Pottinger,  jyaveU 
in  Beloehistanf  p.  36.  0.  Bitter,  Frdk,  von  Asien,  toI.  yi.  part  i.  pp.  714,  715. 
Gildemeiflter,  De  rebut  Indicia^  pp.  25,  209.  Wien  Jahrbueher^  no.  IxxiiL  p.  31. 
Hirchondi,  Hiatoria  Oaanevidarum,  p.  146.    Hassan's  Kelat^  p.  377. 


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560  APPBNDIX. 

long  before  banished  die  country  by  Afrasiyaby  Emperor  of  Tnran." 
The  MuniaJchahu't  Tawdr(kh  has  nothing  more  on  the  subject  than  is 
contained  in  the  Tahakdt-i  Akbari.  The  BauzcUu-8  Safd  is  the  same 
as  the  Tdrikk'i  Alfi,  except  that  the  former  omits  the  name  of  the 
place.  Firishta  adds  a  few  particulars  not  to  be  found  in  the  others. 
He  says : — '<  The  King  marched  from  thence  to  another  town  in  the 
neighbourhood,  called  Der^,  the  inhabitants  of  which  came  originally 
from  ELhur^an,  and  were  banished  thither  with  their  families  by 
Afrasiyaby  for  frequent  rebellions.  Here  they  had  formed  themselTes 
into  a  small  independent  state,  and,  being  cut  off  from  intercourse 
with  their  neighbours  by  a  belt  of  mountains  nearly  impassable,  had 
preserved  their  ancient  customs  and  rites  by  not  intermarrying  with 
any  other  people.  The  King,  having  with  infinite  labour  cleared  a 
road  for  his  army  over  the  mountains,  advanced  towards  Dera,  which 
was  well  fortified.  This  place  was  remarkable  for  a  fine  lake  of  water 
about  one  paraaang  and  a  half  in  circumference,  the  waters  of  which 
did  not  apparently  diminish,  either  from  the  heat  of  the  weather  or 
from  being  used  by  the  army.  At  this  place  the  King  was  overtaken 
by  the  rainy  season ;  and  his  army,  though  greatly  distressed,  was 
compelled  to  remain  before  it  for  three  months.  But  as  soon  as  the 
rains  abated,  he  summoned  the  town  to  surrender  and  acknowledge 
the  faith.  Sultan  Ibr^im's  proposal  being  rejected,  he  renewed  the 
siege,  which  continued  some  weeks,  with  great  slaughter  on  both  sides. 
The  town,  at  length,  was  taken  by  assault,  and  the  Muhammadans 
found  in  it  much  wealth,  and  100,000  persons,  whom  they  carried 
in  bonds  to  Ghazni.  Some  time  after,  the  King  accidentally  saw  one 
of  those  unhappy  men  carrying  a  heavy  stone,  with  great  difficulty 
and  labour,  to  a  palace  which  he  was  then  building.  This  exciting 
his  pity,  he  commanded  the  prisoner  to  throw  it  down  and  leave  it 
there,  at  the  same  time  giving  him  his  liberty.  This  stone  happened 
to  be  on  the  public  road,  and  proved  troublesome  to  passengers,  but 
as  the  King's  rigid  enforcement  of  his  commands  was  universaDy 
known,  no  one  attempted  to  touch  it  A  courtier  one  day  having 
stumbled  with  his  horse  over  the  stone,  took  occasion  to  mention  it 
to  the  King,  intimating  that  he  thought  it  would  be  advisable  to 
have  it  removed.  To  which  the  King  replied,  '  I  commanded  it  to 
be  thrown  down  and  left  there ;  and  there  it  must  remain  as  a  menu- 


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FIBE-WOESHIP  IN  UPPEB  INDIA.  661 

me&t  of  the  oalamities  of  war,  and  to  oommemorate  my  senBe  of  its 
evils.  It  is  better  for  a  king  to  be  pertinaoioas  in  the  support  even 
of  an  inadvertent  oommand  than  that  he  shoold  depart  fh>ni  his 
royal  word.'  The  stone  aooordingly  remained  where  it  was;  and 
was  shown  as  a  curiosity  in  the  reign  of  Sult^  Bair&m  several 
years  afterwards." 

The  position  of  this  place  is  very  difficult  to  fix.  Firishta  says 
that  in  the  year  472  h.  Ibr4him  marched  in  person  to  India,  and 
conquered  portions  of  it  never  before  visited  by  the  Musulmans. 
He  extended  his  conquests  to  Ajodhan,  now  called  Pattan  Shaikh 
Farid  Shakr  Ganj.  He  then  went  to  Budpal,  situated  on  the  summit 
of  a  steep  hill,  which  a  river  embraced  on  three  sides,  and  which 
was  protected  by  an  impervious  wood,  infested  by  serpents.  He 
then  marched  to  Der&,  which  Briggs  seems  to  place  in  the  valley  of 
the  Indus,  because  he  adds  in  a  note,  '*  Dera  seems  a  common  name 
in  the  vicinity  of  Multan  for  a  town."  The  reading  of  the  Tdrikh-i 
Alfi  with  respect  to  the  two  first  places  is  much  the  most  probable, 
— ^namely,  a  fort  in  the  country  of  JM^  and  DamaL 

The  Rauzaifi'S  Safd  does  not  mention  the  first  place,  and  speaks 
of  the  second  as  if  it  were  on  the  sea-shore.  The  third  place  he  does 
not  name.  In  Firishta  it  is  Deri,  and  in  the  Tdrikh-i  Alfi  Derapur. 
This  would  seem  to  be  the  place  called  Derabend,  near  Torbela,  on 
the  Upper  Indus.'  It  is  possible  that  the  Dehra  of  Dehra  Dun  may 
be  meant;  but,  though  the  belt  of  mountains,  the  inaccessible 
jungle,  the  seclusion  of  the  inhabitants,  and  the  identity  of  name, 
are  in  favour  of  this  supposition,  we  are  at  a  loss  for  the  inex- 
haustible lake  and  the  impregnability  of  the  position. 

All  the  authors,  however,  who  mention  the  circumstance,  whether 
they  give  the  name  or  not,  notice  that  the  inhabitants  were  banished 

^  This  coantry  is  frequently  mentioned  by  the  early  historians.  It  lies  between 
the  Indns  and  the  Jailam,  and  is  the  Ayud  of  the  old  trayellers.  It  ia  the  old 
Sanskrit  name,  and  occnn  in  the  Pnranic  lists,  and  on  the  Allahabad  pillar,  under 
the  name  of  Yaudheya,  Wilford  says  it  is  the  Had  of  the  Book  of  Esther.  It 
occors  also  in  the  marginal  legend  of  the  reverse  of  the  Bactro-Pehlevi  Coins.  See 
Jowm,  Ai,  Soe.  Bengal^  toI.  tl  p.  973 ;  Am,  Seuarchet,  Tol.  viiL  p  349 ;  Lassen, 
ZriUehrifif,  d,  K,  d,  Morgerdandet,  yoi.  iii.  p.  196. 

>  Yigne,  Kashmir^  yoL  L  p.  122.  See  also  Abbot*s  paper  on  Kikaia,  Joum,  As, 
Soc.  Bengaly  1852. 

VOL,  v.  36 

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562  APPENDIX. 

by  Afraoiyab ;  and  this  concurrent  tradition  respecting  their  expulsion 
from  Khurasan  seems  to  indicate  the  existence  of  a  colony  of  fire- 
worshippers  in  these  hills,  who  preserved  their  peculiar  rites  and 
customs,  notwithstanding  the  time  which  had  elapsed  since  their 
departure  from  their  native  country. 

Putting  aside  the  probability,  which  has  frequently  been  specu- 
lated upon,  of  an  original  connexion  between  the  Hindu  religion 
and  the  worship  of  fire,'  and  the  derivation  of  the  name  of  Magadha 
from  the  Magi,  there  is  much  in  the  practical  worship  of  the 
Hindus,  such  as  the  ^m,  the  gdyatH,  the  address  to  the  sun '  at  the 
time  of  ablution,  the  prohibition  against  insulting  that  luminary  by 
indecent  gestures, ' — ^all  which  would  lead  an  inattentive  observer 
to  conclude  the  two  religions  to  bear  a  very  close  resemblance  to 
one  another.  It  is  this  consideration  which  should  make  us  veiy 
careful  in  receiving  the  statements  of  the  early  Muhammadan  writers 
on  this  subject;  and  the  use  of  the  word  Oahr,  to  signify  not 
only,  especially,  a  fire-worshipper,  but,  generally,  an  infidel  of  any 
denomination,  adds  to  the  probability  of  confasion  and  inaccuracy/ 

Khusru,  in  the  KhazdinU'l  Futuh  (p.  76),  calls  the  sun  the  kibla  of 
the  Hindus,  and  it  is  quite  evident  that  throughout  his  works  Oahr 
is  used  as  equivalent  to  Hindu.  In  one  passage  he  speaks  of  the 
Gabrs  as  worshippers  both  of  stones  and  fire. 

European  scholars  have  not  been  sufficiently  attentive  to  this 
double  use  of  the  word,  and  all  those  who  have  relied  upon  M.  Petis 

1  Calc,  Rev.  vol.  xxi.  pp.  107,  128;  M<id,  Trav.,  India,  toI.  i.  p.  120;  Rampoldi, 
viii.  n.  39 ;  Mickle*8  Camoens,  p.  356 ;  Dr.  Cox's  Sacred  Hist,  and  Biog,,  p.  120 ; 
R.  P.  Knight's  Symbolic  Language,  «  Fire." 

»  See  Wilson,  Rig-  Veda,  Pref.  pp.  28,  29,  and  Index,  voce  "  Agni "  ;  Elphinstone's 
India,  vol.  i.  p.  78 ;  also  Lucian*s  description  of  th^  circular  dance  peculiar  to  Indima 
priests,  in  which  they  worship  the  sun,  standing  with  their  faces  towards  the  east. 
— De  Saltatione.  See  also  Bohlen,  Dae  alte  Indien,  vol.  i.  pp.  137,  146  ;  Ersch  and 
Griiber,  Eneyclopiidie  der  Wiseeneehafien  und  Kuntte,  art.  Indien,  pp.  166,  172 ; 
Drummond's  On'ginet,  vol.  iii.  p.  430. 

3  Hesiod  enables  us  to  disguise  it  in  a.leamed  language, 

M178*  iurr*  iieXioio  r€rpafXfJi4vos  h^hs  hfiix^of. 

Op,  et  Di,  v.  672. 
See  also  Menu,  iv.  52 ;  Rdmdyana,  ii.  59 ;  Bohlen,  Dae  alie  Ind.,  voL  i.  p.  139 ; 
Akhldk'i  Jaldli,  p.  293. 

^  *'  A  Christian  is  called  amongst  them  Gower,  that  is,  unbeleever  and  uncleane, 
esteeming  all  to  be  infidels  and  pagans  which  do  not  believe  as  they  do,  in  their 
false,  filthie  prophets,  Mahomet  and  Murtezalli." — A.  Jenkins,  Hakluyt,  vol.  i.  p.  391. 


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FIRE- WORSHIP  IN  UPPER  INDIA.  563 

de  la  Croix's  translation  of  Sharafa-d  din,  have  oonsidered  that,  at 
the  period  of  Timur's  in^vasion,  fire-worship  prevailed  most  exten- 
sively itt  Upper  India,  heoause  Oahr  is  used  throughout  hy  the 
historians  of  that  invasion,  to  represent  the  holders  of  a  creed 
opposed  to  his  own,  and  against  which  his  rancour  and  cruelty 
were  unsparingly  directed.  There  is  distinct  mention  in  the  MaUd't^a 
Sa*dain  of  fire- worshippers,  as  distinct  from  the  Hindus ;  and  the 
Kashmirians,  according  to  Firishta,  were  fire- worshippers  at  the  time 
of  the  Muhammadan  invasion.^  The  men  of  Deogfr  are  called  fire- 
worshippers  in  the  Tdtikh-i  *Aldi. 

But  though  the  word  is  used  indiscriminately,  there  are  certain 
passages  in  which  it  is  impossible  to  consider  that  any  other  class 
but  fire- worshippers  is  meant  Thus,  it  is  distinctly  stated  in  Timur's 
Memoirs,  and  by  Sharafu-d  din,  that  the  people  of  Tughlikpur ' 
believed  in  the  two  principles  of  good  and  evil  in  the  universe,  and 
acknowledged  Ahrimdn  and  Yezdan  (^Ormuzd).  The  captives  mas- 
sacred at  Loni  ^  are  said  to  have  been  Magians,  as  well  as  Hindis, 
and  Sharafu-d  din  states  that  the  son  of  Safi  the  Oabr  threw 
himself  into  the  fire,  which  he  worshipped.^ 

We  cannot  refuse  our  assent  to  this  distinct  evidence  of  the 
existence  of  fire- worshippers  in  Upper  India  as  late  as  the  invasion 
of  Timur,  a.d.  1398-9.  There  is,  therefore,  no  improbability  that 
the  independent  tribe  which  had  been  expelled  by  Afrasiyab,  and 
practised  their  own  peculiar  rites,  and  whom  Ibrahim  the  Ghazni- 
vide  attacked  in  a.d.  1079,  were  a  colony  of  fire- worshippers  from 
Iran,  who,  if  the  date  assigned  be  true,  must  have  left  their  native 
country  before  the  reforms  effected  in  the  national  creed  by  Zoroaster. 

Indeed,  when  we  consider  the  constant  intercourse  which  had 
prevailed  from  the  oldest  time  between  Persia  and  India,'  it  is 

^  Briggs,  Tol.  iv.  p.  449. 

2  [See  suprd,  Vol.  II  r.  pp.  431  and  494,  and  see  the  Editor's  note  upon  this 
passage  at  page  606  of  Vol.  III.  A  further  instance  of  the  confusion  of  Br&hmanical 
and  ZoToastrian  institutions  may  be  found  at  p.  530,  suprd^  where  Bad&(ini,  in 
treating  upon  P&rsi  fire-worship,  declares  the  Hindd  horn  to  be  ''a  ceremony  derived 
from  fire-worship,"  evidently  meaning  Zoroastrianism.] 

3  [See  iuprd,  Vol.  III.  pp.  436  and  497.]  Price's  Chr<moU>gieal  Beirotp.  of  Mah. 
Ifisi.t  vol.  iii.  p.  254. 

*  [See  vol.  III.  p.  506.] 

*  Troyer,  Bdjd  Tarangini,  vol.  ii,  p.  441. 


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564  APPENDIX. 

flarpming  that  we  do  not  find  more  unquestionable  instanoes  of  tlie 
peraeouted  fire-wonhippers  seeking  an  asylom  in  Northern  India  as 
well  as  in  Gnjar&t  The  instanoes  in  which  they  are  alluded  to 
before  this  iuTaaion  of  Tfmur  are  very  .rare,  and  almost  always  so 
obscurely  mentioned  as  to  leave  some  doubt  in  the  mind  whether 
foreign  ignorance  of  native  customs  and  religious  rites  may  not 
have  given  a  oolour  to  the  narrative. 

The  evidence  of  the  Ohinese  traveller,  Hiuen-thsang,  to  the 
existence  of  sun-worship  at  Multan  in  640  aju.,  is  very  decisivB. 
He  found  there  a  ''  temple  of  the  sun,  and  an  idol  erected  to  repre- 
sent that  grand  luminary,"  with  dwellingB  for  tiie  priests,  and 
reservoirs  for  ablution ;  ^  yet  he  says  the  city  was  inhabited  chiefly 
by  men  of  the  Brahmanictd  religion.     A  few  oenturies  before,  if 
Philostratns  is  to  be  believed,  Apollonius,  after  crossing  the  Indus, 
visited  the  temple  of  the  sun  at  Taxila,  and  Phraotes,  the  chief  of 
the  country,  describes  the  Indians  as  in  a  moment  of  joy  "  snatching 
torches  from  the  altar  of  the  sun,"  and  mentions  that  he  himself 
never  drank  wine  except  ''when  sacrificing  to  the  sun."     After 
crossuig  the  Hyphasis,  Apollonius  goes  to  a  place,  which  would 
seem  to  represent  Jw41a  Mukhi,  where  they  ''worship  fire"  and 
"  sing  hynms  in  honour  of  the  sun." '    When  the  Arabs  arrived  in 
the  valley  of  the  Indus,  they  found  the  same  temple,  the  same  idol, 
the  same  dwellings,  the  same  reservoirs,  as  had  strudc  the  Chinese, 
but  their  description  of  the  idol  would  lead  us  to  suppose  that  it  was 
a  representation  of  Budh«    B£r6ni,  however,  whose  testimony  is 
more  valuable  than  that  of  aU  other  Muhammadans^  as  he  was  fully 
acquainted  with  the  religious  system  of  the  Hindtis,  plainly  tells  us  ' 
that  the  idol  of  Mult&n  was  called  Adiiya,^  because  it  was  conse- 
crated to  the  suAf  and  that  Muhammad  bin  E&sim,  the  first  invader, 
suspended  a  piece  of  cow's  flesh  from  its  neck,  in  order  to  show  his 

^  Jourtua  A9iatiqu4,  4th  seriei,  torn.  TiiL  p.  298,  and  Ibt  Zbtie  JTi,^  393. 

>  Philostrati'  Vita  ApoUonii,  lib.  ii.  capp.  24,  32,  lib.  iii.  cap.  14,  ed.  Q.  OleariiK 
(Leip.  1709),  pp.  77,  85,  108 ;  Sitt,  Sikht  (Calc  1848),  p.  20. 

'  M  Reinaud,  Fragments  Arahes  et  Fnrtans^  p.  141. 

*  See  LaMexij  Inditehe  Alterthmukunde^  toI.  i.  p.  761 ;  AiUkohffia  SmucriHemt 
p.  172 ;  Aa.  Bea.,  ToL  i.  p.  263 ',  Tans  Kennedy,  AncimU  mtd  Smdu  JfjrlAtf/ityjf, 
p.  849. 


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FIRE-WOESHEP  IN  UPPER  INDIA.  665 

contempt  of  the  superstition  of  the  Indians,  and  to  dia^st  them 
with  thia  doable  insnlt  to  the  deareat  objects  of  their  veneration.^ 

Shortly  before  Bir4ni  wrote,  we  have  another  instance  of  this 
tendency  to  combine  the  two  worships.  In  the  message  which 
Jaip41  sent  to  Nasim-d  din,  in  order  to  dissuade  him  &om  driving 
the  Indians  to  desperation,  he  is  represented  to  say,  according  to  the 
Tdrdch'i  Alfir  '*  The  Indians  ore  accostomed  to  pile  their  property, 
wealth,  and  precious  jewels  in  one  heap,  and  to  kindle  it  with  the 
fire,  which  iheif  warship.  Then  they  kill  their  women  and  diildren, 
and  with  nothing  left  in  the  world  they  rush  to  their  last  onslaught, 
and  die  in  the  field  of  battle,  so  that  for  their  yictorious  enemies  the 
only  spoil  is  dust  and  ashes."  The  declaration  is  a  curious  one  in 
the  mouth  of  a  Hindu,  but  may  perhaps  be  ccxiddered  to  indicate 
the  existence  of  a  modified  form  of  j^rolatry  in  the  beginning  of 
the  eleventh  century.  The  practice  aUuded  to  is  nothing  more  than 
the  Jaithar,  which  is  so  frequently  practised  by  Hind^  in  despair, 
and  was  not  unknown  to  the  nations  of  antiquity.  Sardana- 
palus  performed  it,  on  the  capture  of  Babylon.  "  He  raised  a  large 
pyre  in  his  palace,  threw  upon  it  all  his  wealth  in  gold,  silver,  and 
royal  robes,  and  then  placing  his  oowsubines  and  eunuchs  on  it,  he, 
they,  and  the  entire  palace  were  consumed  in  the  flames."  *  The 
Saguntines  did  the  same,  when  their  city  was  taken  by  Hannibal ; ' 
Juba  also  had  prepared  for  a  Jau^r,^  and  Arrian  gives  us  an  account 
of  one  performed  by  the  Brdhmans,  without  noticing  it  as  a  practice 
exclusively  observed  by  that  class.*  T^ie  peculiarity  of  the  relation 
consists  in  Jaipal's  declaration  that  the  Indians  worshipped  the  fire, 
not  in  the  fact  of  their  throwing  their  property  and  valuables  into  it. 
The  practice  of  self-cremation  also  appears  to  have  been  common  at 

^  There  is  nothing  ia  the  yarious  origins  asoribed  to  the  name  of  Hult&n  which 
giTes  any  colour  to  the  sappoeition  that  the  city  was  devoted  to  the  worship  of  the 
sun ;  nor  is  there  anything  at  present  to  indicate  that  worship.  See  Lassen,  Inditeh* 
AUerthumskmuU,  toI.  i.  p.  99 ;  ZeUichnftf.  d,  K.  d.  Morg.^  vol.  iii.  p.  196 ;  ToH, 
Tol.  i.  pp.  69,  119 ;  Reinand's  Minu^  pp.  98,  100.  The  uniTersality  of  Snn-worship 
is  shown  in  Squier's  Serpent  Symbol  in  Ameriea,  and  Maorob.  Saturn,  i.  c.  22. 

'  IHodoros  Sicolns,  iL  27.  '  Polybius,  iii.  17;  JAry,  xzi.  14. 

«  Meriyale,  toI.  iL  p.  878 ;  Cox's  Soared  Hiet,  and  Biop.,  p.  242, 

»  De  ExpedU,  AUx^  yi.  7.  See  also  Eney.  Metr.,  "  Rom  Rep."  and  •«  Greece  " ; 
Herod,  on  the  Syrians ;  Q.  Curtins,  ix.  14 ;  Niebuhr*s  Leotores,  vol.  iL  pp.  82, 169, 247, 
269 ;  Michand's  Orueadee,  vol.  L  p.  429 ;  Layard's  Nineveh,  voL  ii.  p.  218 ;  Arnold, 
voL  iii.  pp.  66,  429 ;  Mod,  Univ.  Eiet.,  vol.  iiL  p.  196,  xi.  p.  63. 


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566*  APPENDIX. 

an  earlier  period ;  and  there  were  conspicuous  instances  of  it  when 
foreign  nations  first  became  acquainted  with  India.  One  occurs 
in  Vol.  n.  p.  27,  where  this  very  Jaipal,  having  no  opportunity  of 
dying  in  the  field  of  battle,  committed  himself  to  the  flames.  Other 
histories  tell  us  that  it  was  then  a  custom  amongst  the  Hindus  that 
a  king  who  had  been  twice  defeated  was  disquaUfied  to  reign,  and 
that  Jaipal,  in  compliance  with  this  custom,  resigned  his  crown  to 
his  son,  lighted  his  funeral  pyre  with  his  own  hands,  and  perished 
in  the  flames.  The  Qreeks  and  Romans  were  struck  with  the 
instances  which  they  witnessed  of  the  same  practice.  Calanus,  who 
followed  the  Macedonian  army  from  Taxila,  solemnly  burnt  himself 
in  their  presence  at  Pasargadse,  being  old  and  tired  of  his  life.^ 
Zarmanochegas,  who  accompanied  the  Indian  ambassadors  sent  by 
a  chief,  called  Porus,  to  Augustus,  burnt  himself  at  Athens,  and 
directed  the  following  inscription  to  be  eng^ved  on  his  sepulchral 
monument: — ''Here  lies  Zarmanochegas,  the  Indian  of  Bargosa, 
who  deprived  himself  of  life,  according  te  a  custom  prevailing  among 
hi$  countrymen.*^* 

Strabo  correctly  observes,  on  the  authority  of  Megasthenes,  that 
suicide  is  not  one  of  the  dogmas  of  Indian  philosophy ;  indeed,  it  is 
attended  by  many  spiritual  penalties:*  and  even  penance  which  en- 
dangers life  is  prohibited/  There  is  a  kind  of  exoeption,  however, 
in  favour  of  suicide  by  fire  and  water,'  but  then  only  when  age,  or  in- 
firmity, makes  life  grievous  and  burdensome.  The  former  has  of  late 
years  gone  quite  out  of  fashion,  but  it  is  evident  that  in  ancient  times 
there  were  many  devotees  ready  to  sacrifice  themselves  in  that  mode. 

Quique  scuib  struxere  pyras,  Tiyique  calentes 
Consoenddre  rogos.    Proh !  quanta  est  gloria  genii 
Injecisse  manum  iatis,  yitaque  repletoe 

Quod  superest,  donasse  Diik 

Pkaraaiia,  iii.  240. 
^  Diodonu  Sic.  xyii.  107;  Valerius  Max.  I.  yiii.  ExUm,  10;  Cicero,  TWw.ii.  22; 
Grier,  108,  Index,  7.  <*  Calanus"  ;  Elpbinstone's  India,  vol.  i.  i^,  90,  461,  462,  471. 
'  Suetonius,  Auguatus,  21 ;  Strabo,  Oeograph,  xv.  1 ;   Yalentyn,  toL  i.  p.  60 ; 
Bitter,  Erdk,,  toL  i7.  part  1,  p.  489. 

3  Rhode,  MeligwM  Bildung  der  Hindus^  yol.  i.  p.  451 ;  Boblen,  Da$  aUe  ImU$m, 
Tol.  i.  pp.  286-290 ;  C.  Miiller,  Frag,  Hist.  Grae,  p.  139 ;  his  Scrip,  rtrum  AL  mag, 
pp.  61,  67. 
«  See  Wilson's  note  to  Mill's  Britith  India,  yol.  ii.  p.  417. 
^  Colebrooke,  Asiatic  Setearehe»,  toL  vii.  p.  266 ;  where  an  instance  is  adduced 
from  the  Raghuvanta  and  Sdmdgana, 


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FIRE-WOBSHIP  IN  UPPEE  INDIA.  567 

It  was,  therefore,  a  habit  sufficiently  common  amongat  the  Indians 
of  that  early  period,  to  make  Lucan  remark  upon  it  as  a  peculiar 
glory  of  that  nation.  All  this,  however,  may  have  occurred  with- 
out any  reference  to  fire  as  an  object  of  worship;  but  the  speech 
of  Jaipal,  if  not  attributed  to  him  merely  through  Muhammadan 
ignorance,  shows  an  unquestionable  devotion  to  that  worship. 

But  to  continue,  Istakhri,  writing  a  century  earlier  than  this 
transaction,  says,  '*  Some  parts  of  Hind  and  Sind  belong  to  Gahrs, 
but  a  greater  portion  to  Kafirs  and  idolaters ;  a  minute  description 
of  these  places  would,  therefore,  be  unnecessary  and  unprofitable."  ^ 
Here,  evidently,  the  fire-worshippers  are  alluded  to  as  a  distinct 
dass;  and  these  statements,  written  at  different  periods  respecting 
the  religious  creeds  of  the  Indians,  seem  calculated  to  impart  a 
further  degree  of  credibility  to  the  specific  assertions  of  Sharafu-d 
din,  ELhondamir,  and  the  other  historians  of  Timur's  expedition  to 
India.  But  the  people  alluded  to  by  them  need  not  have  been 
colonies  of  refugees,  fleeing  from  Muhammadan  bigotry  and  per- 
secution. There  are  other  modes  of  accounting  for  their  existence 
in  these  parts.  They  may  have  been  Indian  converts  to  the 
doctrine  of  Zoroaster,  for  we  read  that  not  only  had  he  secret 
communication  with  the  Brahmans  of  India,^  but  when  his  religion 
was  fully  established,  he  endeavoured  to  gain  proselytes  in  India, 
and  succeeded  in  converting  a  learned  Brahman,  called  Tchengri- 
ghatohah  by  Anquetil  du  Perron,*  who  returned  to  his  native  country 
with  a  great  number  of  priests.    Firdusi  tells  us  that  Isfandiyar^ 

^  Ouseley'B  (h'iental  Geography^  p.  146. 

'  fiactrianus  Zoroasties,  cum  saperioris  India  aecreta  fidentios  penetraret,  ad 
nemorosam  quamdam  venerat  solitudineni,  cnjua  tranqoillis  silentiifl  prsecelsa  Brach- 
xnanoram  ingenia  potiuntor :  eoramque  moaita  rationes  miindani  motUB  et  siderum, 
porosque  sacroram  litus,  quantum  colligere  potuit,  eruditns,  ex  his,  ques  didicit, 
aliqua  sensibua  Magonim  infiidit. — Ammian.  Marceil.  Jtilianus,  xziii.  6,  33.  See 
Ane,  TTniv.  Hist.,  yol.  i?.  p.  301 ;  Guigniant's  2fote8  to  Creuser*$  Religicm,  torn.  i. 
pp.  689,  690. 

'  Zenda^esta,  vol.  i.  oh.  2,  p.  70. 

i  He  is  said,  according  to  the  Zlnatu-t  Tawdrikh,  to  have  been  the  first  conyert 
made  by  Zoroaster,  and  Gusht^sp,  his  father,  was  persuaded  hj  the  eloquence  of  the 
prince  to  follow  his  example.  The  king  ordered  twelve  thousand  cow-hides  to  be 
tanned  fine,  in  order  that  the  precepts  of  his  new  faith  might  be  engrossed  upon 
them.  In  this  respect  what  a  contrast  is  there  to  HindCi  exclusiveness !  The  Pandits 
withheld  their  sacred  books  from  Col.  Polier,  for  fear  that  he  should  bind  them  in  calf- 
skin.  Poller,  Mythologie  eka  Indous,  tom.  iL  p.,224 ;  Ovid,  Fastij  i.  629 ;  Eiley,  p.  40. 


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568  APPENDIX. 

indaoed  the  monarbh  of  India  to  renotmoe  idolatry  and  adopt  fire- 
worship,  insomuch  that  not  a  Br4hman  remained  in  the  idol-temples. 
A  few  oentnries  afterwards,  we  hare  indisputable  testimony  to  the 
general  spread  of  these  dootrines  in  E&bnl  and  the  Panj&b.  Hie 
emblems  of  the  Mithraio^  worship  so  predominate  on  ihe  ooins  of 
the  Kanerkis,  as  to  leave  no  doabt  npon  the  mind  that  it  was  ^ 
state-religion  of  that  dynasty.' 

Bitter  entertains  the  supposition,  that  as  the  EhOji  family  oame 
from  ihe  highlands  whioh  afforded  a  shelter  to  this  persecuted  race, 
they  may  have  had  a  leaning  to  these  doctrines,  and  he  offers  a 
suggestion,  that  the  new  religion  which  *A14a-d  d(n  wished  to  pro- 
mnlgate  may  have  been  that  of  Zoroaster,'  and  that  this  will  aooomt 
for  the  Panjab  and  the  Do&b  being  full  of  his  votaries  at  the  time 
of  Timur's  invasion.  But  this  is  a  very  improbable  supposition, 
and  he  has  laid  too  much  stress  upon  the  use  of  the  word  Gabr, 
which,  if  taken  in  the  exclusive  sense  adopted  by  him,  would  show 
not  only  that  these  tracts  were  entirely  occupied  by  fire- worshippers, 
but  that  Hindfis  were  to  be  found  in  very  few  places  in  either  of 
them. 

After  this  time,  we  find  little  notice  of  the  prevalence  of  fire- 
worship  in  Northern  India;  and  its  observers  must  then  have 
been  exterminated,  or  they  must  have  shortly  after  been  absorbed 
into  some  of  the  lower  Hindu  communities.  Badiuni,  however, 
mentions  the  destruction  of  fire-altars  one  hundred  years  later  by 
Sultan  Sikandar  in  a.h.  910.  It  may  not  be  foreign  to  this  part 
of  the  inquiry  to  remark,  that  Abu-1  Fazl  speaks  of  the  Gnbree 
language  as  being  one  of  the  thirteen  used  in  the  Ma  of  Kabul 
{Ain-i  Ahbari,  vol.  ii.  p.  1263).  The  Gvbree  language  is  also  men> 
tioned  in  Bdbar.  There  is  a  "  Gubber  "  hill  and  pass  not  far  from 
Bunnoo,  inhabited  by  the  Battani  tribe;  and  on  the  remotest 
borders  of  Bohilkhand,  just  under  the  hills,  there  is  a  tribe  called 

^  Using  ibis  word  in  its  nsnal,  thongh  not  proper,  acceptation.  The  real  Mf  thraic 
worship  was  a  fiuion  of  Zoroastrianism  and  Chaldaism,  or  the  Syrian  worship  of 
the  snn.  See  the  authorities  quoted  in  Gniaof  s  and  Mtlman's  notes  to  Gibbon's 
Decline  and  FaU^  rol.  i.  p.  340 ;  Ane,  Univ,  lEUt,,  vol.  ir.  pp.  160,  167. 

*  Lassen,  Joum.  As.  8oc,  Bengal,  toI.  ix.  p.  466,  and  H.  T.  Prinaep,  NoU  on  tA# 
Hietor,  ResuUtfrotn  Bactrian  Cktina,  p.  106. 

'  See  Bitter,  Brdktmde  von  Aneny  vol.  ir.  part  1,  pp.  677-79. 


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PIEB-WORSHIP  IN  UPPER  INDIA.  669 

GMnri,  who  retain  some  peoaliar  oiutoms,  which  seem  to  have  no 
connexion  with  Hind6  BupeTstition.  They  are  said  to  have  preceded 
the  present  oooapants  of  the  more  onltiTated  lands  to  the  south  of 
the  Tarai,  and  may  possibly  be  the  descendants  of  some  of  the 
OdbrB  who  found  a  refuge  in  Upper  India.  The  name  of  Oohri 
would  certainly  seem  to  encourage  the  notion  of  identityi  for  the 
difference  of  the  first  yowel,  and  the  addition  of  a  final  one,  offer 
no  obstacle,  any  more  than  they  do  in  the  name  of  OohryaSf^  who 
gave  information  to  Socrates  on  the  subject  of  the  Persian  religion, 
and  is  expressly  declared  by  Plato  to  be  an  avifp  fjAryo^.  According 
to  J.  Ounningham,  there  is  a  wild  tribe  called  Magyas  between 
Halwa  and  Oujar&t,  who  are  used  as  ahtkdrU.  They  are  supposed 
to  have  been  fire- worshippers,  but  they  have  no  pyrolatrous  obser- 
vances at  present. 

There  is  another  inferior  Hind€  tribe,  to  the  west  of  the  upper 
Jumna,  and  in  the  neighbourhood  of  the  Tughlikpur  mentioned 
above,  who,  having  the  name  of  Magh,^  and  proclaiming  themselves 
of  foreign  extraction  (inasmuch  as  they  are  descendants  of  Baja 
Mukhtesar,  a  Sarsuti  Brahman,  King  of  Mecca,  and  maternal  grand- 
father of  Muhammad  1 1),'  would  seem  to  invite  the  attention  of  any 

^  Plato,  Axioehut,  Tanchnits,  vol.  yiii.  p.  204.  The  same  name  is  oommon  in 
Herodotoi,  Xenophon,  Justin,  and  other  anthers,  who  deal  in  Persian  History.  The 
warmth  of  an  Irish  imagination  ascribes  to  the  Greeks  a  ^.till  g^reater  perversion  of 
the  original  word. 

**  Hyde,"  says  the  enthusiastic  O'Brien,  '*  was  the  only  one  who  had  any  idea  of 
the  composition  of  Gabiri,  when  he  declared  it  was  a  Persian  word  somewhat  altered 
from  Gkibri  or  Gnebri,  and  signifying  fire-worshippers.  It  is  true  that  Gabri  now 
stands  for  fire- worshippers,  but  that  is  only  because  they  assumed  to  themseWes  this 
title,  which  belonged  to  another  order  of  their  ancestors.  The  word  is  deriyed  from 
gabhy  a  smith,  and  t>,  sacred,  meaning  the  sacred  smiths,  and  Gabiri  being  only  a 
penrersion  of  it,  is  of  course  in  snbetance  of  the  yery  same  import.  •  •  •  •  Gobhan 
Saer  means  the  sacred  poet,  or  the  Freemason  Sage,  one  of  the  Gnebhres,  or  Gabiri." 
—Rotmd  Towertoflreiand,  pp.  354,  886.  See  Joum,  Boy.  At,  8oc»^  vol.  zL  pp.  134-6. 

'  Jfoum,  At.  Soe,  BrngtU,  yol.  yii.  p.  754. 

*  See  Qnatremdre*s  observations  in  the  Journal  det  Savantt,  January,  1851. 
This  is  not  at  all  an  uncommon  paternity  for  the  lower  tribes  to  assume.  There  is 
nothing  in  which  HindtL  ignorance  is  more  betrayed,  than  in  these  silly  attempts  to 
enrol  the  false  prophet  amongst  their  native  heroes.  See  especially  Wilfbrd's  absurd 
and  dirty  story,  showing  how  Muhammad  was  of  Br&hmanical  descent  {At,  Bet.  vol.  ix. 
p.  160.)  Wilson  considers  that  the  story  was  manu&ctured  especially  for  Wilford,  but 
it  is  traditionally  current  among  the  ignorant  in  some  parts  of  Upper  India.  {Note  to 
MilPt  India,  vol.  ii.  p.  1 76.)  The  reputed  Brbhmanical  origin  of  Akbar  ia  more  reason- 


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570  APPENDIX. 

inquired  after  the  Temnant  of  the  stock  of  Magians ;  bat  all  their 
customs,  both  religioas  and  social,  are  of  the  Hiadd  stamp,  and 
their  only  peculiarity  consists  in  being  the  sole  caste  employed  in 
the  cultivation  of  mendhi  (Lawsonia  inermis).^ 

Note  D. 
On  the  hnotokdge  of  Sanskrit  by  Muhammadana. 

It  is  a  common  error  to  suppose  that  Faizi  (t.  p.  479)  was  the 
first'  Muhammadan  who  mastered  the  difficulties  of  the  Sanskrit, — 
that  language,  "of  wonderful  structure,  more  perfect  than  Greek, 
more  copious  than  Latin,  and  more  exquisitely  refined  than  either." 

Akbar's  freedom  from  religious  bigotry,  his  ardent  desire  for  the 
cultivation  of  knowledge,  and  his  encouragement  of  every  kind  of 

able,  inasmuch  as  it  can  be  attributed  to  gratitude,  and  is  not  opposed  to  the  doctrine 
of  transmigration ;  but  why  Muhammad  should  also  be  chosen,  whose  Totaries  have 
proved  the  most  unrelenting  persecutors  of  Hindlis,  can  only  be  ascribed  to  the 
marvellous  assimilating  powers  of  their  mental  digestion,  fostered  by  the  grossest 
credulity  and  ignorance  of  past  events,  which  can,  as  Milton  says,  "corporeal  to 
incorporeal  turn,"  and  to  that  indiscriminate  craving  after  adaptation,  which  induces 
them  even  now  to  present  their  offerings  at  the  shrines  of  Muhammadans,  whose 
only  title  to  saint  is  derived  from  the  fact  of  their  haying  despatched  hundreds  of 
infidel  and  accursed  Htnd&s  to  the  nethermost  pit  of  Hell. 

1  See  also  Shea  and  Troyer,  Dabistan,  vol.  i.  pp.  c.  cxxv.;  Asiatie  £etearcMs9, 
vol.  ix.  pp.  74,  81,  212,  vol.  xi.  p.  76,  vol.  xvi.  p.  16;  Dr.  Bird,  Joum,  jit.  Soe, 
Bombay,  no.  ix.  p.  186;  Rammohun  Roy,  Tranalation  of  the  Veds,  pp.  29,  73, 109- 
118;  Malcolm,  History  of  PersiOy  vol.  i.  pp.  488-494;  'V^ilson,  Vithnu  Ikrana, 
pp.  xl.  84,  397 ;  North  British  Review,  no.  ii.  p.  376 ;  Klaproth,  Memoires  Relatifs  a 
VAsie^  torn.  ii.  p.  81;  Ouseley,  Travels  in  Persia,  vol.  L  pp.  102-146;  Ritter, 
JErdkunde  von  Asien,  yol.  Iv.  pt  1,  pp.  489,  574,  614-619;  Rhode,  Beligiose  Bilduny 
der  Hindus,  vol  i.  p.  42,  vol.  ii.  p.  290;  Moor's  Hindu  Pantheon,  pp.  296-302; 
Colebrooke,  Miscellaneous  Essays,  vol.  i.  pp.  30,  149,  153,  188,  217 ;  F.  Creoxer, 
Symbolik  und  Mythologie,  vol.  i.  pp.  518-624 ;  Reinaud*s  Memoire  sur  rindSy  pasHm  ; 
Reinaud's  Fragments  Arabes  et  Persons,  p.  46 ;  Elphinstone's  History  of  India, 
vol.  i.  pp.  78,  90,  461-2,  471,  489;  Journal  of  the  Asiatic  Society  of  Bengal, 
1849,  pp.  105-7,  1852,  p.  447 ;  Journ.  Boy.  Asiatic  Society,  vol.  xii.  pp.  26,  27 ; 
Calcutta  Beview,  vol.  xxi.  p.  160,  vol.  xxv.  p.  45 ;  Grote's  Oreeee,  vol.  iv.  p.  299, 
vol.  V.  p.  397;  J.  H.  Hottingeri  Thesaurus  Philoloyieus  seu  Clavis  Scripturee,  1649, 
p.  56 ;  Buxtorf,  Lex,,  p.  704 ;  Mod,  Trav,  in  India,  vol.  i.  p.  146,  vol.  iv.  pp.  201 
to  206;  Tod,  vol.  i.  pp.  102,  112,  217,  232;  Fergusson's  Anc»  Arch,  Hind.,  p.  6; 
R.  S.  Poole's  Hora  Egyptiacte,  p.  206 ;  Cory's  Ancient  Fragments,  p.  272 ;  Maisey's 
Report  on  Sanehi  Topes,  Note  B ;  Cunningham's  BhUsa  Topes. 

*  Elphinstone's  History  of  India,  vol.  ii  p.  31 7 ;  Biographical  Dictionary,  L.  U.  K., 
vol  i.  p.  683;  Dow's  Hindoostan,  vol.  i,  p.  6;  Biiggs,  vol.  iv.  p.  461.  Gladwin 
mentions  translations  made  before  the  time  of  Akbar  in  the  Ain-i  AMmri,  voL  L 
p.  108,  vol.  ii.  p.  168. 


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KNOWLEDGE  OF  SANSKRIT  BY  MUHAMMADAN8.  571 

learning,  and  especially  his  regard  for  his  Hindu  suhjects,  imparted 
a  stimulns  to  the  cultivation  of  Indian  literature,  such  as  had  never 
prevailed  under  any  of  his  predecessors.  Hence,  besides  Faizi,  we 
have  amongst  the  Sanskrit  translators  of  his  reign  'Abdu-1  Eadir, 
Nakib  Ehan,  Mulla  Shah  Muhammad,  MuUa  Shabri,  Sultan  Haji, 
H£ji  Ibrahim,  and  others.  In  some  instances  it  may  admit  of  doubt, 
whether  the  translations  may  not  have  been  made  from  versions 
previously  done  into  Hindi,  oral  or  written.  The  word  Hindi  is 
ambiguous  when  used  by  a  Muhammadan  of  that  period.  Nizlmu-d 
din  Ahmad,  for  instance,  says  that  'Abdu-1  Kadir  translated  several 
works  from  the  Hindi,  Now,  we  know  that  he  translated,  amongst 
other  works,  the  Bdmdyana  and  the  Singhdsan  Battisi.^  It  is  much 
more  probable  that  these  were  in  the  original  Sanskrit,  than  in 
Hindi.  'Abdu-1  Eadir  and  Firishta  tell  us  that  the  Mahd-bhdrata 
was  translated  into  Persian  from  the  Hindi,  the  former'  ascribing 
the  work  chiefly  to  Nakib  Khan,  the  latter  to  Faizi.'  Here  again 
there  is  every  probability  of  the  Sanskrit  being  meant.  In  another 
instance,  'Abdu-1  Eadir  tells  us  that  he  was  called  upon  to  translate 
the  Atharva  Veda  from  the  Hindi,  which  he  excused  himself  from 
doing,  on  account  of  the  exceeding  difficulty  of  the  style  and  ab- 
struseness  of  meaning,  upon  which  the  task  devolved  upon  Haji 
Ibrahim  Sirhindi,  who  accomplished  it  satisfactorily.  Here  it  is 
evident  that  nothing  but  Sanskrit  could  have  been  meant*  But 
though  the  knowledge  of  Sanskrit  appears  to  have  been  more 
generally  diffused  at  this  time,  it  was  by  no  means  the  first  occasion 
that  Muhammadans  had  become  acquainted  with  that  language. 
Even  if  we  allowed  that  they  obtained  the  abridgment  of  the 
Fancha  Tantra,  under  the  name  of  Fables  of  Bidpai,  or  HitopadeSay 

1  [See  tuprdf  pp.  513  and  539.] 

'  His  account,  which  will  be  seen  at  p.  537,  is  very  oonfosed,  and  it  is  not  easy  to 
gather  from  it  what  share  each  of  the  coadjutors  had  in  the  translation.  The  same 
names  are  given  in  the  Ain-i  Akbari;  Sprenger's  Bibl.,  pp.  59,  63. 

s  The  author  of  the  Siyaru-l  Muta-akhkhirin  (vol.  i.)  ascribes  it  to  'Abdu-1  E&dir 
and  Shaikh  Muhammad  Sult&n  Th&nesari.  The  name  of  the  translator  is  not  men- 
tioned in  Abu-1  FazUs  preface,  but  the  work  is  said  to  have  been  done  by  ^verul 
men  of  both  religions. 

*  In  the  'Ashlka  and  Nuh-aipahr  of  Amir  Khusril  there  are  two  important  passages, 
showiog  that  in  the  former  Hindi  means  Sanskrit ;  and  Amir  Khusrii  in  the  same 
work  says  that  he  himself  had  a  knowledge  of  the  language. 


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572  APPENDIX. 

through  the  medium  of  the  Pehlevi,^  there  are  other  fiusts  which 
make  it  equally  oertain  that  the  Muhammadans  had  attained  a 
oorreot  knowledge  of  Hie  Sanskrit  not  long  after  the  establishment 
of  their  religion;  even  admitting,  aa  waa  probably  the  case,  that 
most  of  the  Arabio  translationB  were  made  by  Indian  foreigners 
resident  at  Baghdad, 

In  the  KhaUfaU  of  Al-Mam^  the  Augustan  age  of  Arabian 
literature,  the  treatise'  of  Muhammad  bin  Musaon  Algebra^  which 
was  translated  by  Dr.  Bosen  in  1831,  and  the  medical  treatises  of 
Mikah  and  Ibn  Dahan,  who  are  represented  to  be  In£ans,*  show 
that  Sanskrit  must  have  been  well  known  at  that  time ;  and  e^en 
before  that,  the  compilafcions  of  CharaJca  and  Susruta^  had  been 
translated,  and  had  diffused  a  general  knowledge  of  Indian  medicine 
amongst  the  Arabs.  From  the  -very  first,  we  find  them  paying 
particular  attention  to  this  branch  of  science,  and  encouraging  the 
profession  of  it  so  mucji,  that  two  Indians,  Manka  and  Salih  by 
name, — ^the  former  of  whom  translated  a  treatise  on  poison  into 
Persian, — ^held  appointments  as  body-physiciane  at  the  Court  of 
Har^nu-r  Bashid.'  The  Arabians  possessed  during  the  early  periods 
of  the  Khalifate  several  other  Indian  works  which  had  been  trans- 
lated into  Arabic,  some  on  astronomy,*  some  on  music,^  some  on 
judicial  astrology,^  some  on  interpretation  of  dreams,*  some  on  the 
religion  and  theogony  of  the  Hindus,**  some  on  their  sacred  scrip- 

^  See  Mteoire  prefixed  to  S.  de  Sacy's  editioa  of  Calilah  wa  Dimnahf  Paris,  1816. 
See  also  Biographie  UniverwUe,  torn.  xxi.  p.  471. 

*  Colebrooke,  MiaetUaneout  B»9ay$,  vol.  ii.  pp.  444-^00. 

s  BiographietU  Dietumary,  L.  XT.  K.,  vol.  ii.  p.  242. 

^  Diez,  Jnaleeta  MedieOy  pp.  126-140. 

^  Journal  of  Education^  vol.  viii.  p.  176 ;  Royle,  Antiquity  of  Hindk  Medicine^ 
p.  64 ;  Oriental  Mag,^  March,  1823 ;  D'Herbelot,  arts.  Ketab  al  Sanumm  and  Mangheh; 
Abtl-l  Faragii,  Hist.  Dynast,,  p^  238 ;  Dietz,  p.  124 ;  Price,  vol.  ii.  p.  88 ;  JBiop.  Die,^ 
L.  U.  E.,  vol.  ii.  p.  300 ;  Jottrn,  Soy,  As,  8oe,,  vol.  vi.  p.  107 ;  Reinand^a  AhonU 
fsday  vol.  i.  p.  42;  Rampoldi,  vol.  iv.  pp.  451,  478;  Mod,  Unio,  Hist,^  vol.  ii.  p.  155 ; 
Cosmos  (Sabine),  vol  ii.  notes  328,  340-1,  350-5-6 ;  WtLstenfeld,  Arab  Aitrtss,  p.  19 ; 
Kitter,  £rdkunde,  vol.  iv.  part  1,  pp.  529,  626. 

>  Casiri,  Bibliotheea  BseurialensiSf  vol.  L  p.  246. 

"^  Cariri,  ibid.,  p.  427. 

"  Hottingeri,  Frompluarium,  p.  254 ;  Bdnaad's  Aboulfeda,  voL  L  pp.  42,  46,  49. 

'  Casiri,  Bibliotheoa  Bseurialeniis,  vol.  i.  p.  401. 

10  Gieldemeister,  de  rebus  Indieis  Seriptt,  Arabb,,  pp.  104-119 ;  De  Qnignei,  M^m. 
de  VAeadem.  des  Inscr^t.,  torn.  zxvi.  p.  791  et  seq. 


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KNOWLEDGE  OF  SANSKRIT  BY  MUHAMMADANS.  573 

tnres,^  some  on  tiie  oaloolation  of  nativitieBy'  aome  on  agrioulture,' 
8ome  on  poisons/  some  on  physiognomy,^  and  some  on  palmistiry,* 
besides  others,  whioh  need  not  be  here  enumerated. 

If  we  turn  our  eyes  towards  India,  we  find  that  soaroely  had  these 
ruthless  conquerors  gained  a  footing  in  the  land,  than  Biruni 
exerted  himself  with  the  utmost  diligence  to  study  the  language, 
literature,  and  soienoe  of  India,  and  attained,  as  we  have  already 
seen,  such  proficiency  in  it,  as  to  be  able  to  translate  into,  as  well  as 
from,  the  Sanskrit  Muhammad  bin  Israil-al  Tanukhi  also  travelled 
early  into  India,  to  learn  the  system  of  astronomy  which  was  taught 
by  the  sages  of  that  country.^  There  seems,  however,  no  good 
authority  for  Abii-l  Fazl's  statement  in  the  Ain-i  Alcbcai,^  that  Abu 
Ma'shar  (Albumazar)  visited  Benares  at  an  earlier  period ; — and  the 
visit  of  Ibn*al  Baithar  to  India,  four  oenturies  afterwards,  rests 
solely  on  the  authority  of  Leo  Africanus.* 

Again,  when  Firoz  Shah,  after  the  capture  of  Nagarkot,  in  the 
middle  of  the  fourteenth  century,  obtained  possession  of  a  valuable 
Sanskrit  Library,  he  ordered  a  work  on  philosophy,  divination,  and 
omens  to  be  translated,  under  the  name  of  DaWl-i  Firaz-shdhiy  by 
Maulana  'Izzu-d  din  Khalid  Elhanf, — aud  to  have  enabled  the  trans- 
lator to  do  this,  he  must  have  acquired  no  slight  knowledge  of  the 
original,  before  his  selection  for  the  duty. 

In  the  Nawwab  Jalalu-d  daula's  Library  at  Lucknow,  there  is  a 
work  on  astrology,  also  translated  from  the  Sanskrit  into  Persian  in 
Firoz  Shah's  reign.  A  knowledge  of  Sanskrit  must  have  prevailed 
pretty  generally  about  this  time,  for  there  is  in  the  Boyal  Library 
at  Lucknow  a  work  on  the  veterinary  art,  which  was  translated 

^  D'  Herbelot,  Arts.  Jnb^kend,  Ambahoumatah,  Behtrgir.  See  also  K$tab  Mht^, 
KHab  Roi  ai  Sendif  and  seferal  other  articles  under  £Jetab,  Rampoldi,  •  toL  It. 
p.  328. 

*  Hfiji  KhAlfa,  ToL  L  p.  282;  Diiez,  AnakeU  Mtdiea^  p.  118 ;  D'Herbelot,  art 
Oaneah. 

*  GUdemeisteTi  iz. 

«  Dietz,  p.  118 ;  D'Herbelot,  Xetab  Roi  al  Smdu 

«  D'Herbelot,  Biblioth.  Or,,  torn.  It.  p.  725 ;  Dies,  AmOeeta  Medioa,  p.  117. 

«  H&ji  Khalfa,  Tol.i  p.  263. 

7  Casiri,  Bibl  Emtrial^  vol.  i.  p.  489. 

*  Akn-i  Akbari,  vol.  ii.  p.  288 ;  Oildemeister,  79. 

0  Hottingeri,  Bibl,  quadrup.  ap.  Gildemeister,  Seriptt.  Arabb,j  p.  80 ;  JIfod,  Univer, 
ffUt.f  ToL  IL  p.  274 ;  Beinand's  Aboulfeda,  yoI.  L  p.  55 ;  Mdmoire^  pp.  6, 289, 3 16, 336. 


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574  APPENDIX. 

from  the  Sanskrit  by  order  of  Ghiyasu-d  dm  Hdahammad  Shah 
KhilJL  This  rare  book,  caUed  Kurrutu-l  Mulk,  was  translated  as 
early  as  a.h.  783  (a.d.  1381),  from  an  original,  styled ^SdZofar,  which 
is  the  name  of  an  Indian,  who  is  said  to  have  been  a  Brahman,  and 
the  tutor  of  Susmta.  The  Preface  says  that  the  translation  was 
made  "  from  the  barbarous  Hindi  into  the  refined  Persian,  in  order 
that  there  may  be  no  more  need  of  a  reference  to  infidels."  It  is  a 
small  work,  comprising  only  41  pages  8vo.  of  13  lines,  and  the 
style  is  very  concise.  It  is  divided  into  eleven  chapters  and  thirty 
sections.  The  precise  age  of  this  work  is  doubtful,  because,  althangh 
it  is  plainly  stated  to  have  been  translated  in  a.h.  788,  yet  the 
reigning  prince  is  called  Sultan  Ghiydsu-d  din  Muhammad  Shah, 
son  of  Mahmud  Shah,  and  there  is  no  king  so  named  whose  reign 
exactly  corresponds  with  that  date.  The  nearest  is  6hiyasu-d  din 
Azim  Shdh  bin  Sikandar  Shah,  who  reigned  in  Bengal  from  a.h. 
769  to  775.*  If  Sultdn  Ghiydsu-d  din  Tughlik  be  i^eant,  it  should 
date  sixty  years  earlier,  and  if  the  King  of  Malwa  who  bore  that 
name  be  meant,  it  should  be  dated  100  years  later ;  any  way,  it  very 
much  precedes  the  reign  of  Akbar.^  The  translator  makes  no 
mention  in  it  of  the  work  on  the  same  subject,  which  had  been 
previously  translated  from  the  Sanskrit  into  Arabic  at  Baghdad, 
under  the  name  of  Kitdhu-l  Battarat, 

From  all  these  instances  it  is  evident  that  Faizi  did  not  occupy 
the  entirely  new  field  of  literature  for  which  he  usually  obtains 
credit'  The  same  error  seems  to  have  prevaded  the  history  of 
European  scholarship  in  Sanskrit     We  read  as  early  as  a.d.  1677, 

^  There  is  sometbing  respecting  this  reign  in  the  History  of  Mecca  which  relates 
■to  India,  and  shows  great  communication  between  Bengal  and  Arabia. 

2  It  18  curious,  that  without  any  allusion  to  this  work,  another  on  the  reterinazy 
art,  styled  Sdlotarij  and  said  to  comprise  in  the  Sanskrit  original  16,000  sloktUf  was 
translated  in  the  reign  of  Sh&h  Jah&n,  "  when  there  were  many  learned  men  who 
knew  Sanskrit,"  by  Saiyid  'Abdu-lla  Eh&n  Bah&dur  Firoz  Jang,  who  had  found  it 
amongst  some  other  Sanskrit  books,  which  during  his  expedition  against  Mew&r,  in 
the  reign  of  Jabkngir,  had  been  plundered  from  Amar  Singh,  R6.n6.  of  Chitor,  and 
<*  one  of  the  chief  zaminddrs  of  the  hill-country.*'  It  is  diTided  into  tweWe  chapten, 
and  is  more  than  double  the  size  of  the  other. 

'  Faizf^s  Lildvati  has  many  omissions,  and  the  translation  in  some  passages  departs 
BO  far  from  the  original  '<  as  induces  the  suspicion  that  Faizi  contented  himself  with 
writing  down  the  Yerbal  explanation  afforded  by  his  assistants." — Dr.  Taylor^s 
Lildvatly  p.  2. 


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KNOWLEDGE  OF  SANSKRIT  BY  MUHAMMADANS.  575 

of  Mr.  Marshall's  being  a  proficient  in  the  langaage,  and  without 
mentioning  the  dabions  names  of  Anqaetil  du  Perron  ^  and  Father 
Paolino,^  others  oonld  be  named,  who  preceded  in  this  arduous  path 
the  celebrated  scholars  of  the  present  period.  Thus,  Holwell  says 
that  he  read  and  understood  Sanskrit,  and  P.  Pons,  the  Jesuit  (1740), 
knew  the  language.  In  such  an  inquiry  as  this  also  must  not  be 
omitted  the  still  more  important  evidence  afforded  by  the  Mujmalu't 
TawdHkh,  from  which  Extracts  have  been  given  in  Vol.  I.  p.  100* 

^  See  Oetehiehie  der  Fhihsophie^  vol.  i.  p.  412 ;  Edinb,  Sev.f  vol.  i.  p.  75 ;  Heeren's 
Eutorieal  Jiesearchea,  toL  ii.  p.  129,  and  Calcutta  Review^  Tol.  xxir.  p.  471. 

'  BoUen  speaks  of  his  OrOmmatiea  Samseredamieaf  Rom.  1790,  as  "  foil  of  the 
groesest  blunders ; "  Sir  William  Jones  designates  him  as  *<  homo  trium  litterariMn," 
and  Leyden  is  even  less  complimeDtary  in  his  strictures :  *'  The  publication  of  his 
Vyaearana,  Bom.  1804,  has  giTen  a  death-blow  to  his  Taunted  pretensions  to  profound 
Oriental  learning,  and  shown,  as  was  preyiously  suspected,  that  he  was  incapable  of 
accurately  distinguishing  Sanskrit  from  the  yemacular  languages  of  India.  Equally 
superficial,  inaccurate,  and  virulent  in  his  invective,  a  critic  of  his  own  stamp  would 
be  tempted  to  retort  on  him  his  own  quotation  from  Ennius : — 

Simia  quam  similis  turpissima  bestia  vobis.'* 
See  Dob  alte  Indimi  vol.  ii.  p.  471 ;  As,  Jtea,,  vol.  x.  p.  278 ;  Joum,  Atiatigue,  torn.  ii. 
p.  216  ;  Heeren,  Mister,  Rea.,  vol.  ii.  p.  108  ;  M.  Abel-R^musat,  Now,  Mil,  Asiat.^ 
tom.  ii.  pp.  305-315;  Quart.  Or,  Mag.,,  vol.  iv.  p.  158. 


[Addition  to  the  note  on  the  Autobiography  of  Timtir  in  Vol.  IV.  p.  559. 

Since  the  publication  of  Vol.  IV.,  I  have  had  access  to  a  copy  of  the  first  volume 
of  the  Afatla^u-a  Sa'dain  belonging  to  Professor  Cowell ;  but  I  have  not  discovered 
in  it  any  reference  to  the  works  from  which  the  author  drew  his  life  of  Timtfr. 

Timor's  "  Testament  **  is  given  in  the  Zafar-ndma,  so  the  statement  in  p.  562 
of  VoL  IV.  requires  correction. — J.  D.] 


END  OF  VOL.  V. 


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